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Presidents Premadasa and Wijetunga – some personal anecdotes

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by G.A.D.Sirimal, Retd. SLAS

Chandra Wickremasinghe’s interesting piece on Presidents Premadasa and Wijetunga last Sunday (Oct. 10) nudged my memory about my own encounters with these two personalities when I worked with/for them. So here goes:

True, President Premadasa was certainly not easy to please or satisfy and his officers managed to complete work he wanted done in whatever manner possible to avoid unpleasant repercussions. It was said that Mr. Premadasa, as Prime Minister, had requested the then Secretary to the Treasury (name withheld), a former Civil Servant who was brought back to service by President JRJ to provide funds for his Janasaviya project. The Secretary had said he cannot accommodate such a large sum in the Budget; Premadasa had responded saying he would find another person who could.

The upshot was that another Secretary to the Treasury, who also chaired the Development Secretaries meeting which approves or rejects proposals for/by ministries, was the result. This senior (I’d rather not name him too) sometimes said, “Find the funds, this is a big man’s requirement.”

President Premadasa as Prime Minister started taking the government to the people, his Mobile Secretariat, covering outlying areas/villages. I was appointed from the Ministry for Power and Energy to handle these mobile offices, meet villagers and settle requirements on the spot. This necessitated our going to the place where the mobile office was to be held (often a school), and stay at an area resident’s home (invariably an influential UNP supporter). The day before the program began, we had to arrange desks and chairs to make the venue look like a government office.

The first day I set up the office, some of the PM’s staff turned up to check whether everything was in order. One of them asked me why no portrait of the PM was not on display. I said I didn’t have one and it wasn’t a requirement. He said the PM is very particular about this and brought me a framed portrait to be displayed behind my desk. The next day I found that a clerk who was present when the PM’s people visited had garlanded the portrait. PM Premadasa used to visit every office set up for this mobile project when an oath of service (prathigna) was taken to start off proceedings. When the PM stepped into my office and I greeted him, I noticed him looking smilingly at his own portrait. These mobile events closed with an announcement where the next one would be held giving us time to prepare; and I would start contacting the Divisional Manager of the area to discuss what should or could be done and make necessary arrangements.

There was an interesting episode when a Mobile Office was to be held in Matugama. I discussed plans with the Divisional Manager South of the CEB and he came up with a bright idea. He said he will be completing four rural electrification schemes and we could on that day get PM Premadasa to declare them open by switching on the lights in a newly electrified home. He said he would request some householders, whose homes were close to the distribution line (and not involve planting a new electric post), to wire their houses and on payment of the estimated cost at a bank, a connection will be given the same day.

I contacted my friend Jehan Cassim, then Chairman of the Bank of Ceylon, and asked him how best he could help. He said arrangement could be made to receive payments at the Mobile Bank which will be on site. This was to be kept a secret to give a surprise to the neighbourhood. The day arrived, the morning oath was taken and we went back to the office to start work meeting people. I sent a message to the Prime Minister’s Secretariat to announce what we had planned, and requested that the PM be informed. As this announcement was made over the public address system, all of us were surprised when PM came to my mobile office, congratulated me and said ‘That’s the way government servants should work’.

There was a large gathering and loud applause when the lights were switched on by the PM who entered one of the houses to do the honours. The owner’s wife offered a sheaf of betel and worshipped him. I could see the satisfaction and happiness in his smiling face.

About three days later, an official from the PM’s secretariat handling the Mobile Office project met me and asked whether I would join the Secretariat. I declined the offer on the advice of my friend Jehan Cassim (Chairman BOC) who told me, ‘Siri, if you accept it, then forget your domestic obligations as he will call you at any time of the day or night and assign tasks. He will provide you with a car and a driver and a flat at Elvitigala Mawata if needed.” He then related an incident when Mr. Premadasa had summoned him by phone at 2 a.m requesting his immediate presence and he had to rush to his car doing up his buttons to make it on time. My excuse for declining the offer was that I had two sons who I take to school every morning and also that I was happy working at the Ministry for Power and Energy.

