Features
Accountability issues: Some conveniently forgotten facts
Illankai Thamil Arasu Kadchi (ITAK) recently commemorated the death of Sahayaseeli Pedhuruppillai, alias Maalathy, the first woman cadre killed fighting for the macabre Eelam cause.
Jaffna District parliamentarian and ITAK leader Sivagnanam Shritharan, MP, attended the event, organised by the ITAK Kilinochchi branch. Tamil Guardian (TG) in an online report, headlined ‘ITAK commemorates 2nd Lt. Maalathy in Kilinochchi,’ posted on 13 October, 2025, recounting how Shritharan spoke about Maalathy’s life and the sacrifice she made for the Tamil liberation struggle.
According to that report, there hadn’t been any other parliamentarian, past or present, except for Shritharan, at the event. Shritharan received the ITAK leadership in January 2024 after beating parliamentarian M.A. Sumanthiran, PC. Shritharan succeeded the ageing Mavai Senathiraja, who passed away in January 2025.
Having first entered Parliament, in 2010, on the ITAK ticket (ITAK led the Tamil National Alliance), Shritharan was reelected at the 2015, 2020 and 2024 parliamentary elections.
What really interested me, in that TG report, was the reference to the Indian Army deployment in Sri Lanka in the late ’80s. TG reported: “Maalathy was killed at the age of 20 during a confrontation with the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) in Jaffna. She was shot in the legs by the IPKF and swallowed cyanide to avoid being captured.”
Maalathy committed suicide to avoid falling into the hands of the IPKF on 10 October, 1987, close to Navatkuli-Kopay Road, during a fierce confrontation between the Indians and the LTTE.
TG also reported a commemoration event in Jaffna to mark the Pirambadi massacre in Kokuvil, where over 64 Tamils were massacred by the IPKF, 38 years ago. That massacre happened at the onset of IPKF operation, codenamed ‘Pawan,’ to disarm the belligerent LTTE. Obviously, India had no option but to go on the offensive against those New Delhi clandestinely recruited, trained, and armed with Indian taxpayers’ money. TG posted its online report, headlined ‘Pirambadi massacre by Indian troops remembered in Jaffna’ on 12 October, 2025.
Those who had been loudly demanding accountability, on the part of Sri Lanka during the war/conflict, are conveniently silent about the IPKF deployment in northern and eastern Sri Lanka (29 July, 1987, to 24 March, 1990). Would Shritharan care to explain the ITAK’s stand on accountability at least now? There cannot be any justifiable reason for him to remain silent on the contentious issue against the backdrop of him attending a commemoration event for Maalathy.
The Valvettithurai Citizens’ Committee (VCC) has caught both Sri Lanka and India by surprise. The Committee has sought compensation from the Office for Reparations, for the Valvettithurai massacre, perpetrated by the IPKF in early August 1989. VCC has asked for altogether Rs. 4.3 bn (USD 14.6 mn) and The Sunday Times, last week, quoted the Secretary to VCC, N. Aanatharaj, as having said they asked for compensation from India in 1990 but didn’t receive any response. Nearly 70 perished in the VVT incidents.
The Jaffna Hospital massacre, in October 1987, was another incident directly blamed on the IPKF. Over 60 people died at the Jaffna Hospital. But the thriving Western funded global human rights industry has never taken into consideration such incidents when moving resolutions, targeting Sri Lanka. Sri Lanka, too, never mentioned such atrocities at Geneva in order not to antagonise India and thereby has ended up taking the blame for everything that had happened.
The Geneva-based United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) had been always silent on India’s accountability. Successive Sri Lankan governments, too, lacked the courage to set the record straight at the Geneva HRC. The JVP-led National People’s Power government, despite all their previous bravado, especially against India, prior to coming to power, is no exception.
TG reportage is evidence that those who wanted to haul Sri Lanka up before a hybrid court, consisting of local and foreign judges, selectively make reference to alleged atrocities perpetrated by the IPKF. In the absence of cohesive planning on the part of Sri Lanka, the ITAK, LTTE rump and the Tamil Diaspora have been able to advance their strategy meant to isolate the war-winning country. They are careful not to condemn the Indian Army when the Sri Lankan military is targeted at Geneva. The UNHRC seems comfortable with that obvious, but utterly shameful strategy.
True face of the LTTE
The same lot are generally silent about the atrocities committed by the LTTE. Perhaps, they must be reminded of the true face of the LTTE. The LTTE massacred hundreds of Tamils, belonging to rival Tamil groups trained by India, killed quite a number of Tamil civilians, executed members of its own organisation, including its number two Gopalswamy Mahendrarajah, aka Mahattaya, killed Tamil parliamentarians, and blew up Indian Congress Party leader and former Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi. Do not forget that the LTTE assassinated Gandhi over a year after India ended its disastrous military mission in Sri Lanka. India could never explain how it lost nearly 1,500 officers and men and nearly 3,000 wounded, some maimed for life, during less than three years of ‘peace keeping’ here!
