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All in the family: Growth and the IMF

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By Gamini Seneviratne

(This article was first published in The Island in 2001. It is reproduced, today, given its relevance to the present situation.)

That heading should not be taken to refer to the political micro-families in this and other parts of the world, although within the IMF’s grand design, such ‘families’ do matter. ‘The IMF’ here refers to the entire complex of global predators which it orchestrates.

For those who can laugh at larceny on a grand scale, the growth of such post-regnal family-trees of a much lower order in South Asia is a bit of a joke. From the Bhuttos et al in the west, the Ranas in the north, the Zias et al in the east, the lesser Gandhis, from chemicals, dams, power plants, etc., in the centre, to cement, steel, airlines, ports, arms, peace deals and so on in the south, the tale of treason has many twists to it. The main strand of the rope that binds them all together is provided by the IMF and its relatively poor relative, the World Bank and, its associate banks which do some of the dirty work for it. What matters to us is that the rope is being used to throttle the people in our countries.

It is a pity that Dr. Kumari Jayawardena did not extend her researches to cover those who have become “somebodies” – ugly word – overnight in the past few years, because such an account could not fail to illustrate vividly what is being said here.

The following lines from an old Rugby Song encapsulate the nexus between the IMF/WB, MNCs, and the military power of the west. The money they roll in is from us, but it cannot be extracted without the help of corrupt Presidents, Prime Ministers, other, self-confessed military rulers and their henchmen.

My father manufactures

French Letters,

My sister makes holes with a pin.

My uncle arranges abortions,

My god, how the money rolls in,

rolls in,

My god how the money rolls in!

How does the IMF set about putting into force its programme for destabilising the socio-economic foundation of our people and their manner of living? Dr. Nadeem Ul Haque, the IMF boss in this country and the effective decision maker, (regardless of the World Bank man styling himself ‘Country Manager’), for the apology of a government that has foisted itself on us, has spelt it out in an address to the National Chamber of Exporters last week [The Island, 26th December, 2000].

I have reason to believe that Dr. Haque is a civilized person, and these comments are not directed personally at him. As a South Asian and a national of Pakistan, which we have long regarded as a friend, I have no doubt that he would be ready to be as accommodating towards us as Washington is prepared to permit him to be. It may be taken as read, though, that he has no such leeway. Willy-nilly he is part of the system of extraction globally.

In his talk, Dr. Haque has obviously been conscious that his audience had somewhat limited interests and he has addressed those as any good speaker should do. However, he has, en passant, touched on more vital matters. I comment on those.

They relate to “governance”, trade unions, and “smallness”. Also “imagination”, which is the distinguishing marker of such self-serving constructs as “economic efficiency” which the larger family of the imperial pillagers continues to present to our astonished gaze.

Let us take the matter of “smallness”. Dr. Haque had told our imaginative and hopeful exporters that it has to do with the size of a country or of its population. He has said that small countries must have small governments or government agencies. What he has not said is that they should have small cabinets of ministers: when he refers to the cost of ‘governance’ he has in mind the public services.

What he means is that governments should be put out of business, except in the matter of using its clout to remove “subsidies” on, say, public health, farming, education and the administration of the law and to deliver “incentives” to the oh so efficient! “private sector”.

What Dr. Haque has taken off on is the antipathy of would-be monopolists to “big government”, which means a system of regulation of economic activity in the public interest. The desired end of “reform” is that “big business” is favoured at the cost of the social responsibilities of the institutions that have been set up by the people to act in their behalf.

The IMF has no word at all about “big business” and what one might call, if one were in an especially benign mood this season, its inefficiencies. In fact, you’d have to be pretty sozzled and non compos mentis to buy that shoddy and very private ‘good’.

The cynical exploitation of the consumer by big business following the ‘privatization’, which the IMF has the temerity to come over here and advocate to us yakkos, has long been known in the USA and, more recently, in the UK.

How have those societies dealt with this abomination? In the USA, the remissness of any private centre for medical care or any primary or secondary educational institution [yes, parents do tend to lose interest after their ‘kids’ reach a certain age] could lead to demands for ‘compensation’ in often hefty monetary terms. Lawyers grow rich and enter the league of the ‘big businessman’. So is it with their public services, such as private transport. The internal airlines, all private, in the USA have the worst safety record anywhere in the world. Not to mention the inconvenience they subject their customers to, the baggage they ‘lose’ or the lousy food they serve. Such little things make for an increase in ‘profit’ which, after all, is all that private business is about.