As President, Premadasa commenced his Gam Udava Programme, all Ministries, Departments and State agencies were required to display what they did at each festival. When this began, we received a request for a generator to provide electricity at the Gam Udava grounds. The CEB being a commercial operation, we said that at least the cost be met. This was not to the liking of the President and his staff. However, by some means, they had contacted the Workshop Engineer of the CEB and got generators without approval.

When I visited the Gam Udava site at Buttala, I saw them being operated by CEB employees. Without making a fuss, on my return I inquired about it from the General Manager who smilingly said ‘We know when to keep a blind eye’. The story does not end there, when Mr. Premadasa was elected President he did a cabinet reshuffle and Mr. P.Dayaratne, who was our Minister for Power and Energy was assigned Ministry for Mahaweli Development. Lo and behold! The Workshop Engineer was appointed Chairman CEB!

D.B.Wijetunga

The first time I met D.B.Wijetunga, was during my stint in the Railway Department, then attached to the District Engineer’s office at Dematagoda, in the early 1950s. As I remember, he came into my office, introduced himself as Private Secretary to Mr. A.Ratnayaka, a cabinet minister and wanted a personal favour. He said he had paid for some old railway sleepers and whether it was possible to have them transported to a point close to Pilimatalawa. The way he made his request without throwing his weight made me want to help and I gave him a note to Mr. Costa, the Foreman Platelayer, requesting him to oblige as I knew there was re-sleepering to be done in that area.

About three weeks later, Mr. Wijetunga came all the way to Dematagoda to thank me. Since then, I occasionally saw him in the Fort in his usual gray tussore suit. Once I was going home to Nawalapitiya, and waiting for the train at the Fort Station when he saw me and asked where I was going. When I said to my home at Nawalapitiya, he smiled and said ‘You are also an upcountry person’. When the train arrived, I got into a second-class compartment while he traveled third-class. He waved to me when he passed my carriage when he detrained at Kadugannawa.

Years passed and he was elected UNP MP for Udunuwara in 1965, having lost Kadugannawa in 1956. I was working for the PWD handling improvements to minor roads and other road projects. One day he came to my office for some business and recognizing me, remembering the favour I had once done him long ago, whether I was once in the Railways. He had now come to see whether estimates sent by PWD Executive Engineer Kegalle have been approved. On that occasion he told me how he followed-up all matters pertaining to his electorate by visiting the relevant offices and meeting officers to expedite work. Surprisingly, he lost the next election by a small margin but never failed to follow-up work he had started in the electorate he represented.

When I was transferred to the Ministry of Mahaweli Development, the Ministry of Highways was scrapped and brought under the Mahaweli Ministry leaving the Department of Highways to function as it was. He used to visit me there in connection with electorate work and the talk went round that I was a UNPer. I will not relate the consequences of that but only say I was transferred back to Department of Highways and after about one year brought back.

Then when the Sirima Bandaranaike government was defeated at the next election, Wijetunga was once again elected as MP for Udunuwara; the Mahaweli Ministry was disbanded and Ministry for Power, Energy and Highways was formed. At a conference chaired by Wijetunga, where the separation of departments was discussed, he asked me what Ministry I propose to work at. When I said Ministry for Mahaweli, he said “You had been a Highways man, so why do you choose Mahaweli’. Before I could reply, he turned to the Secretary, James H Lanerolle and said ” James, take him to my Ministry”, much to my embarrassment. I thought the Secretary may think I would be a tale carrier to the Minister. However my fears were allayed in the manner Mr. Lanerolle treated me and promoted me take on added responsibilities.

Later Wijetunga was assigned the portfolio of Posts and Telecommunication, by President JRJ.

I recall another instance of his simplicity when he was Finance Minister with an office at the Old Secretariat. I was waiting with several others for the lift to go up to the second floor. The liftman didn’t allow us to get in as Minister Wijetunga was approaching, he saw me and the others and beckoned us to get in.