The LTTE could have easily reached a consensus with President J.R. Jayewardene’s government on the basis of the July 1987 Indo-Lanka Peace Accord and secured the Lion’s share of the first North-East Provincial Council. But, the LTTE had been too greedy and sought to eradicate all other Tamil groups and the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF), predecessor of the TNA.
The LTTE believed in one-party rule and the group also sought to force Muslims and Sinhalese out of the northern and eastern regions. The eviction of Muslims from the Northern Province, in October 90, several months after India ended its military mission here, and the LTTE resuming its cold blooded hostilities with terror attacks, revealed the mindset of the group. The LTTE obviously felt confident that it could overwhelm the Sri Lankan military, after India withdrew its Army.
At one point, the LTTE even toyed with the idea of contesting elections – both parliamentary and Provincial Councils – during Ranasinghe Premadasa’s presidenc, but changed its strategy. On Premadasa’s explicit directive, the then Election Commissioner Chandrananda de Silva recognised the People’s Front of Liberation Tigers (PFLT) as a recognised political party, regardless of the group retaining arms, as the government and the LTTE examined how mutual trust could be established.
The LTTE never sought to hide its intentions to do away with other political parties. The group brazenly used direct negotiations with Premadasa (May 1989 to June 1990) to infiltrate Colombo. An LTTE hit squad that arrived in Colombo, courtesy Sri Lanka Air Force (SLAF), assassinated foremost Tamil politician Appapillai Amirthalingam, along with ex-Jaffna MP Vettivelu Yogeswaran. Ex-Nallur MP Murugesu Sivasithamparam was shot and wounded during the same hit job, but he luckily survived.
The Indian Army was still deployed in the northern and eastern provinces while Premadasa foolishly provided funds and arms to the LTTE, thinking that he was getting on their good books and to get rid of the Indians. On the orders of Premadasa, the Sri Lankan military even facilitated the LTTE operations, aimed at liquidating rival Tamil groups. The LTTE killed hundreds of hastily trained men of rival groups, by Delhi, in a stupid bid to form, what was called, the Tamil National Army (TNA), prior to its departure from here, as demanded by Premadasa. The result was Velupillai Prabhakaran unleashed his forces to wipe them out. The LTTE killed indiscriminately.
Even after the LTTE resumed hostilities, in June 1990, against his own government, Premadasa had been so dumb, he released funds to the Tigers, through the Treasury. By the time R. Paskaralingam, who served as Premadasa’s trusted Treasury Chief, had released as much as Rs 125 mn and the true value of the arms, ammunition and equipment provided during this period of madness is not known. As to how trustworthy is Paskaralingam can be gauged from yet unresolved revelations made by Pandora papers.
Prabhakaran could have easily had his Eelam without waging war. Don’t forget at India’s behest, Sri Lanka merged the Eastern Province with the Northern Province, in September 1988, in terms of the Indo-Lanka Accord. That interim arrangement was to be placed before the people living in the Eastern Province by/before 31 December, 1988, for approval/rejection. But that referendum was never held. The LTTE had an extremely favourable ground situation and could have easily consolidated political power if not for unleashing violence in the wake of a group of its cadres, including Kumarappan and Pulendran, detained at Palalay, taking their own lives in protest.
The Supreme Court declared the North-East merger illegal in October 2006. The province was formally demerged into the Northern and Eastern provinces on 1 January, 2007. The SC gave its historic order on 16 October, 2006, the LTTE mounted devastating suicide attack on the Navy at Digampathana. The blast claimed the lives of 107 Navy personnel and wounded over 150 more. Retired Admiral Ravi Wijegunaratne is on record as having said that attack influenced their campaign against the Sea Tigers. In a series of operations, facilitated by intelligence provided by the Army and the US, the then Navy Chief VA Wasantha Karannagoda’s Navy hunted down floating LTTE arsenals.
The unprecedented success, achieved by the Navy, with stepped up operation, entirely disrupted the Tiger sea supply routes to Northern Sri Lanka. By the time the war ended, in May, 2009, the LTTE had almost run out of ammunition stocks. In the following year, Shritharan’s ITAK, then led by the late R. Sampanthan, betrayed the LTTE by backing retired General Sarath Fonseka at the presidential election. That should be examined against Sampanthan’s declaration, way back in 2001, that the LTTE/Velupillai Prabhakaran is the sole representative of the Tamil speaking people. The Trincomalee district lawmaker obviously and conveniently forgot what the group did to Amirthalingam.
Did the UN fail the Tamil community? Tamil Guardian
Editor Thusiyan Nandakumar dealt with the latest UN resolution in a well-articulated piece, posted on The Diplomat. The 14 October, 2025, datelined article (The UN’s Sri Lanka Failure: Why yet another resolution on accountability is being rejected by victims) bluntly alleged that the UNHRC failed to hold Sri Lanka’s war criminals to account.