In the UK, we have had quite recently, graphic examples of the outcome of Big Business taking over from Big Government. To give a current example, the common people of that country are crying out for the re-nationalisation of the rail system. Cost-cutting has resulted in the neglect of essential safety procedures and led to horrible accidents. ‘The IMF’ would no doubt point to ‘the bottom line’ on a ledger as proof of the efficiency of private management of that mode of public transport.

And it is not only in those countries, but everywhere, including ‘small’ Sri Lanka, that we have had mass resistance to GMO foods that are being peddled by MNCs, whom it is the IMF’s mandate to support.

And, predictably, we have here the IMF demanding that the government “sheds” itself of its responsibilities by the people. Dr. Haque [I am sorry that I have to keep on referring to him by name, but it is a relatively common name, such as is mine here, and am sure that his namesake, the late Dr. Mahbub Ul Haq, would not have taken offence], asserts that in most “advanced countries” [big] business would consider the need to conform to national laws “a waste”, presumably, of time – and profit. Sure, sure, in the most “advanced” of those countries, [big] business has all the necessary short-cuts to profit opened through ‘lobbyists’, most of them former senators, congressmen or other high officials in the aforementioned ‘big government’

We have Dr. Haque talking about a “labour aristocracy”. Maybe some such phenomenon exists in Australia. We do know however how the labour unions have been manipulated in the USA; for example, the lumber workers have been ‘employed’ to provide a rationale for the continued felling of the old growth forest of over a thousand years of age in Washington and Oregon. The identical motivation occurred when port workers in New York and New Orleans were paid to shove wheat that had been paid for into the sea rather than ship it to you-know-who. In the USA, when the term ‘labour aristocracy’ does acquire meaning, its members are being employed right now to shut out imports of manufactures from the third world. This is in the teeth of the agreements which the USA herself thrust down our throats via the WTO. If the IMF is looking for ‘governance’ it should look to such acts that promote ‘economic efficiency’.

The attempts to emasculate trade unions is a part of that ploy. Here we have the USA arguing strenuously against “low-cost labour” from Asia that compromises the livelihoods of its citizens. And here we have the IMF urging our governments to destroy a supposed “labour aristocracy”. Our organized working class has, largely through the dictates of the IMF, endorsed by servile governments compounded by the actions of an incompetent and utterly corrupt administration [which the IMF has done nothing to bring down – as they cannot until a suitably subservient alternative is found/built up], been compelled to survive a budget that has reduced their own to a shoe-string on one shoe. How would they respond? What, if any, more attacks on them does the IMF have to offer them?

Dr. Haque has also spoken about ‘pampering constituencies’. His, i.e. the IMF’s, gripe is about the ‘constituencies’ that are of no use to them, – in fact, those which get in the way of the larger and the lesser ‘families’ mentioned above. What the IMF has directed its ‘reforms’ towards is the pampering of big business. In South Asia, as elsewhere, the incumbent claimants to state power are the instrument through whom the IMF family operates. The less representative they are of the people, and the more securely armed against the people they are, the better.

The term “reform” should raise hackles, especially among South Asians. We have had so much of it. In this country we had the “Colebrook-Cameron Reforms” a hundred and sixty-seven years ago. They were designed to break down the traditional socio-economic foundations of this country and to use those elements in it which would give, not ‘cheap’ but costless labour for their marauders. The use of that term by the IMF has no connotations other than those of a century and a half ago. Except that the ‘stakes’, as in the betting game, are much higher now.

The primary question that Dr. Haque has raised is “Why has South Asia not grown?” He has also spoken of Singapore et al having looked to us for guidance on “agendas” that we in South Asia, Sri Lanka in particular, had initiated. His thesis is that the winner is the one who crosses the line, – not the one who’s fastest off the mark. It is not possible to countenance such convoluted logic. We have had loads of ‘theory’ on how various countries that were targeted by big business have responded to the ‘windows of opportunity’ that were advanced in the language of the camel seeking refuge. East Asia is held to have ‘developed’ on the rails of a ‘Confucian ethic’ [a matter that I was quizzed on at a ‘brown-bag’ seminar at Cornell ten years ago, long before I was aware of any family connection with that institution]. Does the IMF [or Dr. Haque] have a corresponding culture-based theory about India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka? – a Hindu / Islamic rate of growth, a Christian rate of profligacy, a Theravada level of tolerance and a Mahayana mode of mayhem together bringing about a Buddhist condition of stagnation?