He was a simple man whatever position he held and trusted his officials some of whom took advantage of his nature. He had a faithful Co-ordinating Secretary, Wilson who was also a friend of mine. One day an engineer -friend Arulambalam who fled the country during LTTE uprising and was in England for over ten years came back after the war and found the telephone at his house on Station Road, Wellawatte, disconnected. He contacted me to help get it reconnected. I took him to Wijetunga who was then the Minister for Post and Telecommunication. When I introduced Arulambalam as an engineer who worked in the Railways, to our surprise he said ‘ Why I know him. What’s your problem?’. When he was told the reason for our visit, he instructed Wilson to get all the particulars and telephone the Chief Telecommunication Engineer to attend to the matter immediately. Walking out of the building my friend Arulambalam said that this was the first time he had met Wijetunga “and how could he say he knows me.” I laughed and said he is a very simple man, and that is a ‘politrick’ of politicians. On my way back home after office that evening, I dropped in at Arulambalam’s to see the re-connection had been done by 3 pm that day.

Once when I was travelling from Kandy to Colombo with my niece, I made an unannounced call at Prime Minister Wijetunga’s residence at Pilimatalawa. I was asked whether I had an appointment and when I replied ‘No,’ identified myself and asked at least to send a message to the PM saying I was there to meet him, this was done with much reluctance. To the amazement of the security officer, the PM asked him send me in while others waited. He was happy to see me, ordered tea and we had a pleasant chat. In the course of this conversation, referring to various sorts of government servants, he said that there are efficient and hard working officials, but there were others like the Mara trees in the jungle that grow huge but are of no use at all! My niece still chuckles over this remark.

Once I asked him why he did not contest the Presidential Election at the end of his period serving the balance term of President Premadasa. He said Ranil Wickremesinghe wanted him to step down but if he had contested, he had a better chance than Ranil.

I remember with gratitude that he once willingly helped get my son into DS Senanayake College. I told him that living in Boralesgamuwa, I found it difficult to get my son into a Colombo school. He promptly rang Principal R.I.T.Alles, and got the boy in. Such humble, simple and lovable, approachable people in high positions are hard to find.

The writer retired as an Asst. Secy. to

the Ministry of Power and Energy



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Features

Oscars 2025: The list of winners from the 97th Academy Awards

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[pic BBC]

Anora, a screwball comedy-drama about a sex worker who marries a Russian oligarch’s son, walked away with the biggest prizes at the 97th annual Academy Awards. The film won the awards for Best Picture, Best Actress, Best Director, Best Editing and Best Original Screenplay.

The musical Emilia Perez, which had the highest total nominations with 13 nods,  scooped up wins for Best Original Song and Best Supporting Actress on Sunday night.

Adrien Brody won Best Actor for The Brutalist – his second Oscar. In 2003, Brody became the youngest person to win the Best Actor award for The Pianist at the age of 29. Mikey Madison won Best Actress for Anora.

Kieran Culkin bagged the Best Supporting Actor award for A Real Pain, and Paul Tazewell became the first Black man to win the award for Best Costume Design for Wicked.

No Other Land nabbed Best Documentary Feature for its stark portrayal of Israeli settler violence against Palestinians in the occupied West Bank.

Best picture

  • Anora – Winner
  • The Brutalist
  • A Complete Unknown
  • Conclave
  • Dune: Part Two
  • Emilia Perez
  • I’m Still Here
  • Nickel Boys
  • The Substance
  • Wicked

Best Actor

  • Adrien Brody, for The Brutalist – Winner
  • Timothee Chalamet, for A Complete Unknown
  • Colman Domingo, for Sing Sing
  • Ralph Fiennes, for Conclave
  • Sebastian Stan, for The Apprentice

Best Actress

  • Mikey Madison, for Anora – Winner 
  • Cynthia Erivo, for Wicked
  • Karla Sofia Gascon, for Emilia Perez
  • Demi Moore, for The Substance
  • Fernanda Torres, for I’m Still Here

Best Supporting Actress

  • Zoe Saldana for Emilia Perez – Winner
  • Ariana Grande, for Wicked
  • Monica Barbaro, for A Complete Unknown
  • Felicity Jones, for The Brutalist
  • Isabella Rossellini, for Conclave

Best Supporting Actor

  • Kieran Culkin for A Real Pain – Winner 
  • Yura Borisov, for Anora
  • Edward Norton, for A Complete Unknown
  • Guy Pearce, for The Brutalist
  • Jeremy Strong, for The Apprentice

International Feature Film

  • I’m Still Here – Winner 
  • The Girl with the Needle
  • Emilia Perez
  • The Seed of the Sacred Fig
  • Flow