The UK-based Nandakumar quoted those whom he identified as observers as having asserted that the latest resolution, adopted without a vote, is the weakest since the introduction of accountability measures in 2012. (https://thediplomat.com/2025/10/the-uns-sri-lanka-failure/)
It would be pertinent to ask whether accountability measures could be implemented without examining the origins of terrorism here. Of course the UN failed Sri Lanka by turning a blind eye to the high profile Indian destabilisation project that caused massive death and destruction. That project was meant to pave the way for the creation of a single administrative unit, comprising the Northern and Eastern Provinces. Had the UN intervened here thousands of lives could have been saved. The UN did nothing. The global body simply watched as India destabilised Sri Lanka, forcing the latter to accept the Indian Army on a peacekeeping role. Not only the Mullivaikkal battle but Nanthikadal could have been avoided if the LTTE accepted peace under Indian terms. Instead, the LTTE was overconfident and believed it had the wherewithal to deceive India, Sri Lanka and achieve Eelam in an all-out war.
Interested parties tend to forget that the Sri Lankan military fought the LTTE, consisted of almost 100 percent Tamils. Often, they portrayed the conflict as war between the military and Tamil civilians. They bring up atrocities perpetrated by the IPKF in isolation to highlight selected cases such as Maalathy taking her life after being shot in both legs and the Pirambadi massacre in Kokuvil, both incidents in October 1987.
There had been instances of excesses by the Sri Lankan military and the IPKF, no doubt, when fighting a ruthless enemy, like the LTTE. There is no point in denying that. But, the LTTE, after having killed as many as 35,000 Sri Lankan armed forces and police and 1,500 Indians cannot continue to portray themselves as the victims. Those who fled Sri Lanka and secured highly sought after citizenship in the affluent West, while their same Western backers shouldn’t be allowed to exploit the situation to the separatists’ advantage. The LTTE fought well and adopted tactics such as suicide attacks on selected individuals and military targets and there cannot be any dispute over their commitment to the Eelam cause. But, foreigners of Sri Lankan origin have become a nuisance with organisations such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch (HRW) harassing post-war Sri Lanka.
None of those shedding crocodile tears now for war victims did not bother to issue even a simple statement requesting the LTTE not to depend on Tamil civilian human shields to advance their macabre cause. They remained tight-lipped when the retreating LTTE forced Tamil civilians, living in Vanni west, to accompany them. The LTTE’s action resulted in approximately 300,000 people being trapped in the Mullivaikkal area. That was Velupillai Prabhakaran’s intention to have a human shield to protect his surviving band.
The ITAK stayed silent throughout that period (last phase of the war January to May 2009) while the LTTE took cover behind the civilians. If the ITAK made any interventions on behalf of the people and particularly to save children from forced conscription, leader Shritharan should be able to prove their efforts. The Jaffna district politician can do so in Parliament.
In fact, the UN had been aware of the civilians seeking to flee LTTE held areas at the onset of military operations in the Vanni west. The 57 Division – one of the principal offensive divisions conducting operations on the Vanni west, beginning March 2007, prompted those living in the area to seek refuge in the government held area. Fearing large scale departure of civilians, the LTTE took action to halt secret flight of people. When the LTTE realised some UN workers, too, had been involved in secretly moving people across the lines, Velupillai Prabhakaran ordered action. Except for The Island no other media – both print and electronic – reported the detention of UN workers by the increasingly desperate LTTE.
The UN secretly negotiated for the release of two UN workers held by the Tigers in the Vanni. The Colombo-based UN bigwigs kept the incident under wraps believing that the LTTE would eventually free them.
The UN Headquarters claimed that its Colombo office hadn’t alerted New York about the abduction. An influential section of the Colombo-based diplomatic community strived to resolve the dispute without bringing it to the notice of the government though the incident should have been immediately brought to the notice of the government.
The UN is believed to have brought the incident to the notice of the government several weeks after the unexpected development and the LTTE’s refusal to release the UN workers.
So-called human rights champions (they are also called human rights defenders) remained deaf and dumb during the entire period. Those who accuse the government of death and destruction, at the drop of a hat, turned a convenient Nelsonian eye. The detention of two employees of the world body is a case in point. Until the very end, the LTTE tried to retain the civilian shield at any cost by shooting anyone who tried to flee. Instead of demanding the LTTE to give up civilian shields forthwith, the UN sought to evacuate Velupillai Prabhakaran, his family and a selected group of LTTE families, from the Vanni east. The US had been involved in that project and no less than wartime Navy Commander, the then VA Karannagoda, in his memoirs, published in both Sinhala and English, mentioned the US involvement in the effort.
