Features
Accountability issues: Some conveniently forgotten facts
Illankai Thamil Arasu Kadchi (ITAK) recently commemorated the death of Sahayaseeli Pedhuruppillai, alias Maalathy, the first woman cadre killed fighting for the macabre Eelam cause.
Jaffna District parliamentarian and ITAK leader Sivagnanam Shritharan, MP, attended the event, organised by the ITAK Kilinochchi branch. Tamil Guardian (TG) in an online report, headlined ‘ITAK commemorates 2nd Lt. Maalathy in Kilinochchi,’ posted on 13 October, 2025, recounting how Shritharan spoke about Maalathy’s life and the sacrifice she made for the Tamil liberation struggle.
According to that report, there hadn’t been any other parliamentarian, past or present, except for Shritharan, at the event. Shritharan received the ITAK leadership in January 2024 after beating parliamentarian M.A. Sumanthiran, PC. Shritharan succeeded the ageing Mavai Senathiraja, who passed away in January 2025.
Having first entered Parliament, in 2010, on the ITAK ticket (ITAK led the Tamil National Alliance), Shritharan was reelected at the 2015, 2020 and 2024 parliamentary elections.
What really interested me, in that TG report, was the reference to the Indian Army deployment in Sri Lanka in the late ’80s. TG reported: “Maalathy was killed at the age of 20 during a confrontation with the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) in Jaffna. She was shot in the legs by the IPKF and swallowed cyanide to avoid being captured.”
Maalathy committed suicide to avoid falling into the hands of the IPKF on 10 October, 1987, close to Navatkuli-Kopay Road, during a fierce confrontation between the Indians and the LTTE.
TG also reported a commemoration event in Jaffna to mark the Pirambadi massacre in Kokuvil, where over 64 Tamils were massacred by the IPKF, 38 years ago. That massacre happened at the onset of IPKF operation, codenamed ‘Pawan,’ to disarm the belligerent LTTE. Obviously, India had no option but to go on the offensive against those New Delhi clandestinely recruited, trained, and armed with Indian taxpayers’ money. TG posted its online report, headlined ‘Pirambadi massacre by Indian troops remembered in Jaffna’ on 12 October, 2025.
Those who had been loudly demanding accountability, on the part of Sri Lanka during the war/conflict, are conveniently silent about the IPKF deployment in northern and eastern Sri Lanka (29 July, 1987, to 24 March, 1990). Would Shritharan care to explain the ITAK’s stand on accountability at least now? There cannot be any justifiable reason for him to remain silent on the contentious issue against the backdrop of him attending a commemoration event for Maalathy.
The Valvettithurai Citizens’ Committee (VCC) has caught both Sri Lanka and India by surprise. The Committee has sought compensation from the Office for Reparations, for the Valvettithurai massacre, perpetrated by the IPKF in early August 1989. VCC has asked for altogether Rs. 4.3 bn (USD 14.6 mn) and The Sunday Times, last week, quoted the Secretary to VCC, N. Aanatharaj, as having said they asked for compensation from India in 1990 but didn’t receive any response. Nearly 70 perished in the VVT incidents.
The Jaffna Hospital massacre, in October 1987, was another incident directly blamed on the IPKF. Over 60 people died at the Jaffna Hospital. But the thriving Western funded global human rights industry has never taken into consideration such incidents when moving resolutions, targeting Sri Lanka. Sri Lanka, too, never mentioned such atrocities at Geneva in order not to antagonise India and thereby has ended up taking the blame for everything that had happened.
The Geneva-based United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) had been always silent on India’s accountability. Successive Sri Lankan governments, too, lacked the courage to set the record straight at the Geneva HRC. The JVP-led National People’s Power government, despite all their previous bravado, especially against India, prior to coming to power, is no exception.