Documentary Feature

  • No Other Land – Winner 
  • Black Box Diaries
  • Porcelain War
  • Soundtrack to a Coup d’Etat
  • Sugarcane

Original Song

  • El Mal from Emilia Perez – Winner
  • Never Too Late from Elton John: Never Too Late
  • Mi Camino from Emilia Perez
  • Like A Bird from Sing Sing
  • The Journey from The Six Triple Eight

Original Screenplay

  • Sean Baker for Anora – Winner
  •  Brady Corbet and Mona Fastvold for The Brutalist
  • Jesse Eisenberg for A Real Pain
  • Moritz Binder, Tim Fehlbaum, Alex David for September 5
  • Coralie Fargeat for The Substance

Adapted Screenplay

  • Peter Straughan for Conclave – Winner
  • Jay Cocks and James Mangold for A Complete Unknown
  • Jacques Audiard for Emilia Perez
  • RaMell Ross and Joslyn Barnes for Nickel Boys
  • Clint Bentley and Greg Kwedar for Sing Sing

Animated Feature Film

  • Flow – Winner
  • Inside Out 2
  • Memoir of a Snail
  • Wallace & Gromit: Vengeance Most Fowl
  • The Wild Robot

Visual Effects

  • Dune: Part Two – Winner 
  • Alien: Romulus
  • Better Man
  • Kingdom of the Planet of the Apes
  • Wicked

Costume Design

  • Paul Tazewell for Wicked – Winner 
  • Linda Muir for Nosferatu
  • Arianne Phillips for A Complete Unknown
  • Lisy Christl for Conclave
  • Janty Yates and Dave Crossman for Gladiator II

Cinematography

  • The Brutalist – Winner
  • Dune: Part Two
  • Emilia Perez
  • Maria
  • Nosferatu

Documentary Short Film

  • The Only Girl in the Orchestra – Winner 
  • Death by Numbers
  • I Am Ready, Warden
  • Incident
  • Instruments of a Beating Heart

Best Sound

  • Dune: Part Two – Winner
  • A Complete Unknown
  • Emilia Perez
  • Wicked
  • The Wild Robot

Production Design

  • Wicked – Winner 
  • The Brutalist
  • Dune: Part Two
  • Nosferatu
  • Conclave

Makeup and Hairstyling

  • The Substance – Winner
  • A Different Man
  • Emilia Perez
  • Nosferatu
  • Wicked

Film Editing

  • Sean Baker for Anora – Winner
  • David Jancso for The Brutalist
  • Nick Emerson for Conclave
  • Juliette Welfling for Emilia Perez
  • Myron Kerstein for Wicked

Live Action Short Film

  • I’m Not a Robot – Winner 
  • Anuja
  • The Last Ranger
  • A Lien
  • The Man Who Could Not Remain Silent

Animated Short Film

  • In the Shadow of the Cypress – Winner 
  • Beautiful Men
  • Magic Candies
  • Wander to Wonder
  • Yuck!

[Aljazeera]

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Nawaz Commission report holds key to government response at UNHRC

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Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath at the UNHRC

by Jehan Perera

The United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) sessions in Geneva have regularly been a focal point of controversy for Sri Lanka. Since 2009, the year the thirty-year internal war ended, the country has been the subject of multiple resolutions aimed at addressing human rights violations and war crimes committed during and after the war. These resolutions have been met with strong resistance from successive Sri Lankan governments, which have accused the UNHRC of double standards and external interference in the country’s internal affairs. Nationalist political factions have often used the UNHRC’s actions as a rallying point to stir anger against the international community and ethnic minorities within Sri Lanka, further deepening divisions within the country.

However, the ongoing UNHRC sessions have seen a notable shift in Sri Lanka’s approach. Unlike in previous years, where government delegations clashed openly with UNHRC representatives, the government representatives delivered speeches that emphasised Sri Lanka’s commitment to international human rights norms. Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath reaffirmed Sri Lanka’s commitment to independent and credible domestic mechanisms within the constitutional framework to address post-war issues of national reconciliation. He emphasised that institutions such as the Office on Missing Persons (OMP), Office for Reparations (OR), and Office for National Unity and Reconciliation (ONUR) will be strengthened.

