Features
Esmond reveals JR’s offer of foreign ministry to Mrs. B
Bombshell disclosure to Madam Chou in China
Excerpted from volume two of Sarath Amunugama’s autobiography
I had always followed developments in Communist China with great interest. I recalled the helpless and feeble Christian missionaries who had been expelled after Mao’s victory, who spoke to us during Trinity College assemblies. Though they had left China on the orders of the new Government these missionaries spoke kindly of the Communists whose dedication to improving the lives of the humble Chinese peasant was admired.
The missionaries told us that the Communist cadres were honest and were improving the living conditions of the poverty stricken villagers. Later as Director of Information I had moved closely with the Chinese and Vietnamese Ambassadors whose low key efforts to counter the “black propaganda” of the West that had demonized them were highly effective.
When I studied in Canada my radical professors were admirers of China, having being disillusioned by the growing entente between the USA and the geriatric leaders of the then USSR. Many of them with their ultra radicalism were unabashed supporters of the hardliners of the ‘Cultural Revolution’. The Monthly Review published in New York was the mouth piece of these radicals and was circulated widely during that time.
My own Professor and friend Dallas Walker Smythe, who was a young economist in the US Board of Trade promoting Roosevelt’s ‘New Deal’, had been sacked after the McCarthy hearings. He became an admirer of the Chinese path to communism. Naturally therefore I looked forward to this visit (to China on China’s invitation of a press delegation from here) and became a close confidant of Esmond (Wickremesinghe who led the delegation) who had leftist antecedents and could empathize with the new developments taking place in China after the fall of the ‘Gang of Four’.
The other members of our delegation, though they were important media leaders were not very interested in the gigantic political upheavals that were going on behind the scenes. A key signal which was lost on them, but not Esmond and me, was that Madame Deng Ying Chao, the revered wife of Chou En Lai, was to be the high level dignitary who was to supervise our visit and dine and wine us at the Great Hall of the People. This was a great honour indeed and showed the keenness of the Chinese administration in normalizing relations with the JRJ regime which had swept their favourite Sri Lankan personality, Mrs, Bandaranaike, out of power. I shall describe our interactions With Madame Deng later.
Looking back, I find that the Chinese had several objectives in planning this visit. The first was obviously to send the message that the lunacy of the Cultural Revolution was now over and they were willing to do normal business through international procedures with the new government. Secondly they were keen to show us that the new path advocated by leaders Hua Gua Feng and Deng Mao Ping was to promote industries and agriculture by the gradual introduction of private enterprise.
Our schedule of visits Included travel to reformed communes and new factories producing consumer goods. The trip to a ‘show commune’ helped us to understand the new policy of freeing the peasants from control of rural cooperatives. Whereas earlier the total produce of the communal farms were taken over by the state in order to achieve the targets set out for their region by the planning commission, the Deng reforms gave small plots of land to the peasants to be farmed on an individual basis.
What we saw was that while the state farms were undeveloped and barely reached the targets set for them, the private lots were farmed round the clock by the peasants as they could now retain the surplus. This led to a massive increase in production which had earlier declined under the ideological mayhem created by the Cultural Revolution. This so called revolution had led to massive starvation and famines which were unprecedented in modern times.
Now due to the increase in production small markets were emerging where the more enterprising farmers could sell or barter their surplus. We saw farmers bringing pingo loads of piglets to be sold in those markets which were emblematic of the beginning of private enterprise. As a result of this opening to private incentives the more enterprising workers were getting richer while the party functionaries who had earlier siphoned off a part of the produce in exchange for monitoring production quotas, were becoming redundant. Consequent to the increase in domestic agricultural production farmers were eating better and the famine caused by the ‘Cultural Revolution’ was overcome.
Gang of Four
Because of the practical benefits of liberalization there was a wave of revulsion against the ideologically inflexible ‘Gang of Four’ who were close to Mao. They were convicted after a trial and were in custody when we were in China. Their conduct was condemned by Madame Chou En Lai in her discussions with us. She began the discussion by mentioning the affection that Premier Chou had for Sri Lanka which he had visited twice.
