Features
NM’s 117th Birthday: Abolishing Executive Presidency never more topical
By Dr. Jayampathy Wickramaratne
On 06 June, we remember Dr N.M. Perera, Leader of the Lanka Sama Samaja Party, parliamentarian par excellence, Leader of the Opposition and Minister of Finance on his 117th birthday. Hardly a week passes without references to analyses and predictions made by NM and his comrade and friend, Dr Colvin R. De Silva. Professor Harold Laski, NM’s guru at the London School of Economics, thought that NM would make an excellent Chancellor of the Exchequer, while Sir Ivor Jennings said that he would be an excellent Labour Prime Minister. Ajit Samaranayaka described NM as “the best Prime Minister Sri Lanka never had”. To the people of Thun Korale, he was “parippu mahattaya” who, with his colleagues of the LSSP, saved hundreds of lives of the poor during the malaria plague by distributing medicine and essential food items. A path that NM and his comrades cleared to access a remote malaria-stricken village in the present Panaakura Grama Niladhari division in Deraniyagala is still called “malaria para”. For us who grew up in the Sama Samaja movement, he was “NM sahodaraya”.
NM and Parliament
As we celebrate NM’s life on his birthday, the large majority of the people demand that the Presidential system of government be completely abolished. It was NM who made the most penetrating analysis of the 1978 Constitution, which almost entrenched the Executive Presidency. This was by way of a series of articles he wrote to the Socialist Nation, later published as a booklet, A Critical Analysis of the 1978 Constitution of Sri Lanka, which has become the Bible for those who wish a return to a parliamentary form of government. Justice cannot be done to NM by briefly summarising his writings on the subject. Instead, readers are encouraged to read and re-read them.
NM was unhesitatingly for a parliamentary form of government, not surprising given that he was one of Sri Lanka’s best-known parliamentarians who was awarded a DSc degree by the University of London for his comparative study of the parliamentary procedures of the United Kingdom, United States, France and Germany. He pointed out that the parliamentary form of government had worked for thirty years in Sri Lanka with a degree of success that had surprised many Western observers. A few weeks before the Second Amendment to the 1972 Constitution introduced the executive presidency, NM wrote:
“We look in vain in the speeches of [Prime Minister J.R. Jayewardene] for a clear and concise enumeration of the defects of the present Constitution which make the wholesale rejection of the present structure desirable. His lame contention that the present system of Government makes for instability and lack of continuity scarcely bears examination. He mentions the case where Prime Minister Dudley Senanayake was compelled to resign and call for fresh elections in July 1960, after his defeat on the Throne Speech following the March elections. Similarly he cites the case of Mrs. Bandaranaike, who was defeated on the Throne Speech debate in Parliament in December, 1964. One would have thought that these, the only two examples he cited, strengthened the case for the present Parliamentary system. They neatly reinforce the power of democracy. In both cases the elections that ensued registered a change in the complexion of the Government that existed. Surely, it is in crucial moments like this that the true worth of democracy is manifested. Judged by any standards, the examples he cities only prove that the present Parliamentary system has been tested and found not wanting.”
People are for abolition
If there were sceptics about the desirability of the abolition of the Presidential form of government, the conduct of Presidents Sirisena and Gotabhaya Rajapakse has helped assuage their fears. Acting through a Presidential Task Force, President Sirisena banned the pesticide Glyphosate with devastating results for agriculture, especially the tea industry. He acted not on the advice of scientists but of a politician monk. The unilateral decision by President Gotabhaya Rajapakse to completely ban agrochemicals as part of his ambitious programme to make Sri Lanka the first country with 100% organic agriculture, again egged by the same monk and a trade unionist doctor, ended up in disaster. The mishandling of the economy under his watch has left the country in shambles.
A survey conducted by the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) in October-November 2021 revealed that just over half (50.3%) of those interviewed were of the opinion that more powers should be given to the Parliament by reducing the powers of the President. One-fourth of the respondents thought that more powers should be given to the President. When a survey was conducted just six months later, in April 2022, 74% of the respondents opined that the Executive Presidency should be abolished. It is significant that among Sinhala respondents, the figure was 74.2%, higher than the national percentage. Thanks especially to President Gotabhaya Rajapakse, people have now become wiser.