President Mahinda Rajapaksa had the guts to thwart that plan as well as a US backed joint British-French bid meant to force a ceasefire in April 2009 to save the LTTE. If Western powers really wanted to save Velupillai Prabhakaran and his loved ones, they could have arranged for them to leave Puthumathalan, under ICRC protection. That is the truth. The ICRC evacuated thousands of wounded civilians and their relatives from Vanni east to Pulmoddai where an Indian medical team accepted them. Transfer of Prabhakaran and family, too, from Vanni east to Pulmoddai could have been arranged. The writer was among a small group of journalists taken by the Navy to Mullaitivu seas in late April 2009 (three weeks before Prabhakaran’s death) to observe the ICRC operation.
Let me conclude this article by reproducing a note written by the then Norwegian Ambassador in Colombo to Basil Rajapaksa. The following is the text of the missive dated 16 February, 2009: “I refer to our telephone conversation today. The proposal to the LTTE on how to release the civilian population now trapped in the LTTE controlled area has been transmitted to the LTTE through several channels. So far there has been regrettably no response from the LTTE and it does not seem to be likely that the LTTE will agree to this in the near future.”
The ugly truth is civilians/civilian shields have been an integral part of the overall LTTE defence.
By Shamindra Ferdinando ✍️
Features
The middle-class money trap: Why looking rich keeps Sri Lankans poor
Every January, we make grand resolutions about our finances. We promise ourselves we’ll save more, spend less, and finally get serious about investments. By March, most of these promises were abandoned, alongside our unused gym memberships.
The problem isn’t our intentions, it’s our approach. We treat financial management as a personality flaw that needs fixing, rather than a skill that needs the right strategy. This year let’s try something different. Let’s put actual behavioural science behind how we handle our rupees.
Based on the article ‘Seven proven, realistic ways to improve your finances in 2026’ published on 1news.co.nz, I aim to adapt these recommended financial strategies to the Sri Lankan context.” Here are seven money habits that work because they’re grounded in how humans actually behave, not how we wish we would.
While these strategies offer useful direction for strengthening personal financial management, it is important to acknowledge that they may not be suitable for everyone. Many households face severe financial pressure and cannot realistically follow traditional income allocation frameworks, such as the well-known but outdated Singalovada Sutta guidelines, when even meeting daily food expenses has become a struggle. For individuals and families who are burdened by escalating costs of essentials, including electricity, water, mobile connectivity, transport, and other non-negotiable commitments, strict adherence to prescriptive models is neither practical nor fair to expect. Therefore, readers should remain mindful of their own financial realities and adapt these strategies in ways that align with their income levels, essential obligations, and broader personal circumstances.
1. Your Money Problems Aren’t Moral Failures, They’re Data Points
When every rupee misspent becomes evidence of personal failure, we stop looking for solutions. Shame is a terrible problem-solver. It makes us hide from our bank statements, avoid difficult conversations, and repeat the same mistakes because we’re too embarrassed to examine them.
Instead, try replacing judgment with curiosity. Transform “I’m terrible with money” into “That’s interesting, why did I make that choice?” Suddenly, mistakes become information rather than indictments. You might notice you overspend at Odel or high-end restaurant when stressed about work. Or that you commit to expensive plans when feeling socially pressured. Perhaps your online shopping peaks during power cuts when you’re bored and frustrated.
2. Forget the Year-Long Marathon, Focus on 90-Day Sprints
A Sri Lankan year is densely packed with financial obligations: Sinhala/Tamil Avurudu, Christmas, Vesak, and Poson celebrations; recurring school fees; seasonal festival shopping; wedding and almsgiving periods; yearend festivities; and an evergrowing list of marketing-driven occasions such as Valentine’s Day, Father’s Day, Mother’s Day, and many others. Each of these events carries its own financial weight, often placing additional pressure on already-stretched household budgets.
Research consistently shows that shorter time frames work better. Ninety days is long enough to create a meaningful change, but short enough to maintain focus and momentum. So instead of one overwhelming annual goal, give yourself four quarterly upgrades.
In the first quarter, the focus may be on organising your contributions toward key duties and responsibilities, while also ensuring that you are maximising the available benefits for your designated beneficiaries. Quarter two could be about building a small emergency fund, even Rs. 10,000 provides breathing room. Quarter three might involve auditing your bills and subscriptions to eliminate unnecessary expenses. Quarter four could be when you finally start that investment you’ve been postponing. You don’t need superhuman discipline or complicated spreadsheets, just focused attention, one quarter at a time.
3. Make One Decision That Eliminates Weekly Worry
The best money decisions are the ones you make once but benefit from repeatedly. These are decisions that permanently reduce what behavioural economists call “decision fatigue”, the mental exhaustion that comes from constantly managing money in your head. What’s one choice you could make today that would remove a recurring financial worry?
It might be setting up an automatic standing order to transfer Rs. 10,000 to savings the day your salary arrives, before you can spend it. Maybe it’s consolidating your scattered savings accounts into one that actually pays decent return.