He had been accompanied by Foreign Minister Chen Yi who had been a close friend of the Chou family from the days of struggle against Chiang Kai Shek. However, the Premier, and Chen Yi in particular, had been badly treated by the Gang of Four. She was thankful to Sri Lanka for the concern shown about the Premier in his last days .He had enjoyed the mango fruits that had been sent to him in hospital by Mrs. Bandaranaike.
Then she broached a subject which was presented with great tact. While complimenting the new government she wished to say that they were concerned to see that no personal harm should come to Mrs. Bandaranaike. Esmond with his diplomatic training, immediately put Madame Chou at ease by dropping a bombshell which surprised even us. He said that far from harming Mrs. B, the new President JRJ had offered to make her the Foreign Minister in his Cabinet.
Esmond himself had carried the message from the President to Mrs. B, but she had declined and said that another senior from her party, perhaps Maithripala Senanayake, could be nominated instead. All this was news to the media moguls themselves who were shocked while Esmond went on to discuss JRJ’s political secrets with great aplomb.
Our hostess then replied that she was greatly relieved by Esmond’s assurances and wanted to thank the President for it. Then she guided us to a banquet hall in the Great Hall complex where a 10-course Chinese lunch awaited us. The lunch proceeded with Madame and senior Chinese officials going round the table exchanging toasts with all of us. It was an exquisitely choreographed event. After lunch, like her legendary husband, our hostess dispensed with protocol and personally walked us down the many steps to the waiting cars and wished each one goodbye.
It was a memorable occasion which was recreated several times later when I was part of the official delegation of our President or Prime Minister visiting China on a high level tour. With President Mahinda Rajapaksa I met Hu Jin Tao and with Premier Ranil Wickremesinghe I met Me Jin Ping. On both those latter occasions we were treated with the same courtesy. Since they were the highest state banquets, a navy band played Chinese and Sri Lankan songs while we ate and drank.
Special mention must be made of the fiery Maotai thimblefuls which after many toasts had our heads reeling. This inebriation vanished when we stepped out to the bitterly cold Beijing air to get to our cars.Our Ambassador in China at that time was a senior Foreign Service officer ‘Charlie’ Mahendran. He entertained us right royally in his residence.
I felt quite at home because Charlie had read history at Peradeniya and his charming wife Mohana Coomaraswamy was my contemporary at the University. They were the parents of Arjuna Mahendran of the celebrated Bond scam which spelt the end of the political career of Ranil, Esmond’s son, when he crashed to a humiliating defeat in 2019. It also marked the end of the UNP as a credible party in the country.
My Notes
While going through my old papers recently I came across the notes I had made during my China tour. These notes were written up on the same day of the events described. They may be useful to the students of Chinese history of the immediate period following the Cultural Revolution since such eyewitness accounts are rare and now hard to come by. Our visit was undertaken when the `Gang’ had been defeated by the government of Hua Gua Feng.
Deng Xiaoping was still not in full control. It was only a short time later that he would effect a sea change in the CCP’s policies. But this was a period of transition when the liberalization policies were being introduced for the first time. The old ‘long march’ leaders were preparing a new economic agenda.
Madame Deng [Wife of Chou En Lai]
“We were asked to remain in the hotel lobby within reach of a telephone and to expect a call from the Great Hall of the People [GHP]. Exactly at 10.30 a call comes through and we are bundled into our cars to drive straight to the GHR Officials accompanying us are all very excited and full of anticipation as it was a rare privilege for them to go to a ceremony like this and interact with a national leader. As we enter, Madame Deng is at the entrance to the large lobby. She is very gracious and has a word with every member of the delegation. She is full of smiles and witticisms which are immediately translated for us. Laughter brightens her eyes. The face is very wrinkled showing her age. A group photograph is to be taken in the lobby.
Arrangements are going like clockwork with senior officials now assembling In the lobby. Deng briskly moves over to a stage and poses for photos with the delegation. After picture taking we are led into a spacious room for a discussion. Deng shuffles up to the main chair sits and motions for all of us to sit in the designated seats.
