Opinion
A pizza, half-baked, was Gorbachev’s legacy
As Mikhail Gorbachev, the last leader of the Soviet Union passed away, a remarkable Pizza Hut advert filmed in 1997 resurfaced. In the ad, Gorbachev walked alongside his granddaughter across Moscow’s famous Red Square and entered a Pizza Hut
BYATANU BISWAS
As Mikhail Gorbachev, the last leader of the Soviet Union passed away, a remarkable Pizza Hut advert filmed in 1997 resurfaced. In the ad, Gorbachev walked alongside his granddaughter across Moscow’s famous Red Square and entered a Pizza Hut. The other customers quickly took notice of his arrival, and two men got engaged in a fierce debate over Gorbachev’s legacy. Gorbachev’s detractor accused him of bringing about ‘economic confusion’, ‘political instability’, and ‘complete chaos’ while his supporter praised him for introducing ‘opportunity’, ‘freedom’, and ‘hope’. “Thanks to him, we have Pizza Hut!” the thankful restaurant visitors cheered in the closing shots, acknowledging that Russia’s path towards modernization was unleashed by Gorbachev.
Well, is that Gorbachev’s legacy? Even a quarter of a century after that ad was aired? It should be remembered that somebody named Vladimir Putin didn’t capture control of the power corridors of the Kremlin when this pizza ad was made.
Putin would come to the helm of Russia on the first day of this millennium and his iron grip has now spanned 23 years and continues. Senior Russian journalist Alexei Venediktov, of course, said at the end of this July that Gorbachev was ‘upset’ his reforms had been destroyed by the tyrannical Putin. Interestingly, the duration of Gorbachev’s regime was brief – less than seven years, from 1985 to 1991, until the collapse of the Soviet Union.
But he certainly emerged as the most influential world leader in the second half of the twentieth century. As UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres said, he “changed the course of history”. Many Russians blame Gorbachev for the collapse of the Soviet Union and an uncomfortable period of rapid socio-economic transformation and years of turmoil.
It’s highly possible that Putin, a hardline proponent of Russian supremacy, endorses that view too. Putin, of course, said Gorbachev had ‘a huge impact in the course of history’ – an impact he himself is undoing with utmost effort. Some in Russia even think Gorbachev had deliberately led the Soviet Union to its demise.
However, history would tell us that Gorbachev didn’t want to dissolve the Soviet Union, rather he was compelled to do so in 1991 after a shambolically organized coup by communist hardliners failed. Well, some like the above-mentioned Pizza Hut customer are still there in Russia who hail him for affording them the freedom to express opinions, and also economic freedom that most Russians had never previously experienced.
After taking power in 1985, Gorbachev introduced reforms and opened the Soviet Union to the world. Within no time, in 1986, Gorbachev stunned American President Ronald Reagan at a summit in Reykjavik, Iceland, by proposing to eliminate all long-range missiles held by the United States and the Soviet Union.
The end of the Cold War thus began. Gorbachev then refused to intervene when eastern European nations rose against their Communist rulers, and also marked the end of the bloody Soviet war in Afghanistan that had raged since 1979.
That would certainly not mark the end of the Afghan problem, but that’s another issue that Gorbachev couldn’t foresee. After initially vacillating, he admitted to the 1986 Chernobyl disaster. In 1988, he unilaterally drew down Warsaw Pact forces in Europe without waiting for a reciprocal agreement with NATO nations. No wonder he is seen in the West as an architect of reform who triggered the end of the Cold War. Former British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher called him “a man one can do business with”. And he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1990 “for the leading role he played in the radical changes in East-West relations”.
Let’s look back to the pizza ad. Gorbachev’s most ambitious plan was to change the age-old Soviet lifestyle through his efforts to revitalize the Soviet Union’s economy through ‘perestroika’ (meaning restructuring), its society through ‘glasnost’ (meaning openness), and its politics through ‘demokratizatsiya’ (meaning democratization). Certainly, ‘perestroika’ sought to introduce market-like reforms to the state-run system in the struggling Soviet economy. And ‘glasnost’ did allow people to criticize the government in a previously unthinkable way. “I began these reforms, and my guiding stars were freedom and democracy, without bloodshed. So, the people would cease to be a herd led by a shepherd.