And, finally, lest we forget, a South Asian scale of corruption?

Dr. Haque has spoken of the need to indoctrinate our children towards supporting the education ‘reforms’ that he advocates. Perhaps, he should take some time out to read “The Pearl of Great Price”, the Lalith Athulathmudali memorial oration delivered by the Vice Chancellor of the University of Colombo, Prof. Savithri Goonesekera. The agenda that we set ourselves fifty years ago resulted in a relatively high growth in the life chances of our people. It was precisely the kind of growth that the great family that the IMF speaks for, cannot abide. And that is why those gains have been eroded through ‘market reforms’. The agenda for the control of resources globally is impeded by manifestations of self-sufficiency anywhere. The substance of Dr. Haque’s complaint is that South Asia has not “grown” in the directions desired by transnational capital. With the goals we set ourselves, the money cannot roll in.



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Opinion

We were here first: The case for Malaypolitical representation in Sri Lanka

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Sri Lankan Malay father and son

There is a mosque on Slave Island in Colombo that has stood for more than three centuries. Masjidul Jamiya was not built by merchants or pilgrims. It was built by soldiers, Malay soldiers who came to this island in service to the Dutch crown and, after 1796, to the British, and who stayed, raised families, and made Ceylon their permanent home. That mosque, and the neighborhood that grew quietly around it, is perhaps the most visible monument to something the rest of this country has largely forgotten: that the Malays of Sri Lanka have been here, contributing and serving, for longer than the modern republic has existed.

Today the community that built that mosque numbers approximately 40,000 people. We are 0.2 percent of the population. We hold no seat in Parliament. We have no dedicated political voice. With each passing decade our language, our culture and our civic presence grow a little quieter. This is not an appeal for sympathy. It is a case, resting on history and on democratic principle, for a recognition that is long overdue. The Malays of Sri Lanka are not asking for charity. We are asking to be counted in the nation we helped build

A Community of Soldiers, Scholars and Statesmen

The Sri Lankan Malay story does not begin in the colonial footnotes. Austronesian seafarers reached these shores as early as 200 BC. The 13th century brought Chandrabhanu Sridhamaraja, a Javanese ruler who led an invasion from Tambralinga and briefly held dominion over northern Sri Lanka. The community that exists today, however, traces its roots most concretely to the Dutch colonial era, when soldiers, nobles and political exiles from across the Indonesian archipelago, from Sulawesi, Java, Bali, Ambon and Madura, arrived in Ceylon and never returned.

These were not passive arrivals waiting for history to happen around them. The Malays became the backbone of Ceylon’s colonial military, serving with enough distinction that the British formalised their role through the Ceylon Rifle Regiment, a unit staffed almost entirely by Malays. The regiment’s influence extended far beyond the barracks. Malay soldiers in Colombo published the first Malay-language newspaper issued anywhere in the Eastern world. They built mosques across Kandy, Badulla, Kurunegala and Hambantota. They left their mark on the Sinhala language in ways that persist to this day: the words sarong, rabana, botale, kamara, bonchi and soldaduwa all trace their roots to Malay. The nation’s beloved dodol is a Malay contribution.

In the legal and civic sphere, the record is equally substantial. Justice Maas Thajoon Akbar became the first Malay Justice of the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka in the 1920s. Tuan Burhanudeen Jayah, known as T. B. Jayah, served in the Legislative Council, the State Council and in the first post-independence Parliament. Dr. P. Drahaman, a physician who founded the All Ceylon Malay Congress in 1944, won a parliamentary seat in 1956 and argued with striking clarity that Malays deserved representation in their own right, distinct from any other community. In the armed forces, Brigadier T. S. B. Sally rose to become Chief of Staff of the Sri Lanka Army, the highest rank any Malay officer has ever held.

This is not a peripheral community. This is a community that has served at every level of Sri Lankan public life and has been rendered progressively invisible in the democratic structures of the state it helped to build. We shaped this nation’s language, defended its sovereignty and administered its laws. Yet today we hold no seat in its Parliament.