These aren’t dramatic moves that require personality transplants. They’re structural decisions that work with your human tendency toward inertia rather than against it. Most banks now offer seamless digital automation. You can set it up once and benefit from that decision every single month without additional effort or willpower. You make the decision once. You benefit all year. That’s leveraging your energy intelligently.
4. Stop Spending on Who You Think You Should Be
Sri Lankan society comes with heavy expectations. The car you drive, the school your children attend, the hotels you patronise, the brands you wear, all communicate your worth, or so we’re told. Much of our spending isn’t about actual enjoyment. It’s about meeting unspoken expectations, keeping up appearances, or aspiring to a version of us that doesn’t actually exist.
We buy expensive saris we’ll wear once because everyone does. We maintain memberships to clubs we rarely visit because it looks good. We say yes to weekend plans at overpriced restaurants because declining feels like admitting we can’t afford it. We upgrade phones not because ours stopped working, but because others have.
Before your next purchase, ask yourself: do I actually want this, or do I want to want it? If it’s the second one, walk away. You won’t miss it. This isn’t about deprivation, it’s about precision. When you stop spending to perform and start spending to support the life you genuinely enjoy, money pressure eases dramatically. Your resources align with your actual values rather than imagined expectations.
Maybe you don’t care about fancy restaurants, but you love long drives along the southern coast. Maybe branded clothing leaves you cold, but you’d spend any amount on art supplies or books. That’s fine. Spend accordingly.
5. Break One Habit, See If You Actually Miss It
We’re creatures of routine, which serves us well until those routines outlive their usefulness. Sometimes we spend money on habits that started for good reasons but no longer serve us. Alpechchathava, in Buddha’s teaching, means living contentedly with few desires. It guides a person to manage money wisely by avoiding excess spending, unnecessary debt, and craving, and by focusing on essential needs and wholesome priorities. In this way, wealth supports mental cultivation, generosity, and spiritual progress.
The daily kottu roti that once felt like a convenient solution after working late may now have turned into an unnecessary routine. Similarly, frequent P&S or Caravan snack runs, and the habit of picking up sugary treats like cakes and sweets, are not only costly but also wellknown to be unhealthy, as nutritionists consistently point out. Beyond food, other expenses such as magazine subscriptions, the monthly coffee meetup, or weekend mall browsing often continue on autopilot without us realising how much they add up. These seemingly small, habitual expenses can quietly drain your budget while offering very little longterm value.
Try this experiment: keep a money diary for one week. Note every expense, no matter how small. Then identify one regular spend and eliminate it for the following week. If you don’t miss it? Excellent, keep it gone. If you genuinely miss it? Add it back without guilt. This isn’t about permanent sacrifice.
It’s about snapping yourself out of autopilot and checking whether your spending still reflects your current reality, priorities and purchasing power. You might discover you’re spending Rs. 15,000 monthly on things you barely notice.
6. Create Your Crisis Playbook on a Good Day
Many financial disasters don’t happen because we’re careless, they happen because we’re panicked. When crisis strikes, job loss, medical emergency, unexpected business downturn, fear hijacks our decision-making. Our rational brain exists while panic makes expensive choices: high-interest personal loans, selling investments at losses, making commitments we can’t sustain.
The solution? Make your crisis plan before the crisis arrives. On a calm day, sit down and document: If I lost my income tomorrow, what would I do first? Which expenses are truly essential? What’s the absolute minimum I need to function? Who could I call for advice? Which savings are untouchable, which could be accessed if necessary? What government support or loan restructuring options exist (Not in Sri Lanka)? This is a sort of preparation for sudden shocks.
7. Question the Money Stories You Inherited
Sometimes our biggest financial obstacles aren’t failed attempts, they’re the attempts we never make because we’ve internalised limiting stories. “Our family was never good with money.” “Investing is for rich people.” “I’m just not the type who earns more.” “Women don’t understand finance.” These narratives, absorbed from family, culture, or past experiences, become invisible fences.
Question them. Where did this belief originate? Is it actually true, or is it a story you’ve been telling yourself for so long, it feels like fact? What would happen if you tested it? Often, these stories protect us from the discomfort of trying and potentially failing. But they also protect us from the possibility of succeeding. And that’s a far costlier protection than most of us realise.
The Bottom Line
Improving your finances in 2026 doesn’t require becoming a different person. It requires understanding the person you already are, your patterns, triggers, and tendencies, and working with them rather than against them.
These aren’t magic solutions. They’re evidence-based approaches that acknowledge a simple truth: you’re not broken, and your money management doesn’t need fixing through willpower alone. It needs better systems, clearer thinking, and a lot less shame.