They would become citizens,” Gorbachev said later. The success of Gorbachev’s over-ambitious policies should not be judged in the short term though. One may judge it from the perspective of present-day Russia – just after three decades of the disintegration of the Soviet Union. What about democracy in Russia after 1991? During an interview with CNN’s Christiane Amanpour in 2012, Gorbachev thought Russian democracy was ‘alive’ but added: “That it is ‘well’… not so. I am alive, but I can’t say that I’m fine.”
He explained that the “institutions of democracy are not working efficiently in Russia, because ultimately they are not free.” What Gorbachev didn’t explicitly say was that Russia could never experience democracy in the true sense of the term, except possibly the brief drunken regime of Boris Yeltsin which can be treated as something close to democracy.
Incidentally, Gorbachev ran for the presidency in 1996 and ended up getting only 0.5 per cent of the vote share. In fact, Gorbachev’s attempt to democratize the Soviet Union was possibly more ambitious than his other projects. For centuries Russia was ruled by the Tsars – remaining geographically and politically far away from the heart of Europe and its renaissance. Living under the Tsarist regime may, thus, be inscribed within the mindset of the society a bit. Gorbachev, certainly, was a great reformer. But he was a reformer in a hurry. He intended to change a lot – in the basics of the society, economy, and political system of the Soviet Union – within a very short period of time.
It was seen that the stagnant, congealed Soviet society and its systems and mindset were not ready to involve all these within a blink. The legacy of Tsarist Russia, certainly, continued in the USSR regime, and that could eventually produce another Tsar in the form of Putin.
Gorbachev couldn’t foresee it. And that’s his biggest failure. Gorbachev was overtaken by events and people within the power corridors of Moscow that formulated the basis for the collapse of the Soviet Union. Gorbachev’s legacy, thus, should be judged along with Putin’s regime, the Ukraine invasion, and a new cold war that is brewing in the present world. Is Gorbachev like Prince Abimanyu of Mahabharata who entered the Chakrabyuha with a mission of reforming the Soviet Union? But, still, few leaders have had a more profound effect on the global order than Gorbachev did. His policies, his idea of ‘glasnost’, certainly could reshape the lives of millions in East Europe, Asia, and the world.
I personally feel that the fall of the Berlin wall, glasnost and perestroika, the end of the cold war, and the disintegration of the Soviet Union were the most important international events that not only did change the world order but also shaped our outlook towards life during our most important formative years, that is in our college days. And I always wondered to what extent Gorbachev’s policy influenced even the economic reform in India in the early 1990s. The slice of pizza offered by Mikhail Gorbachev was tasteful for millions worldwide. But, in Russia, the pizza remained tempting yet half-baked. Alas!
(The Statesman/ANN)
Opinion
Thoughts for Unduvap Poya
Unduvap Poya, which falls today, has great historical significance for Sri Lanka, as several important events occurred on that day but before looking into these, as the occasion demands, our first thought should be about impermanence. One of the cornerstones of Buddha’s teachings is impermanence and there is no better time to ponder over it than now, as the unfolding events of the unprecedented natural disaster exemplify it. Who would have imagined, even a few days ago, the scenes of total devastation we are witnessing now; vast swathes of the country under floodwaters due to torrential rain, multitudes of earth slips burying alive entire families with their hard-built properties and closing multiple trunk roads bringing the country to a virtual standstill. The best of human kindness is also amply demonstrated as many risk their own lives to help those in distress.
In the struggle of life, we are attached and accumulate many things, wanted and unwanted, including wealth overlooking the fact that all this could disappear in a flash, as happened to an unfortunate few during this calamitous time. Even the survivors, though they are happy that they survived, are left with anxiety, apprehension, and sorrow, all of which is due to attachment. We are attached to things because we fail to realise the importance of impermanence. If we do, we would be less attached and less affected. Realisation of the impermanent nature of everything is the first step towards ultimate detachment.