The Slow Erasure

The 2024 Census records the Malay community within a combined category alongside Burghers, Chetties, Bharathas and Veddas that together account for just 0.3 percent of Sri Lanka’s total population of 21.7 million. Within that fraction, the Malays number fewer than 40,000. Under Sri Lanka’s proportional representation system, where votes are cast for parties across multi-member electoral districts, a community of this size has no realistic prospect of parliamentary representation through any community-specific route.

The practical consequence has been absorption into broader Muslim political formations that do not always attend to the specific cultural, linguistic and civic concerns of the Malay community. The All Ceylon Malay Political Union, which fought explicitly and consistently for a distinct Malay political voice, faded from active political life decades ago. The last Malay to hold a parliamentary seat of any kind was a nominated member in 1989. That is 37 years without representation.

The Sri Lanka Malay language, a creole blending Austronesian, Sinhala and Tamil in proportions found nowhere else on earth, is classified as endangered. Senior academics who are themselves Malay acknowledge that they rarely speak it at home. The Malay Club at Slave Island, the Sri Lanka Malay Association, the Conference of Sri Lanka Malays: these institutions remain active and their members dedicated, but cultural associations cannot substitute for political representation. Without a voice in policy, a community has no mechanism to advocate for its own language, its schools or its civic recognition.

The Bonds That Remain

What makes the Malay political case distinctive, and worth the attention of any serious Sri Lankan political leader, is the particular character of the community’s relationship with the Sinhalese majority. Unlike many of the fault lines that have defined Sri Lankan politics for decades, the Malay connection with Sinhalese society runs deep and is rooted in centuries of genuine proximity. Sri Lankan scholars have documented significant intermarriage between early Malay settlers and Sinhalese communities, particularly in the south and west of the island. The linguistic overlap is not incidental; it reflects generations of neighbors, colleagues and extended family.

The Malays were never a party to this country’s most devastating ethnic conflicts. A community that is small in number and dispersed across Colombo and the western coast has always been obliged to build relationships across communal lines rather than retreat behind them.

That quality of bridge-building is not weakness, nor is it political neutrality born of indifference. It is the earned disposition of a people who have always understood that their future in Sri Lanka is inseparable from the future of the country as a whole.

In a political moment when Sri Lanka is actively pursuing national reconciliation and inclusive governance under the NPP administration of President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, that disposition is not a liability. It is a genuine political asset. The Malay community has never been an adversary in Sri Lanka’s story. We have always been partners. It is time the state recognised us as such.

What Representation Would Look Like

This is not an argument for a return to communal politics or ethnic bloc-building. Sri Lanka has paid an enormous price for that history and nobody with any sense wants to revisit it. What is being argued here is a model of civic representation rooted in culture, in documented contribution and in constitutional possibility.

The National List, the 29 proportionally allocated parliamentary seats distributed after each general election, has been used before to include communities and voices that the direct electoral system cannot accommodate. A major political party that chose to place a credible Malay representative on its National List would bear no electoral cost for doing so and would signal something genuine about its understanding of Sri Lanka’s full diversity. That is not a complicated ask.

At the local level, the Colombo Municipal Council and the relevant Pradeshiya Sabhas offer a more immediate pathway. The Malay community is concentrated enough in Slave Island, Wellawatte and the broader Colombo district that a well-organised ward-level campaign is a realistic proposition. Local government has historically been where minority community members establish the credibility that national politics eventually recognizes.

Beyond elections, there is a straightforward case for formal state recognition of the Sri Lankan Malay community’s cultural and linguistic heritage, including support for language preservation, inclusion in national school curricula and proper documentation of Malay contributions to Sri Lankan history. When Mahatma Gandhi visited Sri Lanka in 1927, he reportedly mentioned the Malays in nearly every public address he gave on the island. It would be a particular kind of failure if the modern Sri Lankan state knew less about its own communities than a visiting guest did, a century ago.

A Voice Worth Having

I write this as a Sri Lankan Malay who has a great deal of affection for this country and a clear-eyed view of both what it has been and what it can become. The NPP government came to power on a conviction that the old patterns of Sri Lankan politics needed to be broken and that the state should answer to all of its people. If that conviction is real rather than rhetorical, it must eventually reckon with the communities that have slipped through the architecture of the electoral system through no failure of their own but through the simple arithmetic of smallness.

Forty thousand Malays. Three centuries of documented service. No seat in Parliament.