It is apt to quote from a recent statement of the United Left Front: “If anyone had reservations about abolition, recent events that led to an economic and agricultural crisis unprecedented in Sri Lankan history and the breakdown of law and order should convince them that such crises could have been averted if there was collective decision-making through the Parliamentary process rather than unilateral decisions being taken by a President.”
Still, there are many who are fixated on the Executive Presidency. Extreme nationalists believe that it ensures Sinhala Buddhist dominance. Added to them are those who dream of becoming President and their cohorts.
Provincial Councils and abolition
Provincial Councils have come to stay in Sri Lanka, and several political parties that opposed devolution have now accepted that they cannot be abolished. Some opponents of abolition argue that there must be a President with executive powers to deal with possible secessionist tendencies. The best example of how a Parliamentary government could successfully deal with separatist and other extremist movements is India. To assuage fears that a Provincial Council might use its powers to move towards secession, the Steering Committee of the Constitutional Assembly of the last Parliament proposed that the Centre should be constitutionally empowered to intervene in a province in case there is a clear and present danger to the territorial integrity and sovereignty of the Republic. The proposal was for the President, on the advice of the Prime Minister, to assume to the President all or any of the functions of the administration of the Province and all or any of the powers vested in, or exercisable by, the Governor, the Chief Minister, the Board of Ministers or any body or authority in the Province or even take the ultimate step of dissolving the Provincial Council. The writer would go further to propose that the President be empowered to intervene after consultation with the Prime Minister, instead of on the advice of the latter, as an exception to the rule in a Parliamentary form of government. Such intervention should be approved by Parliament, as is the case of a proclamation of emergency.
It has also been argued that the Executive Presidency is essential for national security. Quite apart from national security, the country saw President Rajapakse being unable even to maintain public order on 09 May and thereafter. His clear directives to the Police not to allow goons to enter Galle Face to attack protestors were countermanded by some unknown force. His own cousin ridiculed him for being unable to prevent the memorial to his parents from being vandalised.
Absurd arguments
One of the most absurd arguments against a Parliamentary form of government is that a person who is not directly elected may become the Prime Minister and thus wield executive power. Whether elected from a district or through the national list, the Prime Minister must command a majority in Parliament; otherwise, he goes home irrespective of whether there is a “PM Go Home” campaign outside. On the other hand, the impeachment of a President is virtually impossible, as NM prophesied and the attempted impeachment of President Premadasa showed.
There have been many instances of politicians becoming head of government without being directly elected. Madam Sirimavo Bandaranaike served her first term as Prime Minister while being a nominated member of the Senate. Indira Gandhi’s first term was as Prime Minister was while being a member of the Rajya Sabha. Premiers I.K. Gujral, Dev Gowda and Manmohan Singh were Rajya Sabha members. Manmohan Singh held office for ten years, all while being elected to the Rajya Sabha from Assam, with which he had no connection. In Germany, Gerhard Schroder opted not to contest a constituency but was Chancellor for seven years, having been elected through the party list. The important thing is that they could have served only as long as they commanded a majority. Madam Bandaranaike lost her majority in December 1964 and had to call fresh elections at which she was elected but could not become Prime Minister.
Political stability
Another argument against abolition is that the Executive Presidency ensures political stability while a Parliament might be unstable. The last few months have shown how even with a President elected with a clear majority, followed by a two-third majority in Parliament and strengthened by the removal of all restrictions imposed by the Nineteenth Amendment, the country became unstable.
Some say that electoral reform that leads to a stable government is imperative if we are to have a Parliamentary government. If the electorate is fractured, no single party will get a working majority. A Parliament reflects the reality of divided opinion. Why have an electoral system that distorts public opinion? The present mess would have been worse if the SLPP had an absolute majority without its coalition allies. We live in an era of coalitions; all governments since 1994 have been coalitions.
The writer is not opposed to a small number of seats being given as bonus seats to the party or coalition that forms the government. The bonus seat at the district level has not served its stated purpose of ensuring stability as the bonus seats get distributed among parties that win the districts. However, the number of bonus seats must not be too large to distort the final result. The Soulbury Constitution provided for six nominated members. A new electoral system should not be a “nokerena vedakama” or an impossible pre-condition as an excuse to continue with the Presidential form of government which has miserably failed.
Each time the flaws of the Executive Presidency surface, we are reminded of how NM had predicted them. Now, when the country has been brought to near ruin by it, let us abolish the Executive Presidency once and for all.
(The writer is a member of the Politburo of the United Left Front).