She looks elegant and a cut above the officials. Wears fashionable ankle length suede boots and a well cut serge trouser suit. Looks like a friendly grandmother. She asks whether we are comfortable and well looked after. Wants us to be careful not to catch a cold in the Beijing air. Refers to her visit to Sri Lanka. It is a beautiful country with gracious people who are friends of China.
Then she talks about the conditions in China and criticizes the ‘Gang of Four’. She asks for our itinerary from the officials and studies it. Says it is good to visit Shanghai and the other cities. She jokes with our Ambassador Mahendran saying that he knows China very well and recalls that she attended our national day party at his invitation earlier that year.
We asked about Premier Chou and she referred to the Non-aligned conference in Bandung. [Perhaps a subtle dig at Esmond who was active in Bandung as an advisor to (Sir John) Kotelawala who followed a pro-American line there]. She also referred to the Rice—Rubber deal which was so important for China at that time. It came at a very difficult time for China and that gesture would therefore never be forgotten by the Chinese people.
She then went on to explain what had happened in China recently after the Cultural Revolution. Recalling the role of her husband Chou she said that he played a role in the Nanking uprising. Today the Peoples Liberation Army flag and the army cap have the inscription I\8 on them denoting the date of the uprising.
Mao called it the first revolutionary military attack on the KMT of Chiang kai-Shek. The Gang of Four and Lin Piao wanted that inscription removed. But Mao would not allow it. Chairman Mao’s theoretical positions were always better than theirs [Chou and hers] when they were young. Mao changed the strategy of the Chinese Revolution. He depended on the countryside and finally captured the cities. She wanted us to visit Changshan. There is a saying that, “As long as the red flag flies in Changshan’s mountain, the Chinese revolution will go on from generation to generation”. That was the first base area of the Communists.
Then she referred to the ‘Gang of Four’ who had not only hounded her husband to death but also hindered the growth of the country in the name of ideological purity. Hers was an important statement about the activities of the group which was then shrouded in secrecy. She said that, “The Gang tried to distort the history of the Chinese revolution and disrupt the working of the country. Since their fall 18 months ago there have been many great achievements in China and many of the misdeeds of the Gang of Four had been exposed. The fifth National Congress and the 11th party meeting had decreed that the exposure of their misdeeds is still a major task. There is a Chinese saying that “it is better to see once than to hear a hundred times”.
Features
Peace march and promise of reconciliation
The ongoing peace march by a group of international Buddhist monks has captured the sentiment of Sri Lankans in a manner that few public events have done in recent times. It is led by the Vietnamese monk Venerable Thich Pannakara who is associated with a mindfulness movement that has roots in Vietnamese Buddhist practice and actively promoted among diaspora communities in the United States. The peace march by the monks, accompanied by their mascot, the dog Aloka, has generated affection and goodwill within the Buddhist and larger community. It follows earlier peace walks in the United States where monks carried a similar message of mindfulness and compassion across communities but without any government or even media patronage as in Sri Lanka.
This initiative has the potential to unfold into an effort to nurture a culture of peace in Sri Lanka. Such a culture is necessary if the country as the country prepares to move beyond its history of conflict towards a more longlasting reconciliation and a political solution to its ethnic and religious divisions. The government’s support for the peace march can be seen as part of a broader attempt to shape such a culture. The Clean Sri Lanka programme, promoted by the government as a civic responsibility campaign focused on environmental cleanliness, ethical conduct and social discipline, provides a useful framework within which such initiatives can be situated. Its emphasis on collective responsibility and shared public space makes it sit well with the values that peacebuilding requires.
government’s previous plan to promote a culture of peace was on the occasion of “Sri Lanka Day” celebrations which were scheduled to take place on December 12-14 last year but was disrupted by Cyclone Ditwah. The Sri Lanka Day celebrations were to include those talented individuals from each and every community at the district level who had excelled in some field or the other, such as science, business or arts and culture and selected by the District Secretariats in each of the 25 districts. They were to gather in Colombo to engage in cultural performances and community-focused exhibitions. The government’s intention was to build up a discourse around the ideas of unity in diversity as a precursor to addressing the more contentious topics of human rights violations during the war period, and issues of accountability and reparations for wrongs suffered during that dark period.