That is not a record that should be comfortable for any government that takes representation seriously. It is, however, one that is entirely possible to change.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Thanzyl Thajudeen FCIPR FCIM FCMI is a Chartered PR Practitioner, Managing Director of Mark and Comm (Pvt) Ltd, and a board member of PRCA Asia Pacific. He was named Campaign Asia-Pacific 40 Under 40 in 2024. He is a Sri Lankan Malay. The views expressed are his own.

by Thanzyl Thajudeen,a Sri Lankan Malay ✍️

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Opinion

Role of children’s stories in learning English and their impact on children

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Children’s stories have always been an important part of childhood. From traditional fairy tales to modern picture books, stories entertain children while also helping them understand the world around them. When children are learning English as a language, stories become an especially valuable tool because they provide a natural, enjoyable, and meaningful way to develop language skills. Through characters, plots, and imaginative situations, children’s stories support vocabulary development, improve communication abilities, and encourage confidence in using English.

One of the greatest benefits of children’s stories in English language learning is that they introduce children to new vocabulary in a meaningful context. Instead of memorising isolated words from a list, children learn words through situations and actions within a story. For example, a story about a farm may introduce words such as “animal,” “field,” “farmer,” and “plant” while showing how these words relate to each other. This contextual learning helps children understand and remember new vocabulary more effectively.

Stories also improve children’s listening skills. When teachers, parents, or other speakers read stories aloud, children hear correct pronunciation, sentence structures, and natural expressions in English. Regular exposure to spoken English helps children become familiar with the rhythm, sounds, and patterns of the language. Even when children do not understand every word, they can often follow the meaning through pictures, gestures, and the events of the story. Over time, this develops their ability to understand spoken English in different situations.

Another important impact of children’s stories is the development of speaking skills. Stories encourage children to talk about characters, describe events, answer questions, and share their own ideas. Activities such as retelling a story, acting out scenes, or discussing what might happen next give children opportunities to practise English in a relaxed environment. Because stories are enjoyable and engaging, children are often more willing to participate and communicate without fear of making mistakes.

Children’s stories also support the development of grammar skills. Through repeated exposure to well-formed sentences, children gradually recognize how English works. They learn common sentence patterns, verb forms, and ways of expressing ideas. For young learners, grammar is often easier to understand when it is presented through a story rather than through direct explanations. For example, a story that describes past events naturally introduces the use of past tense verbs, allowing children to observe grammar in action.

In addition to language development, stories have a strong influence on children’s imagination and creativity. Stories allow children to enter different worlds, meet interesting characters, and explore new ideas. When learning English, imagination makes the language experience more meaningful. A child who becomes interested in a story about a brave character or a magical adventure is more likely to remember the words and expressions connected with that experience. Creativity also encourages children to create their own stories, which further strengthens their ability to use English.

Children’s stories can also help develop cultural awareness. Language is closely connected with culture, and stories often introduce children to different traditions, lifestyles, and values. English stories from different countries allow children to learn about people and places beyond their own experiences. This helps them understand that English is not only a subject to study but also a way to communicate with people around the world.

Reading stories in English can also increase children’s motivation and positive attitudes toward learning. Many children may find learning a new language challenging, especially when they focus only on textbooks or exercises. Stories make learning more enjoyable because they combine education with entertainment. When children associate English with fun and creativity, they are more likely to develop curiosity and continue learning.

The emotional impact of stories should not be overlooked. Many children’s stories contain themes such as friendship, kindness, courage, and problem-solving. Through characters and situations, children can learn important social and emotional lessons. Discussing these themes in English gives children opportunities to express feelings, opinions, and personal experiences. This not only improves language ability but also supports emotional growth.

Teachers play an important role in using stories effectively in English language classrooms. Selecting stories that match children’s age, interests, and language levels is essential. Teachers can support understanding by using pictures, asking questions, encouraging predictions, and connecting the story to children’s lives. Repetition is also valuable, as hearing the same story several times allows children to become more familiar with vocabulary and sentence structures.

Parents can also encourage language learning through storytelling at home. Reading English stories together, listening to audiobooks, or watching story-based programs can provide additional exposure to the language. A supportive environment where children feel comfortable experimenting with English can greatly improve their confidence and progress.

In conclusion, children’s stories have a powerful impact on learning English as a language. They provide children with opportunities to develop vocabulary, listening, speaking, reading, and grammar skills in an enjoyable and meaningful way. Beyond language learning, stories encourage imagination, creativity, cultural understanding, and emotional development. By making English learning engaging and enjoyable, children’s stories help young learners build a strong foundation for future communication and lifelong learning.