Features
NASA’s Epic Flight, Trump’s Epic Fumble and Asian Dilemmas
Three hours after the spectacular Artemis II flight launch in Florida, US President Donald Trump delivered a forlorn speech from Washington. Thirty three days after starting the war against Iran as Epic Fury, the President demonstrated on national and global televisions the Epic Fumble he has made out of his Middle East ‘excursion’. It was an April Fool’s Day speech, 20 minutes of incoherent rambling with the President looking bored, confused, disengaged and dispirited. He left no one wiser about what will come next, let alone what he might do next.
There was more to April Fool’s Day this year in that it brought out the nation’s good, bad and the ugly, all in a day’s swoop. The good was the Artemis II flight carrying astronauts farther from the Earth’s orbit and closer to the moon for the first time in over 50 years. The mission is a precursor for future flights and will test the performance of a new spacecraft, gather new understanding of human conditioning, and extend the boundaries of lunar science. It is a testament to humankind being able to make steady progress in science and technology at one end of a hopelessly uneven world, while poverty, bigotry and belligerence simmer violently at the other end.
Terrible Trump
The four Artemis II astronauts, three Americans, Reid Wiseman, Victor Glover, and Christina Koch, and one Canadian, Jeremy Hansen, are also symptomatic of the endurance of America’s inclusive goodness in spite of efforts by the Trump Administration to snuff the nation’s fledgling DEI (Diversity, Equity and Inclusion) ethos. To wit, of the four astronauts, Victor Glover, a Caribbean American, is the first person of colour, Christina Koch the first woman, and Jeremy Hansen of Canada the first non-American – to fly this far beyond the earth’s orbit. All in spite of Trump’s watch.
Yet Trump managed to showcase his commitment to America’s ugliness, on the same day, by presenting himself at the Supreme Court hearing on the constitutionality of his most abominable Executive Order – to stop the American tradition of birthright citizenship. He keeps posting that America is Stupid in being the only country in the world that grants citizenship at birth to everyone born in America, regardless of the status of their parents, except the children of foreign diplomats or members of an occupying enemy force. In fact, there are 32 other countries in the world that grant birthright citizenship, a majority of them in the Americas indicating the continent’s history as a magnet for migrants ever since Christopher Columbus discovered it for the rest of the world.
And birthright citizenship in the US is enshrined in the constitution by the 14th Amendment, supplemented by subsequent legislation and reinforced by a century and a half of case law. Trump wants to reverse that. Thus far and no further was the message from the court at the hearing. A decision is expected in June and the legal betting is whether it would be a 7-2 or 8-1 rebuke for Trump. In a telling exchange during the hearing, when the government’s Solicitor General John Sauer quite sillily dramatized that “we’re in new world now … where eight billion people are one plane ride way from having a child who’s a US citizen,” Chief Justice John Roberts quietly dismissed him: “Well, it’s a new world. It’s the same Constitution!”
Trump’s terrible ‘bad’ is of course the war that he started in the Middle East and doesn’t know how to end it. Margaret MacMillan, acclaimed World War I historian and a great grand daughter of World War I British Prime Minister Lloyd George from Wales, has compared Trump’s current war to the origins of the First World War. Just as in 1914, small Serbia had pulled the bigger Russia into a war that was not in Russia’s interest, so too have Netanyahu and Israel have pulled Trump and America into the current war against Iran. World War I that started in August, 2014 was expected to be over before Christmas, but it went on till November, 2018. Weak leaders start wars, says MacMillan, but “they don’t have a clear idea of how they are going to end.”
There are also geopolitical and national-political differences between the 1910s and 2020s. America’s traditional allies have steadfastly refused to join Trump’s war. And Trump is under immense pressure at home not to extend the war. This is one American war that has been unpopular from day one. The cost of military operations at as high as two billion dollars a day is anathema to the people who are aggravated by rising prices directly because of the war. Trump’s own mental acuity and the abilities of his cabinet Secretaries are openly under question. There are swirling allegations of military contract profiteering and selective defense investments – one involving Secretary of War Pete Hegseth.
Trump’s Administration is coming apart with sharp internal divisions over the war and government paralysis on domestic matters. There are growing signs of disarray – with Trump firing his Attorney General for not being effective prosecuting his political enemies and Secretary Hegseth ordering early retirement for Army Chief of Staff Randy George. In America’s non-parliamentary presidential system, Trump is allowed to run his own forum where he lies daily without instant challenger or contradiction, and it is impossible to get rid of his government by that simple device called no confidence motion.