Positive Response
The invitation to the international monks appears to have emerged from within Buddhist religious networks in Sri Lanka that have long maintained links with the larger international Buddhist community. The strong support extended by leading temples and clergy within the country, including the Buddhists Mahanayakes indicates that this was not an isolated effort but one that resonated with the mainstream Buddhist establishment. Indeed, the involvement of senior Buddhist leaders has been particularly noteworthy. A Joint Declaration for Peace in the world, drawing on Sri Lanka’s own experience, and by the Mahanayakes of all Buddhist Chapters took place in the context of the ongoing peace march at the Gangaramaya Temple in Colombo, with participation from the diplomatic community. The declaration, calling for compassion, dialogue and sustainable peace, reflects an effort by religious leadership to assert a moral voice in favour of coexistence.
The popular response to the peace march has also been striking. Large numbers of people have been gathering along the route, offering flowers, water and support to the monks. Schoolchildren have been lining the roads, and communities from different religious backgrounds extend hospitality. On the way, the monks were hosted by both a Hindu temple and a mosque, where food and refreshments were provided. These acts, though simple, carry a message about the possibility of harmony among Sri Lanka’s diverse communities. It helps to counter the perception that the Buddhist community in Sri Lanka is inherently nationalist and resistant to minority concerns that was shaped during the decades of war and reinforced by political mobilisation that too often exploited ethnic identity.
By way of contrast, the peace march offers a different image. It shows a readiness among ordinary people to embrace values of compassion and coexistence that are deeply embedded in Buddhist teaching. The Metta Sutta, one of the most well-known discourses in Buddhism, calls for boundless goodwill towards all beings. It states that one should cultivate a mind that is “boundless towards all beings, free from hatred and ill will.” This emphasis on universal compassion provides a moral foundation for peace that extends beyond national or ethnic boundaries. The monks themselves emphasised this point repeatedly during the walk. Venerable Thich Pannakara reminded those who gathered that while acts of generosity are commendable, mindfulness in everyday life is even more important. He warned that as people become unmindful, they are more prone to react with anger and hatred, thereby contributing to conflict.
More Initiatives
The presence of political leaders at key moments of the march has emphasised the significance that the government attaches to the event. Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya paid her respects to the peace march monks in Kandy, while President Anura Kumara Dissanayake is expected to do so at the conclusion of the march in Colombo. Such gestures signal an alignment between political authority and moral aspiration, even if the translation of that aspiration into policy remains a work in progress. At the same time, the peace march has not been without its shortcomings. The walk did not engage with the Northern and Eastern parts of the country, regions that were most affected by the war and where the need for reconciliation is most acute. A more inclusive geographic reach would have strengthened the symbolic impact of the initiative.
In addition, the positive impact of the peace march could have been increased if more effort had been taken to coordinate better with other civic and religious groups and include them in the event. Many civil society and religious harmony groups who would have liked to participate in the peace march found themselves unable to do so. There was no place in the programme for them to join. Even government institutions tasked with promoting social cohesion and reconciliation found themselves outside the loop. The Clean Sri Lanka Task Force that organised the peace march may have felt that involving other groups would have made it more complicated to organise the events which have proceeded without problems.
The hope is that the positive energy and goodwill generated by this peace march will not dissipate but will instead inspire further initiatives with the requisite coordination and leadership. The march has generated public discussion, drawn attention to the values of mindfulness and compassion, and created a space in which people can imagine a different future. It has been a special initiative among the many that are needed to build a culture of peace. A culture of peace cannot be imposed from above nor can it emerge overnight. It needs to be nurtured through multiple efforts across society, including education, religious engagement, civic initiatives and political reform. It is within such a culture that the more difficult questions of power sharing, justice and reconciliation can be addressed in a constructive manner.
by Jehan Perera
Features
Regional Universities
The countryside and peripheral regions have been neglected in the national imagination for many decades. This has also been the case with regional universities which were seen as mere appendages to the university system, and sometimes created to appease political constituencies in the regions. The exclusion of the rural world and the institutions in those regions was not accidental nor inevitable, but the consequence of conscious policies promoted under an extractive and exploitative global order. Neoliberalism globalisation, initiated in the late 1970s with far-reaching policies of free trade and free flow of capital, or the “open economy,” as we call it in Sri Lanka, is now dying. The United States and the Western countries that promoted neoliberalism, as a class project of finance capital to address the falling profits during the long economic downturn in the 1970s, are themselves reversing their policies and are at loggerheads with each other. However, those economic processes will continue to have national consequences into the future.