Features
Public scepticism regarding paediatric preventive interventions
A significant portion of the history of paediatrics is a triumph of prevention. From the simple act of washing hands to the miracle of vaccines, preventive strategies have been the unsung heroes, drastically lowering child mortality rates and setting the stage for healthier, longer lives across the globe. Simple measures like promoting personal hygiene, ensuring the proper use of toilets, and providing Vitamin K immediately after birth to prevent dangerous bleeding, have profound impacts. Advanced interventions like inhalers for asthma, robust trauma care systems, and even cutting-edge genetic manipulations are testament to the relentless and wonderful progress of paediatric science.
A shining beacon that has signified increased survival and marked reductions in mortality across the board in all paediatric age groups has been the development of various preventive strategies in the science of children’s health, from newborns to adolescents. The institution of such proven measures across the globe, has resulted in gains that are almost too good to be true. From a Sri Lankan perspective, these measures have contributed towards the unbelievable reduction of the under-5-year mortality rate from over 100 per 1000 live births in the 1960s to the seminal single-digit figure of 07 per 1000 live births in the 2020s.
Yet for all this, despite the overwhelming evidence of success, a most worrying trend is emerging. That is public scepticism and pessimism regarding these vital interventions. This doubt is not a benign phenomenon; it poses a real danger to the health of our children. At the heart of this challenge lies the potent, often insidious, spread of misinformation and disinformation.
The success of any preventive health strategy in paediatrics rests not just on its scientific efficacy, but on parental cooperation and commitment. When parents hesitate or refuse to follow recommended guidelines, the shield of prevention is compromised. Today, the most potent threat to this partnership is the flood of false information.
Misinformation is false information spread unintentionally. A well-meaning friend sharing a rumour about a vaccine side-effect they heard online is spreading misinformation.
Disinformation is false information deliberately created and disseminated to cause harm or sow doubt. This often comes from organised groups or individuals with vested interests; sometimes financial, sometimes ideological, who seek to undermine public trust in medical institutions and scientific consensus.
The digital age, particularly social media, has become the prime breeding ground for these falsehoods. Complex scientific data is reduced to emotionally charged, simplistic, and often sensationalist soundbites that travel faster and farther than the truth.
The most visible battleground is childhood vaccination. Decades of robust, high-quality research have confirmed vaccines as one of the most cost-effective and successful public health interventions ever conceived. Global vaccination efforts have saved an estimated 150 million lives in the past 50 years, eradicating or drastically controlling diseases like polio, measles, diphtheria, and tetanus.
However, a single, long-retracted, and scientifically debunked paper claiming a link between the Measles-Mumps-Rubella (MMR) vaccine and autism continues to be weaponised by disinformation campaigns. This persistent myth, despite being soundly disproven, taps into deep-seated fears about children’s development. Other common vaccine myths target ingredients such as trace amounts of aluminium or mercury, which are harmless in the quantities used and often less than what is naturally found in food or the idea that “natural immunity” from infection is superior, totally ignoring the fact that natural infection carries the devastating risk of severe complications, long-term disability, and even death. The tangible consequence of this doubt is the dropping of childhood vaccination rates in various communities, leading to the wholly unnecessary re-emergence of vaccine-preventable diseases like measles.
Scepticism is not limited to vaccines. It can touch any area of paediatric preventive care where an intervention might seem unnecessary, invasive, or have perceived risks. Routine screenings for speech disorders, motor skills, or mental health issues can sometimes be perceived as medicalising normal childhood variations or putting a “label” on a child. Parents may resist or delay screening, missing the critical window for early intervention of proven measures that are likely to help. Advice on managing childhood obesity, reducing screen time, or adopting a balanced diet can be viewed by some parents as intrusive or judgmental, leading to poor adherence to essential health-promoting behaviours.
The regular use of inhalers for asthma or other chronic conditions might be looked down upon due to the fear of “dependency”, “addiction”, or long-term side effects, despite medical consensus that these preventive measures keep conditions controlled and prevent life-threatening exacerbations.
The common thread is a lack of understanding of the risk-benefit ratio. Parents, bombarded by fear-mongering narratives, often overestimate the rare, mild risks of an intervention while catastrophically underestimating the severe and permanent risks of the disease or condition itself.
The power of paediatric preventive medicine is not in a single shot or pill, but in the consistent, committed partnership between healthcare providers and parents. Paediatric science, driven by rigorous evidence-based medicine, do continue to refine guidelines, conduct transparent research, and communicate its findings clearly. When guidelines are confusing or lack robust evidence, it naturally creates openings for doubt. The scientific community’s commitment to continuous quality improvement and accessibility is paramount.
Ultimately, the success of prevention rests with the parents. Parenting, as a vital form of preventive care, includes all activities that raise happy, healthy, and capable children. The simple, non-medical steps mentioned in the introduction, proper handwashing, good sanitation, and encouraging exercise, are all forms of parental preventive intervention.