Asian Dilemmas
Howsoever the current will last or end, what is clear is that its economic consequences are not going to disappear soon. Iran’s choke on the Strait of Hormuz has affected not only the supply and prices of oil and natural gas but a family of other products from fertilizers to medicines to semiconductors. The barrel price of oil has risen from $70 before the war to over $100 now. After Trump’s speech on April 1, oil prices rose and stock prices fell. The higher prices have come to stay and even if they start going down they are not likely to go down to prewar levels.
There are warnings that with high prices, low growth and unemployment, the global economy is believed to be in for a stagflation shock like in the 1970s. Even if the war were to end sooner than a lot later, the economic setbacks will not be reversed easily or quickly. Supplies alone will take time to get back into routine, and it will even take longer time for production in the Gulf countries to get back to speed. Not only imports, but even export trading and exports to Middle East countries will be impacted. The future of South Asians employed in the Middle East is also at stake.
In 1980, President Carter floated the Carter Doctrine that the US would use military force to ensure the free flow of oil through the Strait of Hormuz. Trump is now upending that doctrine – first by misusing America’s military force against Iran and provoking the strait’s closure, and then claiming that keeping the strait open is not America’s business. Ever selfish and transactional, Trump’s argument is that America is now a net exporter of oil and is no longer dependent on Middle East oil.
To fill in the void, and perhaps responding to Trump’s call to “build up some delayed courage,” UK has hosted a virtual meeting of about 40 countries to discuss modalities for reopening the Strait of Hormuz. US was not one of them. While Downing Street has not released a full list of attendees, European countries, some Gulf countries, Canada, Australia, Japan and India reportedly attended the meeting. Which other Asian countries attended the meeting is not known.
British Foreign Secretary Yvette Cooper has blamed Iran for “hijacking” an international shipping route to “hold the global economy hostage,” while insisting that the British initiative is “not based on any other country’s priority or anything in terms of the US or other countries”. French President Emmanuel Macron now visiting South Korea has emphasized any resolution “can only be done in concert with Iran. So, first and foremost, there must be a ceasefire and a resumption of negotiations.”
Prior to the British initiative focussed on the Strait of Hormuz, Egypt, Pakistan and Türkiye have been playing a backdoor intermediary role to facilitate communications between the US and Iran. Trump as usual magnified this backroom channel as serious talks initiated by Iran’s ‘new regime’, and Trump’s claims were promptly rejected by Iran. There were speculations that Pakistan would host a direct meeting between US Vice President JD Vance and an Iranian representative in Islamabad. So far, only the foreign ministers of Egypt, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and Türkiye have met in Islamabad, and Pakistan’s Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar flew to Beijing to brief his Chinese counterpart, Wang Yi, of Pakistan’s diplomatic efforts.
The Beijing visit produced a five-point initiative calling for a ceasefire, the opening of the Strait of Hormuz and diplomacy instead of escalation. The five-point pathway seems a follow up to the 15-point demand that the US sent to Iran through the three Samaritan intermediaries which Iran rejected as they did not include any of Iran’s priorities. The state of these mediating efforts are now unclear after President Trump’s April Fool’s Day rambling. In fairness, Pakistan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs has announced that his country intends to keep ‘nudging’ the US and Iran towards resuming negotiations and ending the war.
While these efforts are welcome and deserve everyone’s best wishes, they have also led to what BBC has called the “chatter in Delhi” – “is India being sidelined” by Pakistan’s intermediary efforts? Indian Foreign Minister Jaishankar’s rather undiplomatic characterization of Pakistan’s role as “dalali” (brokerage) provoked immediate denunciation in Islamabad, while Indian opposition parties are blaming the Modi Government’s foreign policy stances as an “embarrassment” to India’s stature.
The larger view is that while it is Asia that is most impacted by the closure of Hormuz, with Singapore’s Foreign Affairs Minister Vivian Balakrishnan calling it an “Asian crisis”, Asia has no leverage in the matter and Asian countries have to make special arrangements with Iran to let their ships navigate through the Strait of Hormuz. There is no pathway for co-ordinated action. China is still significant but not consequentially effective. India’s all-alignment foreign policy has made it less significant and more vulnerable in the current crisis. And Pakistan has opened a third dimension to Asia’s dilemmas.