At the heart of such policies is the neoliberal city, which has become the centre of the economy with expanding financial businesses and a real estate boom. Such financialised cities also had their impact on universities, in lower income countries, where commercialised education with high fees, rising student debt, research for businesses and transnational educational linkages with branch campuses of Western universities, have become a reality.
In the case of Sri Lanka, while neoliberal policies began with the IMF and World Bank Structural Adjustment Programmes, in the late 1970s, the long civil war forestalled the accelerated growth of the neoliberal city. I have argued, over the last decade and a half, that it is with the end of the civil war, in 2009, coinciding with the global financial crisis, that a second wave of neoliberalism in Sri Lanka led to global finance capital being absorbed in infrastructure and real estate in Colombo. The transformation of Colombo into a neoliberal city was overseen by Gotabaya Rajapaksa as Defence Secretary with even the Urban Development Authority brought under the security establishment. While Colombo was drastically changing with a skyline of new buildings and shiny luxury vehicles drawing on massive external debt, there were also moves to promote private higher education institutions. The Board of Investment (BOI) registered many hundred so-called higher education institutions; these were not regulated and many mushroomed like supermarkets and disappeared in no time when they incurred losses.
In contrast to these so-called private higher education institutions that proliferated in and around Colombo, Sri Lanka, drawing on its free education system, has, over the last many decades, also created a number of state universities in peripheral regions. However, these regional universities lack adequate funding and a clear vision and purpose. The current conjuncture with the neoliberal global order unravelling, and the immediate global crisis in energy and transport are grim reminders of the importance of local economies and self-sufficiency. In this column I consider the role of our regional universities and their relationship to the communities within which they are embedded.
Regional context
The necessity and the advantage of robust public services is their reach into peripheral regions and marginalised communities. This is true of public transport, as it is with public hospitals. Private buses will always avoid isolated rural routes as their margins only increase on the busy routes between cities and towns. And private hospitals and clinics flock to the cities to extract from desperate patients, including by unscrupulous doctors who divert patients in public hospitals to be served in the private health facilities they moonlight. Similarly, it is affluent cities and towns that are the attraction for private educational institutions.
Public institutions, including universities, can only ensure their public role if they are adequately funded. Over the last decade and a half, with falling allocations for education, our state universities have been pushed into initiating fee levying courses, both at the post-graduate level and also for undergraduate international students. These programmes are seen as avenues to decrease the dependence of universities on budgetary support. However, the reality is that it is only universities in Colombo that can draw in students capable of paying such high fees. Furthermore, such fee levying courses end up pushing academics into overwork including by offering additional income.
Therefore, allocations for underfunded regional universities need to be steadily increased. Housing facilities and other services for academics working in rural districts would ensure their continued presence and greater engagement with the local communities. Increased time away from teaching and research funding earmarked for community engagement will provide clear direction for academics. Indeed, such funding with a clear vision and role for regional universities can provide considerable social returns. In a time when repeated crises are affecting our society, agricultural production to bolster our food system as well as rural income streams and employment are major issues. Here, regional universities have an important role today in developing social and economic alternatives.
Reimagining development
In recent months, there have been interesting initiatives in the Northern Province, where the Universities of Jaffna and Vavuniya have been engaging state institutions on issues of development. In an initiative to bring different actors together, high level meetings have been convened between the staff of the Agriculture Faculty and officials of the Provincial Agriculture Ministry to figure out solutions for long pending agricultural problems. Similar meetings have also been organised between provincial authorities and the Faculties of Technology and Engineering in Kilinochchi. These initiatives have led to academics engaging communities and co-operatives on their development needs, particularly in formulating new development initiatives and activating idle projects and assets in the region. Such engagement provides opportunities for academics to share their knowledge and skills while learn from communities about challenges that lead to new problems for research.