It was on a day like this that Arahant Bhikkhuni Sanghamitta arrived in Lanka Deepa bringing with her a sapling of the Sri Maha Bodhi tree under which Prince Siddhartha attained Enlightenment. She was sent by her father Emperor Ashoka, at the request of Arahant Mahinda who had arrived earlier and established Buddhism formally under the royal patronage of King Devanampiyatissa. With the very successful establishment of Bhikkhu Sasana, as there was a strong clamour for the establishment of Bhikkhuni Sasana as well, Arahant Mahinda requested his father to send his sister which was agreed to by Emperor Ashoka, though reluctantly as he would be losing two of his children. In fact, both served Lanka Deepa till their death, never returning to the country of their birth. Though Arahant Sanghamitta’s main mission was otherwise, her bringing a sapling of the Bo tree has left an indelible imprint in the annals of our history.
According to chronicles, King Devanampiyatissa planted the Bo sapling in Mahamevnawa Park in Anuradhapura in 288 BCE, which continues to thrive, making it the oldest living human planted tree in the world with a known planting date. It is a treasure that needs to be respected and protected at all costs. However, not so long ago it was nearly destroyed by the idiocy of worshippers who poured milk on the roots. Devotion clouding reality, they overlooked the fact that a tree needs water, not milk!
A monk developed a new practice of Bodhi Puja, which even today attracts droves of devotees and has become a ritual. This would have been the last thing the Buddha wanted! He expressed gratitude by gazing at the tree, which gave him shelter during the most crucial of times, for a week but did not want his followers to go around worshipping similar trees growing all over. Instead of following the path the Buddha laid for us, we seem keen on inventing new rituals to indulge in!
Arahant Sanghamitta achieved her prime objective by establishing the Bhikkhuni Sasana which thrived for nearly 1200 years till it fell into decline with the fall of the Anuradhapura kingdom. Unfortunately, during the Polonnaruwa period that followed the influence of Hinduism over Buddhism increased and some of the Buddhist values like equality of sexes and anti-casteism were lost. Subsequently, even the Bhikkhu Sasana went into decline. Higher ordination for Bhikkhus was re-established in 1753 CE with the visit of Upali Maha Thera from Siam which formed the basis of Siam Maha Nikaya. Upali Maha Thero is also credited with reorganising Kandy Esala Perahera to be the annual Procession of the Temple of Tooth, which was previously centred around the worship of deities, by getting a royal decree: “Henceforth Gods and men are to follow the Buddha”
In 1764 CE, Siyam Nikaya imposed a ‘Govigama and Radala’ exclusivity, disregarding a fundamental tenet of the Buddha, apparently in response to an order from the King! Fortunately, Buddhism was saved from the idiocy of Siyam Nikaya by the formation of Amarapura Nikaya in 1800 CE and Ramanna Nikaya in 1864 CE, higher ordination for both obtained from Burma. None of these Niakya’s showed any interest in the re-establishment of Bhikkhuni Sasana which was left to a band of interested and determined ladies.
My thoughts and admiration, on the day Bhikkhuni Sasana was originally established, go to these pioneers whose determination knew no bounds. They overcame enormous difficulties and obtained higher ordination from South Korea initially. Fortunately, Ven. Inamaluwe Sri Sumangala Thero, Maha Nayaka of Rangiri Dambulla Chapter of Siyam Maha Nikaya started offering higher ordination to Bhikkhunis in 1998 but state recognition became a sore point. When Venerable Welimada Dhammadinna Bhikkhuni was denied official recognition as a Bhikkhuni on her national identity card she filed action, with the support of Ven. Inamaluwe Sri Sumangala Thero. In a landmark majority judgement delivered on 16 June, the Supreme Court ruled that the fundamental rights of Ven. Dhammadinna were breached and also Bhikkhuni Sasana was re-established in Sri Lanka. As this judgement did not receive wide publicity, I wrote a piece titled “Buddhism, Bhikkhus and Bhikkhunis” (The Island, 10 July 2025) and my wish for this Unduvap Poya is what I stated therein:
“The landmark legal battle won by Bhikkhunis is a victory for common sense more than anything else. I hope it will help Bhikkhuni Sasana flourish in Sri Lanka. The number of devotees inviting Bhikkhunis to religious functions is increasing. May Bhikkhunis receive the recognition they richly deserve.” May there be a rapid return to normalcy from the current tragic situation.”
by Dr Upul Wijayawardhana
Opinion
Royal Over Eighties
The gathering was actually of ‘Over Seventies’ but those of my generation present were mostly of the late eighties.