Foreign Minister Herath also said, “The Government led by President Anura Kumara Disanayaka is firmly and sincerely committed to working towards a unified Sri Lanka that respects and celebrates the diversity of its people with no division or discrimination based on race, religion, class and caste. We will not leave room for a resurgence of divisive racism or religious extremism in our country. The fundamental and longstanding principles of democracy and freedom enshrined in our Constitution will be fully respected and safeguarded while protecting the human rights of all citizens. Every citizen should feel free to practice their religion, speak their language, and live according to their cultural values without fear or discrimination. No one should feel that their beliefs, culture, or political affiliations will make them targets of undue pressure or prejudice.”

NAWAZ COMMISSION

However, while the speech did Sri Lanka proud, it largely revolved around broad commitments to human rights rather than addressing specific allegations of war crimes, enforced disappearances, and militarisation in the North and East of the country.  For instance, UNHRC Resolution 25/1, adopted in 2014, mandated the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) to conduct an independent investigation into allegations of human rights violations during the final phases of the war. More recently, in 2021, a resolution was passed that granted the UN human rights office a mandate to collect and preserve evidence of war crimes for potential future prosecutions. Successive Sri Lankan governments have rejected these resolutions, viewing them as politically motivated and unfairly targeted at the country’s military and political leadership.

 Despite these criticisms, the international community has continued to push for accountability. The extension of the OHCHR’s Sri Lanka Accountability Project in October 2024 highlighted the international perception that Sri Lanka has not done enough to ascertain the truth of what happened in the past and to take action against those who perpetrated war crimes and gross human rights violations during the war period.  Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath’s response to this was to say in Geneva, “The contours of a truth and reconciliation framework, will be further discussed with the broadest possible cross section of stakeholders, before operationalization to ensure a process that has the trust of all Sri Lankans.”

The solution of a truth and reconciliation commission is a concept that has taken root and evolved from within the country. The recommendations of the Presidential Commission to Investigate Findings of Previous Commissions of Inquiry on Human Rights chaired by Supreme Court Justice A.H.M.D. Nawaz makes this clear.  This Commission was entrusted with the huge task of evaluating the findings of previous Presidential Commissions of Inquiry and assessing their implementation. The Commission’s interim reports, published in 2022 and 2023, and its final report, submitted in January 2024, provide a comprehensive analysis of Sri Lanka’s human rights landscape. The report provides a clear answer—Sri Lanka must establish a Truth and Reconciliation Commission to formally address past injustices, provide justice for victims, and prevent future conflict.

OVERCOMING MISTRUST

The pivotal recommendation from the Nawaz Commission is the formation of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission. As articulated in paragraph 1043 of the report: “Undoubtedly, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission can provide a historical record of serious violations of human rights and international humanitarian law, and influence institutional reforms in law and practice to promote and protect human rights. Critically, they assist in ensuring accountability for serious violations, which is fundamental in order to prevent potential violations, promote compliance with the law, and provide avenues of justice and redress for victims.” By establishing an authoritative historical record, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission can dispel misinformation, acknowledge the suffering of victims, and pave the way for meaningful reforms.

Sri Lanka’s history is replete with numerous commissions of inquiry, each established with the intent to investigate specific incidents or periods of unrest. The Nawaz report goes painstakingly into them. Notable among these are the Three Presidential Commissions of 1994, which investigated violations from 1987 to 1990 but were prematurely halted; the All-Island Presidential Commission of 1998, which built on the earlier inquiries and issued a report in 2002, calling for judicial action; The 2001 Presidential Truth Commission on Ethnic Violence (1981-84), which investigated the 1983 riots. While some victims received compensation in 2004, there was no accountability for perpetrators; The 2006 Udalagama Commission, which investigated cases like the Trincomalee five students and the 17 ACF humanitarian workers but lacked follow-through; The 2010 Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC), which reviewed events from 2002 to 2009 and made many recommendations that were not implemented; The 2013 Paranagama Commission, which examined missing persons and civilian casualties during the final years of the war and led to the setting up of the Office on Missing Persons (OMP) in 2016.