One of the most rewarding engagements I have been part of is an internship programme for the Technology Faculty of the University of Jaffna, where four batches of final year students, from food technology, green farming and automobile specialities, have been placed for six months within the co-operative movement through the Northern Co-operative Development Bank. This initiative has created a strong relationship between the Technology Faculty and the co-operative movement, with a number of former students now working fulltime in co-operative ventures. They are at the centre of developing solutions for rural co-operatives, including activating idle factories and ensuring quality and standards for their products.
I refer to these concrete initiatives because universities’ role in research and development in Sri Lanka, as in most other countries, are often narrowly conceived to be engagement with private businesses. However, for rural regions, the challenge, even with technological development, is the generation of appropriate technologies that can serve communities.
In Sri Lanka, we have for long emulated the major Western universities and in the process lost sight of the needs of our own youth and communities. Rethinking the development of our universities may have to begin with an understanding of the real challenges and context of our people. Our universities and their academics, if provided with a progressive vision and adequate resources and time to engage their communities, have the potential to address the many economic and social challenges that the next decade of global turmoil is bound to create.
Ahilan Kadirgamar is a political economist and Senior Lecturer, University of Jaffna.
(Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies)
by Ahilan Kadirgamar
Features
‘Disco Lady’ hitmaker now doing it for Climate Change
The name Alston Koch is generally associated with the hit song ‘Disco Lady.’ Yes, he has had several other top-notch songs to his credit but how many music lovers are aware that Alston is one of the few Asian-born entertainers using music for climate advocacy, since 2008.
He is back in the ‘climate change’ scene, with SUNx Malta, to celebrate Earth Day 2026, with the release of ‘A Symphony for Change’ – a vibrant Dodo4Kids video by Alston.
The inspiring musical video highlights ocean conservation and empowers children as future climate champions, honouring Maurice Strong’s legacy through education, creativity, and global collaboration for a sustainable planet.
The four-minute animated musical, composed and performed by platinum award-winning artiste Alston Koch, brings to life a resurrected Dodo, guiding children on a mission to clean up marine environments.
With a catchy melody and an uplifting message, the video blends entertainment with education—making climate awareness accessible and engaging for the next generation.
SUNx Malta is a Climate Friendly Travel system, focused on transforming the global tourism sector that is low-carbon, SDG-linked, and nature-positive.
Professor Geoffrey Lipman, President of SUNx Malta, described the project as a joyful collaboration with purpose:
“It’s always a pleasure to produce music with Alston for the good of our planet. And this time, to incorporate our Dodo4Kids in the video urging the next generation of young climate champions to help save our seas.”
For Alston, now based in Australia, the collaboration continues a long-standing journey of climate-focused creativity:
Says Alston: “I have been working on climate songs since the first release, in 2009, of the video ‘Act Now.’ Since then, I’ve performed at major global events—from Bali to Glasgow. I wrote this song because the climate horizon is darkening, and our kids and grandkids are our best hope for a brighter future.”
Alston’s very first climate song is ‘Can We Take This Climate Change,’ released in 2008.
It was written by Alston for the World Trade Organisation presentation, in London, and presented at ‘Live the Deal Climate Change’ conference in Copenhagen.
The Sri Lankan-born singer was goodwill ambassador for the campaign, and the then UK Minister Barbara Follett called it a “gift in song to the world suffering due to climate change.”
Alston said he wrote it after noticing butterflies, birds, and fruit trees disappearing from his childhood days.
In 2017, his creation ‘Make a Change’ was released in connection with World Tourism Day 2017.
Alston Koch’s work on climate advocacy is pretty inspiring, especially as climate change is now creating horrifying problems worldwide, and in Sri Lanka, too.
Alston also indicated to us that he has plans to visit Sri Lanka, sometime this year, and, maybe, even plan out a date for an Alston Koch special … a concert, no doubt.
Can’t wait for it!
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