Even of them I shall mention only those whom I know at least by name. But, first, to those few of my years and older with whom speech was possible.
First among them, in more sense than one, was Nihal Seneviratne, at ninety-one probably the oldest present. There is no truth to the story that his state of crisp well-being is attributable to the consumption of gul-bunis in his school days. It is traceable rather to a life well lived. His practice of regular walks around the house and along the lane on which he lives may have contributed to his erect posture. As also to the total absence of a walking stick, a helper, or any other form of assistance as he walked into the Janaki hotel where this gathering took place.
Referencing the published accounts of his several decades-long service in Parliament as head of its administration, it would be moot to recall that his close friend and fellow lawyer, J E D Gooneratne, teased him in the following terms: “You will be a bloody clerk all your life”. He did join service as Second Assistant to the Clerk to the House and moved up, but the Clerk became the Secretary General. Regardless of such matters of nomenclature, it could be said that Nihal Seneviratne ran the show.
Others present included Dr. Ranjith de Silva, Surgeon, who was our cricket Captain and, to the best of my knowledge, has the distinction of never engaging in private practice.
The range of Dr. K L (Lochana) Gunaratne’s interests and his accomplishments within each are indeed remarkable. I would think that somebody who’d received his initial training at the AA School of Architecture in London would continue to have architecture as the foundation of his likes /dislikes. Such would also provide a road map to other pursuits whether immediately related to that field or not. That is evident in the leadership roles he has played in the National Academy of Sciences and the Institute of Town Planners among others. As I recall he has also addressed issues related to the Panadura Vadaya.
My memories of D L Seneviratne at school were associated with tennis. As happens, D L had launched his gift for writing over three decades ago with a history of tennis in Sri Lanka (1991). That is a game with which my acquaintance is limited to sending a couple of serves past his ear (not ‘tossing the ball across’ as he asked me to) while Jothilingam, long much missed, waited for his team mates to come for practices. It is a game at which my father spent much time both at the Railway sports club and at our home-town club. (By some kind of chance, I recovered just a week ago the ‘Fred de Saram Challenge Cup’ which, on his winning the Singles for the third time, Koo de Saram came over to the Kandana Club to hand over to him for keeps. They played an exhibition match which father won). D L would know whether or not, as I have heard, in an exhibition match in Colombo, Koo defeated Frank Sedgman, who was on his triumphant return home to Oz after he had won the Wimbledon tournament in London.
I had no idea that D L has written any books till my son brought home the one on the early history of Royal under Marsh and Boake, (both long-bearded young men in their twenties).
It includes a rich assortment of photographs of great value to those who are interested in the history of the Anglican segment of Christian missionary activity here in the context of its contribution to secondary school education. Among them is one of the school as it appeared on moving to Thurstan road from Mutwal. It has been extracted from the History of Royal, 1931, done by students (among whom a relative, Palitha Weeraman, had played a significant role).
As D L shows, (in contra-distinction to the Catholic schools) the CMS had engaged in a largely secular practice. Royal remained so through our time – when one could walk into the examination room and answer questions framed to test one’s knowledge of Christianity, Buddhism, Hinduism and Islam; a knowledge derived mostly from the lectures delivered by an Old Boy at general assembly on Friday plus readings from the Dhammapada, the Bhagavad Gita, the St. John’s version of the Bible or the Koran recited by a student at senior assembly on Tuesday / Thursday.
D L’s history of Royal College had followed in 2006.