 The recurring theme across these commissions is a pervasive sense of disillusionment among victims and the broader populace. As the Nawaz Commission which went through them in detail poignantly observes, “Our island nation has had a surfeit of commissions. Many witnesses who testified before this commission narrated their disappointment of going before previous commissions and achieving nothing in return.”  This sentiment highlights the critical need for a Truth and Reconciliation Commission that not only investigates but also ensures the implementation of its recommendations, thereby restoring public trust in transitional justice mechanisms. The Nawaz commission being an internal one, entirely funded and supported by the Sri Lankan government, documented and analysed material that was also gathered by other national commissions. This would dispel any notion of an international conspiracy behind it.

IMMEDIATE ACTIONS

The government’s recent approach at the UNHRC suggests a willingness to engage diplomatically. However, for its credibility to grow and for trust to develop, this engagement must be backed by concrete action and be more inclusive in its scope to include key stakeholder groups. The government also needs to move beyond general statements and take tangible steps to address the concerns raised by the international community. Key steps could include Returning Land to Displaced Communities.  Many communities in the Northern and Eastern provinces remain displaced due to land occupied by the military. The government should expedite the process of returning these lands to their rightful owners to restore livelihoods and promote reconciliation.

This needs to be buttressed by Releasing Long-Term Detainees.  A significant number of individuals remain in detention under the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA), some without formal charges. Ensuring due process and releasing those against whom there is no credible evidence would demonstrate a genuine commitment to justice and human rights.  Finally, the government also needs to set about Reducing Military Presence in the North and East. The continued military presence in civilian areas fuels tensions and undermines reconciliation efforts. Demilitarization, along with empowering local governance structures, would be a crucial step toward normalizing life in these regions.

The government needs to back up its diplomatic engagement with the UNHRC and other international and national stakeholders with real, measurable actions. Addressing core issues such as land restitution, the release of detainees, and demilitarisation would not only help rebuild trust with the international community but also contribute internally to national unity and reconciliation.  This needs to be followed by the establishment of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission that is established in consultation with all stakeholders and is genuinely implemented.

Usually, stakeholders are limited to victims and survivor groups and some government institutions. Ideally, stakeholders should also include, the media and journalists, judiciary and legal institutions, CSOs, NGOs and religious and community leaders, who recognise the need for a Truth and Reconciliation process.  The Nawaz Commission Report has laid the groundwork for this vital initiative, and it is up to all of them to ensure its success. Sri Lanka has the potential to be the voice of conscience in a world that is increasingly troubled by the breakdown of international norms. Sri Lanka can do its part to contribute to healing processes in the world.

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Bassist Benjy…no more with Mirage

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Benjy Ranabahu is known for his bass playing prowess and is a drawcard wherever he performs.

I know of several who wait with great expectation, whenever they see Benjy, on stage, knowing that the moment he moves into action, he would light up the stage with his dynamism.

Yes, Benjy is no more with the group Mirage. The scene changed for him after he returned from the Seychelles, last month.

He hasn’t quit the music scene, he said, adding that at the moment he would like to take a break from the showbiz setup.

“I’m taking things easy at the moment…just need to relax and then decide what my future plans would be.

“I’ve already had offers coming my way but it would take a while before I finally decide whether my future would be as a member of another band or … I put together my own outfit.”

Where Benjy is concerned ‘practice makes perfect’ and he says if he decides to have his own outfit he would make sure that what he gives the public would be nothing short of ‘perfect.’

In fact, Benjy had his own band, not too long ago, and I’m sure music lovers would remember Aquarius.

Aquarius was extremely popular in the scene here, and overseas, as well.

They had contracts in the Middle East and were also seen in action in Europe.

Benjy’s own band Aquarius

Towards the latter stages, Aquarius had female vocalists, from the Philippines, doing the needful as upfront singers, and, together with Benjy, they certainly did mesmerize the audience.

Benjy loves to interact with the audience and is seen very often, down from the stage, and moving from table to table, entertaining, with his booming bass playing.

There have also been occasions where Benjy uses pyrotechnics (kind of fireworks emanating from his guitar) and the audience go ga-ga over such happenings.

Sadly, music lovers are going to miss this dynamic bassist … hopefully, for a short while.

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