For more complex interventions, parental commitment requires several actions. They need to seek and trust the guidance provided by qualified healthcare professionals over anonymous, unsubstantiated online claims. They need to engage in an open dialogue by asking relevant questions and expressing concerns to doctors in an open, non-confrontational manner. A good healthcare provider will use this as an opportunity to educate and build trust, and not a portal to simply dismiss concerns. Then, of course, there is the spectre of adherence to various protocols and actions by the parents. These include consistently following recommended schedules, whether for well-child checkups, vaccinations, or daily medication protocols.
Addressing public scepticism requires a multi-pronged, collaborative strategy. It is not just about correcting false facts (debunking), but about building resilience against future falsehoods (prebunking). The single most influential voice in a parent’s decision-making process is their paediatrician or primary care provider. Clinicians must move beyond simply reciting facts. They need to use empathetic communication techniques, like Motivational Interviewing (MI), which focuses on active listening, validating parental concerns, and then collaboratively guiding them toward evidence-based decisions. For example, responding with, “I hear you’re worried about the side-effects you read about. Can I share what we know from decades of safety monitoring?” Being open about common, minor side effects such as a short-lasting fever after a vaccine pre-empts the shock and distrust that occurs when an expected, yet unmentioned, reaction happens.
Public health campaigns must go on the offensive, not just a defensive fact-checking spree. Teaching the general public how disinformation works, the use of “fake experts”, selective cherry-picked data, and conspiracy theories all add up to a most powerful form of inoculation (prebunking) against future exposure. Health institutions must simplify their communications and make verified, high-quality information easily accessible on platforms where parents are already looking.
Parents often trust their peers as much as their doctors. Engaging local community leaders, faith leaders, and even trusted social media influencers to share accurate, positive messages about paediatric health can shift the public narrative at a grassroots level. While protecting privacy, sharing aggregate data and stories about the dramatic decline in childhood diseases thanks to prevention can re-emphasise the collective good.
The battle against child mortality and morbidity has been one of the great human achievements, a testament to scientific ingenuity and collective effort. Today, the greatest threat to maintaining these gains is not a new virus, but a breakdown of trust fuelled by unchecked falsehoods.
Paediatric preventive interventions, from a cake of soap and a proper toilet to the most sophisticated genetic therapies, are the foundation of a healthy future for every child. To secure this future, the scientific community must remain transparent, the healthcare system must lead with empathy, and the public must commit to informed, critical thinking. By rejecting the noise of disinformation and embracing the clear, evidence-based consensus of science, we can ensure that every child continues to benefit from the life-saving progress that defines modern paediatrics. The well-being of the next generation demands nothing less than this renewed commitment.
Little children are not in a position to make abiding decisions regarding their health, especially regarding preventive strategies in health. It is ultimately the crucial decisions made by responsible parents regarding the health of their children that really matter. As doctors, our commitment is never to leave any child behind.
by Dr B. J. C. Perera ✍️
MBBS(Cey), DCH(Cey), DCH(Eng), MD(Paediatrics), MRCP(UK), FRCP(Edin), FRCP(Lond), FRCPCH(UK), FSLCPaed, FCCP, Hony. FRCPCH(UK), Hony. FCGP(SL)
Specialist Consultant Paediatrician and Honorary Senior Fellow, Postgraduate Institute of Medicine, University of Colombo, Sri Lanka.
Joint Editor, Sri Lanka Journal of Child Health
Section Editor, Ceylon Medical Journal
Features
Attacks on PM vulgar, misogynistic; education reforms welcome
We express our profound concern and deep outrage at the vulgar, misogynistic, and defamatory attacks being directed at the Prime Minister and Minister of Education, Dr. Harini Amarasuriya.
Dr. Harini Amarasuriya is not merely a political leader; she is a scholar, public intellectual, and lifelong advocate of social justice, equality, and education. Attempts to discredit her through personal abuse rather than reasoned policy debate are not only an insult to her, but an assault on democratic values, women’s leadership, and intellectual integrity in public life.
Such attacks are unjust and unethical, and they corrode democratic discourse. We are deeply disappointed that certain political actors and their supporters continue to rely on misinformation, prejudice, and emotional manipulation, instead of engaging in rational, evidence-based, and constructive debate.
Sri Lanka has already paid a heavy price for decades of politics rooted in fear, communal division, and sentiment-driven populism. The country’s economic collapse and social breakdown are the direct consequences of these failed approaches. The people decisively rejected this style of politics through the Aragalaya, signaling a clear demand for change. Sri Lanka now stands at a historic turning point. After decades of corruption, ethnic manipulation, and policy paralysis, the people have given a clear mandate for systemic reform.
At this critical moment, Sri Lanka urgently needs structural reforms, particularly in education, which is the foundation of long-term national development, social mobility, and global competitiveness. Yet we observe that the very forces responsible for the country’s decline are once again attempting to block or derail reforms by exploiting religious, cultural, and emotional narratives.
We strongly affirm that no nation can be rebuilt through hatred, fear, or division. Education reform is not a political threat; it is a national necessity. Efforts to undermine reform through personal attacks and manufactured controversies serve only those who seek to return to power by keeping the country weak, divided, and intellectually impoverished.