In the circumstances, it is fair to say that Sri Lanka is the most politically stable country among its South Asian neighbours. Put another way, Sri Lanka has a remarkably consensual and uncontentious government in comparison to the old governments in India and Pakistan, and even the new government in Bangladesh. But that may not be saying much unless the NPP government proves itself to be sufficiently competent, and uses the political stability and the general goodwill it is still enjoying, to put the country’s economic department in order. More on that later.
by Rajan Philips
Features
Ranjith Siyambalapitiya turns custodian of a rare living collection
From Parliament to Fruit Grove:
After more than two decades in politics, rising to the positions of Cabinet Minister and Deputy Speaker of Parliament, Ranjith Siyambalapitiya has turned his attention to a markedly different arena — one far removed from parliamentary debate and political intrigue.
Today, Siyambalapitiya spends much of his time tending to a sprawling 15-acre home garden at Vendala in Karawanella, near Ruwanwella, nurturing what has gradually evolved into one of the most remarkable private fruit collections in the country.
Situated in Sri Lanka’s Wet Zone Low Country agro-ecological region (WL2), Ruwanwella lies at an elevation of roughly 100–200 metres above sea level. Deep red-yellow podzolic soils, annual rainfall exceeding 2,500 millimetres, and a warm humid tropical climate combine to create conditions that make the region one of the richest areas in the island for fruit tree diversity.
Within this favourable ecological setting, Siyambalapitiya has become what may best be described as a custodian of a living collection—a fruit grove that now contains around 554 fruit trees and vines, many of them rare or seldom seen in contemporary agriculture.
Of these, 448 varieties have already been properly identified and documented with the assistance of agriculturist Dr. Suba Heenkenda, a retired expert of the Department of Agriculture. Together they have undertaken the painstaking task of cataloguing the plants by their botanical names, common Sinhala names, and the names used in ancient Ayurvedic and indigenous medical texts, assigning each species a unique identification number.
According to Siyambalapitiya, the Vendala estate is possibly the only single location in Sri Lanka where such a large number of fruit varieties—particularly rare and underutilized species—are maintained within one property.
“This garden came down to me through my grandfather, grandmother, mother and father,” he says. “It is a place shaped by three generations.”
The estate, he explains, began as a traditional home garden where crops such as tea, coconut and rubber were cultivated alongside fruit trees planted by family members over decades. Over time, however, it evolved into something much larger: a carefully nurtured grove preserving both common and obscure fruit species.
Siyambalapitiya recalls with affection one of the oldest trees in the garden—a honey-jack tree known locally as “Lokumänike’s Rata Kos Gaha.”
The story behind it has become part of family lore. According to village elders, his grandmother had brought home the sapling after visiting the Colombo Grand Exhibition in 1952 many decades ago and planted it near the house.
The tree soon gained fame in the village. Its tender jackfruit proved ideal for curry and mallum, while the ripe fruit was renowned for its sweetness.
“Ripe jackfruit from this tree tastes like honey itself,” Siyambalapitiya says. “Even the seeds are full of flour and can be eaten throughout the year.”
Yet age has not spared the venerable tree. It now shows signs of disease, and Siyambalapitiya and his staff have had to treat old wounds and monitor unusual bark damage.
“Once lightning struck it,” he recalls. “The largest branch began to die. Saving the tree required what I would call a kind of surgical operation.”
Such care, he says, reflects the deep attachment he feels toward the collection.
His fascination with fruit trees began in childhood. While attending Royal College in Colombo and living in a boarding house he disliked, Siyambalapitiya would insist that the family procure new fruit saplings for him to plant during his weekend visits home.
“That was the only ‘price’ I demanded for going to school,” he laughs.
Over the years the collection expanded steadily as he encountered new plants in forests, nurseries, and rural landscapes across the island.
The result today is a grove that includes traditional Sri Lankan fruit species, underutilized native varieties, forest fruits, and plants introduced from overseas.
Some species originate in Arabian deserts, while others thrive naturally in cooler climates such as Europe. Certain plants require greenhouse-like conditions, while others are hardy forest trees.
Managing such diversity is no easy task.
“One plant asks for rain, another asks for cold, and yet another prefers heat,” Siyambalapitiya explains. “Too much rain makes some sick, too much sun troubles others. The older trees overshadow the younger ones. You cannot feed or medicate them all in the same way.”