His writing is so rich in detail, so precise in formulation, that I would consider this brief note a simple prompt towards a publisher bringing out new editions at different levels of cost.
It was also a pleasure to meet Senaka Amarasinghe, as yet flaunting his Emperor profile, and among the principal organisers of this event.
The encounter with I S de Silva, distinguished attorney, who was on Galle road close to Janaki lane, where I lived then was indeed welcome. As was that with Upali Mendis, who carried out cataract surgery on my mother oh so long ago when he was head of the Eye Hospital. His older brother, L P, was probably the most gifted student in chemistry in our time.
Most serendipitous perhaps was meeting a son of one of our most popular teachers from the 1950s, – Connor Rajaratnam. His cons were a caution.
by Gamini Seneviratne
Opinion
“Regulatory Impact Assessment – Not a bureaucratic formality but essentially an advocacy tool for smarter governance”: A response
Having meticulously read and re-read the above article published in the opinion page of The Island on the 27 Nov, I hasten to make a critical review on the far-reaching proposal made by the co-authors, namely Professor Theekshana Suraweera, Chairman of the Sri Lanka Standards Institution and Dr. Prabath.C.Abeysiriwardana, Director of Ministry of Science and Technology
The aforesaid article provides a timely and compelling critique of Sri Lanka’s long-standing gaps in evidence-based policymaking and argues persuasively for the institutional adoption of Regulatory Impact Assessment (RIA). In a context where policy missteps have led to severe economic and social consequences, the article functions as an essential wake-up call—highlighting RIA not as a bureaucratic formality but as a foundational tool for smarter governance.
One of the article’s strongest contributions is its clear explanation of how regulatory processes currently function in Sri Lanka: legislation is drafted with narrow legal scrutiny focused mainly on constitutional compliance, with little or no structured assessment of economic, social, cultural, or environmental impacts. The author strengthens this argument with well-chosen examples—the sudden ban on chemical fertilizer imports and the consequences of the 1956 Official Language Act—demonstrating how untested regulation can have far-reaching negative outcomes. These cases effectively illustrate the dangers of ad hoc policymaking and underscore the need for a formal review mechanism.
The article also succeeds in demystifying RIA by outlining its core steps—problem definition, option analysis, impact assessment, stakeholder consultation, and post-implementation review. This breakdown makes it clear that RIA is not merely a Western ideal but a practical, structured, and replicable process that could greatly improve policymaking in Sri Lanka. The references to international best practices (such as the role of OIRA in the United States) lend credibility and global context, showing that RIA is not experimental but an established standard in advanced governance systems.
However, the article could have further strengthened its critique by addressing the political economy of reform: the structural incentives, institutional resistance, and political culture that have historically obstructed such tools in Sri Lanka. While the challenges of data availability, quantification, and political pressure are briefly mentioned, a deeper analysis of why evidence-based policymaking has not taken root—and how to overcome these systemic barriers—would have offered greater practical value.
Another potential enhancement would be the inclusion of local micro-level examples where smaller-scale regulations backfired due to insufficient appraisal. This would help illustrate that the problem is not limited to headline-making policy failures but affects governance at every level.
Despite these minor limitations, the article is highly effective as an advocacy piece. It makes a strong case that RIA could transform Sri Lanka’s regulatory landscape by institutionalizing foresight, transparency, and accountability. Its emphasis on aligning RIA with ongoing national initiatives—particularly the strengthening of the National Quality Infrastructure—demonstrates both pragmatism and strategic vision.
At a time, when Chairmen of statutory bodies appointed by the NPP government play a passive voice, the candid opinion expressed by the CEO of SLSI on the necessity of a Regulatory Impact Assessment is an important and insightful contribution. It highlights a critical missing link in Sri Lanka’s policy environment and provides a clear call to action. If widely circulated and taken seriously by policymakers, academics, and civil society, it could indeed become the eye-opener needed to push Sri Lanka toward more rational, responsible, and future-ready governance.
J. A. A. S. Ranasinghe,
Productivity Specialty and Management Consultant
(rathula49@gmail.com)
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