Those who now attack Dr. Harini Amarasuriya are not defending culture or morality. They are defending privilege and political survival. Having failed the country for over seventy-five years through communalism, patronage, and anti-intellectualism, they now fear that an educated, critical, and empowered generation will render their outdated politics irrelevant.
This is why they target:
=a woman,
=an academic,
=and a reformer.
We therefore state clearly that we:
1. Condemn all forms of character assassination, gender-based attacks, and hate propaganda against the Prime Minister and Minister of Education.
2. Affirm our full support for Dr. Harini Amarasuriya’s leadership in advancing Sri Lanka’s education reforms.
3. Urge the government to proceed firmly and without retreat in implementing the proposed education reforms, in line with national policy and the public mandate.
4. Call upon academics, professionals, teachers, parents, and citizens to stand together against reactionary forces that seek to sabotage reform through fear mongering and disinformation.
A country cannot be rebuilt by those who destroyed it. A future cannot be created by those who fear education reforms.
Sri Lanka’s future must not be sacrificed for the ambitions of a few.Sri Lanka must move forward — with knowledge, dignity, and courage.
Signatories:
1. Markandu Thiruvathavooran, Attorney at law
2. S. Arivalzahan, University of Jaffna
3. Dr S.Ramesh, University of Jaffna
4. Dr. Mariadas Alfred, Former Dean, University of Peradeniya
5. Prof B.Nimalathasan, Senior Professor, University of Jaffna
6. S. Srivakeesan, Station Master, SriLankan Railways
7. A. T. Aravinthan, Branch Manager, Commercial Bank
8. Dr. S. Niththiyaruban, Paediatrician, Teaching Hospital, Jaffna
9. Dr. S. Selvaganesh, Plastic and Reconstructive Surgeon, Teaching Hospital, Jaffna
10. Dr. S. Mathievaanan, Consultant Surgeon, Teaching Hospital, Jaffna
11. Prof. P. Iyngaran, University of Jaffna
12. Eng. M. Sooriasegaram, President, Education Development Consortium
13. Dr. S. Raviraj, Senior Consultant Surgeon, Former Dean, Faculty of Medicine, University, Jaffna.
14. Mr. Saminadan Wimal, University of Jaffna
15. Dr. A. Antonyrajan, University of Jaffna
16. P. Regno, Attorney at Law
17. Prof. J. Prince Jeyadevan, University of Jaffna
18. Prof. S. Muhunthan, University of Jaffna
19. Prof. R. Kapilan, University of Jaffna
20. Dr. S. Jeevasuthan, University of Jaffna
21. J.S. Thevaruban, University of Jaffna
22. S. Balaputhiran, University of Jaffna
23. Dr. N. Sivapalan, Retired Senior lecturer, University of Jaffna
24. I. P. Dhanushiyan, University of Jaffna
25. Dr. K. Thabotharan, University of Jaffna
26. Dr. Bahirathy J. Rasanen, University of Jaffna
27. Perinpanayagam Ronibus, Vice Secretary, Change Charitable Trust, Jaffna
28. Dr. S. Maheswaran, University of Peradeniya
29. Mr. S. Laleesan, Principal, Kopay Teachers’ College
30. Victor Antany, Teacher, Kilinochchi
31. K. Shanthakumar, Principal, Technical College, Vavuniya
32. S. Thirikaran, Principal, J/ Puttur Srisomaskanda College
33. Dr. T. Vannarajan, Advanced Technical Institute, Jaffna.
34. X. Don Bosco, Resource person, Piliyandala Educational Zone
35. K. Ravikumar, Regional Manager, Powerhands Pvt Ltd
36. Sathiyapriya Jeyaseelan, DO, Economist
37. A. Kalaichelvan, Chief Accountant, Animal Productive & Health
38. C. Vathanakumar, Retired Project Director
39. P. Kirupakaran, Department of Buildings (NP)
40. A. Antony Pilinton, David Peris Company, Jaffna
41. A. Muralietharan, Social Activist
42. Sinthuja Sritharan, Independent Researcher
43. T. Sritharan, Social Activist
44. Ms. Gnasakthi Sritharan, Social Activist
45. P. Thevatharsan, Management Service Officer
46. . S. Mohan, Social Activist
47. K. Jeyakumaran, Social Activist
48. Dr. N. Nithianandan, Chairman, Ratnam Foundation
49. George Antony Cristy, Social Activist
50. S. Thangarasa, Social Activist
51. N. Bhavan, Retd. Deputy Principal, Mahajana College
52. P. Muthulingam, Executive Director, Institute of Social Development, Kandy
53. M.K. Sivarajah, Social Activist
54. Mr. V. Sivalingam, Human Rights Activist
55. S. Jeyaganeshan, Samuthi Development Officer
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