Saumya Aloysius

(A children’s writer contributing to both local and foreign newspapers as a freelance writer)

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Opinion

When governments destroy mangroves

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Any government that comes into power is a caretaker – of its people, environment and security. This is another glaring occasion where their lack of knowledge, or blatant disregard to the environment is causing long-lasting damage to this country.

After the devastation of the tsunami, then governments took the initiative to raise natural protection of the island by undertaking massive projects to plant mangroves. It was a long-term project, spanning 20 years, by the armed forces, to get these barriers up. Now the same army is used by this government to chop down these mangroves!!

This is happening right now in the Trincomalee lagoon. Nearly 40 lorry loads of mangrove forest have been taken away already. The excuse used for this is dengue control, a circular issued by the presidential secretariat in June. The ignorance is here; the seawater mixed lagoon does NOT breed mosquitoes. Trincomalee does not pop up in the dengue demographics, even as a high risk area. Yes, there is garbage, and plastic thrown into the mangroves that can be breeding grounds for mosquitoes. These can be cleared away in a clean-up operations, without harming the mangrove trees. It has been done a few times before, by previous government authorities, like coast conservation, who know the value of the mangrove belts. The local rumour becomes believable, that this deplorable act is done to please some local business partners of the area who run pleasure boats in the lagoon.

Yes, unhealthy mangroves can breed mosquitoes. But mangroves are ‘decease swamps’ is a dangerous myth. That mangroves are dirty, stagnant swamps teeming with decease carrying mosquitoes is a misconception that promotes harmful policies to control dengue outbreaks. This top myth justifies the illegal coastal clearance today in Trincomalee. It is destroying an important ecological asset of this country, mangroves, while failing to address the true root of dengue transmission. Where is the coast conservation department in this situ? Have they got CCD permission to carry out this butchery?

Healthy mangroves do not breed dengue mosquitoes, especially the one’s closely connected to the sea like in Trincomalee. The larvae needs completely still unmoving water to breathe at the surface, and mature. The power of tidal flushing which keeps water circulating in the mangroves makes this impossible. Also the daily ebb and flow of ocean tides keeps the water moving in the mangroves and frequently drains the forest floor. The natural hydrology of healthy mangroves, acts as an automatic self-regulating barrier against stagnant water collection, making viable breeding sites virtually impossible.

Also mangroves contain nature’s exterminators. It hosts a massive army of mosquito predators. These mangroves are not dead swamps but vibrant nurseries. Young Fish, dragon flies, crusteasians, and insectivorous birds are natural mosquito predators. Clearing mangroves collapses this natural food web, removing this natural pest control.

In fact, clearing mangroves is counterproductive and will backfire with worsened dengue cases. The heavy machinery will leave a scarred landscape with deep tyre tracks in the marshy soil making stagnant water pools and disrupted drainage. When rainwater fills these artificial depressions it will create perfect stagnant, predator free, fresh water pools, Ideal breeding grounds for Aedes aegypti. Also clearing this kind of buffers can bring in the urban sprawl with its people, housing, and garbage, to the new degraded land.

The collateral damage is even bigger. Destroying mangroves in the name of pest control leaves coastal populations poorer, hungrier, and highly vulnerable to extreme weather. One would have thought at least the people in the coast conservation department were knowledgeable enough about the loss of wave attenuation with removal of mangroves and the risk of flooding and storm surge damages to the coastal areas. Collapse of these fish nurseries should ring alarm bells in the fisheries department. Reduced fish harvest and loss of livelihood for the local fishermen should have had fisheries department people rushing to the site. But neither of the mentioned government departments have raised a murmur, in the face of political influence. This is the sad truth of the country at the moment. Sri Lanka’s climate resilience has been compromised by release of stored ‘blue carbon’ and a loss of natural buffer against rising sea levels, while the responsible people in the government are silent in front of an ignorant political hierarchy.

This is an appeal to the highest authority in the country to stop this environmentally insensitive projects of this nature being coughed up by ignorant municipal members. Clearing these forests directly violates so many policies on conservation. Our local fishermen depend entirely on healthy mangrove root systems—such as those being chopped down. From a health perspective, medical professionals have repeatedly assured us that under the current National Policy Framework, marshy lands and mangrove ecosystems pose no threat of dengue. We request your guidance and intervention to ensure our environment is not sacrificed.

Citizen S

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