He compares the task to caring for a household filled with people from many nations and ages—each with different needs.
Despite the challenges, he believes the effort is worthwhile, particularly because many of the trees are native species that have become increasingly rare.
“If things continue as they are, some of these plants may disappear from our lives,” he warns.
To preserve knowledge about them, Siyambalapitiya is preparing to launch a book titled “Mage Vendala Palathuru Arana” (My Vendala Fruit Grove), which serves as an introductory guide to the collection.
The book, scheduled for release on April 18 at the Vendala estate, will be attended by Ven. Dr. Kirinde Assaji Thera, Chief Incumbent of Gangaramaya Temple,
Uruwarige Wannila Aththo, the leader of the Indigenous Vedda Community,
a long-serving former employee who helped maintain the plantation, and Sunday Dhamma school students from the region, who will participate as guests of honour.
The publication will also mark Siyambalapitiya’s eighth book. Previously he authored seven works and wrote more than 500 weekly newspaper columns offering commentary on politics and current affairs.
While working on the fruit catalogue, he is simultaneously writing another volume reflecting on his 25-year political career, including his tenure as Deputy Finance Minister during Sri Lanka’s most severe economic crisis.
For Siyambalapitiya, however, the fruit grove represents more than a hobby or academic exercise.
“The fruit we enjoy is the result of a tree’s effort to reproduce,” he says. “Nature has given fruits their taste, fragrance and colour to attract us. All the tree asks in return is that its seeds be carried to new places.”
That simple cycle of life, he believes, has continued for tens of thousands of years.
“And those who love trees,” he adds, “are guardians of the world’s survival.”
by Saman Indrajith
Pix by Tharanga Ratnaweera
- Four workers in charge of the four zones of the plantation
- Siyamabalapitiya explaning the evolution of plantation
- A foreign berry plant
- A Bakumba plant
- A rare jackfruit tree
- Siyambalapitiya pruning Pumkin Lemon plant
- Siyamabalapitiya explaning the evolution of plantation
Features
Smoke Free Sweden calls out to WHO not to suggest nicotine alternatives
It has been reported by the international advocacy initiative, ‘Smoke Free Sweden’ (‘SFS’) that many International health experts have begun criticizing the World Health Organization (WHO) for presenting safer nicotine alternatives rather than recognizing its role in accelerating decline in smoking.
As the world’s premier technical health agency, the WHO is empowered to support strategies that reduce morbidity and mortality even if they do not eliminate the underlying behaviour. Furthermore, it should base its guidance on evolving scientific knowledge, which includes comparative-risk assessments. Equating smoke-free nicotine alternatives with combustible cigarettes, is essentially putting lives at risk, according to the health experts contacted by SFS.
The warning follows recent WHO comments suggesting that vaping and other non-combustible nicotine products are driving tobacco use in Europe. This narrative ignores real-world evidence from countries like Sweden where access to safer alternatives has coincided with record low smoking rates.
A “Smoke-Free” status is defined as an adult daily smoking prevalence below 5% and Sweden is on the brink of officially achieving this milestone. This is clear proof that pragmatic harm-reduction policies work. Sweden’s success has been driven by adult smokers switching to lower-risk alternatives such as oral tobacco pouches (Snus), oral nicotine pouches and other non-combustible products.
“Vapes and pouches are helping to reduce risk, and Sweden’s smoke-free transition proves this,” said Dr Delon Human, leader of Smoke Free Sweden. “We should be celebrating policies that help smokers quit combustible tobacco, not spreading fear about the very tools that are accelerating the decline of cigarettes.”
It is further reported by health experts that conflating cigarettes with non-combustible alternatives risks deterring smokers from switching and could slow progress toward reducing tobacco-related disease.
Dr Human emphasized that youth protection and harm reduction are not mutually exclusive.
“It is critically important to safeguard against underage use, but this should be done by targeted, risk-proportionate regulation and proper enforcement, not by sacrificing the right of adults to access products that might save their lives,” he said.
Smoke Free Sweden is calling on global health authorities to adopt evidence-based policies that distinguish clearly between combustible tobacco – the primary cause of tobacco-related death – and lower-risk nicotine alternatives.
“Public health policy must be grounded in science and real-world outcomes,” Dr Human added. “Sweden’s experience shows that when adult smokers are given legal access to safer nicotine alternatives, smoking rates fall faster than almost anywhere else in the world.”
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