TG reportage is evidence that those who wanted to haul Sri Lanka up before a hybrid court, consisting of local and foreign judges, selectively make reference to alleged atrocities perpetrated by the IPKF. In the absence of cohesive planning on the part of Sri Lanka, the ITAK, LTTE rump and the Tamil Diaspora have been able to advance their strategy meant to isolate the war-winning country. They are careful not to condemn the Indian Army when the Sri Lankan military is targeted at Geneva. The UNHRC seems comfortable with that obvious, but utterly shameful strategy.
True face of the LTTE
The same lot are generally silent about the atrocities committed by the LTTE. Perhaps, they must be reminded of the true face of the LTTE. The LTTE massacred hundreds of Tamils, belonging to rival Tamil groups trained by India, killed quite a number of Tamil civilians, executed members of its own organisation, including its number two Gopalswamy Mahendrarajah, aka Mahattaya, killed Tamil parliamentarians, and blew up Indian Congress Party leader and former Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi. Do not forget that the LTTE assassinated Gandhi over a year after India ended its disastrous military mission in Sri Lanka. India could never explain how it lost nearly 1,500 officers and men and nearly 3,000 wounded, some maimed for life, during less than three years of ‘peace keeping’ here!
The LTTE could have easily reached a consensus with President J.R. Jayewardene’s government on the basis of the July 1987 Indo-Lanka Peace Accord and secured the Lion’s share of the first North-East Provincial Council. But, the LTTE had been too greedy and sought to eradicate all other Tamil groups and the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF), predecessor of the TNA.
The LTTE believed in one-party rule and the group also sought to force Muslims and Sinhalese out of the northern and eastern regions. The eviction of Muslims from the Northern Province, in October 90, several months after India ended its military mission here, and the LTTE resuming its cold blooded hostilities with terror attacks, revealed the mindset of the group. The LTTE obviously felt confident that it could overwhelm the Sri Lankan military, after India withdrew its Army.
At one point, the LTTE even toyed with the idea of contesting elections – both parliamentary and Provincial Councils – during Ranasinghe Premadasa’s presidenc, but changed its strategy. On Premadasa’s explicit directive, the then Election Commissioner Chandrananda de Silva recognised the People’s Front of Liberation Tigers (PFLT) as a recognised political party, regardless of the group retaining arms, as the government and the LTTE examined how mutual trust could be established.
The LTTE never sought to hide its intentions to do away with other political parties. The group brazenly used direct negotiations with Premadasa (May 1989 to June 1990) to infiltrate Colombo. An LTTE hit squad that arrived in Colombo, courtesy Sri Lanka Air Force (SLAF), assassinated foremost Tamil politician Appapillai Amirthalingam, along with ex-Jaffna MP Vettivelu Yogeswaran. Ex-Nallur MP Murugesu Sivasithamparam was shot and wounded during the same hit job, but he luckily survived.
The Indian Army was still deployed in the northern and eastern provinces while Premadasa foolishly provided funds and arms to the LTTE, thinking that he was getting on their good books and to get rid of the Indians. On the orders of Premadasa, the Sri Lankan military even facilitated the LTTE operations, aimed at liquidating rival Tamil groups. The LTTE killed hundreds of hastily trained men of rival groups, by Delhi, in a stupid bid to form, what was called, the Tamil National Army (TNA), prior to its departure from here, as demanded by Premadasa. The result was Velupillai Prabhakaran unleashed his forces to wipe them out. The LTTE killed indiscriminately.
Even after the LTTE resumed hostilities, in June 1990, against his own government, Premadasa had been so dumb, he released funds to the Tigers, through the Treasury. By the time R. Paskaralingam, who served as Premadasa’s trusted Treasury Chief, had released as much as Rs 125 mn and the true value of the arms, ammunition and equipment provided during this period of madness is not known. As to how trustworthy is Paskaralingam can be gauged from yet unresolved revelations made by Pandora papers.
Prabhakaran could have easily had his Eelam without waging war. Don’t forget at India’s behest, Sri Lanka merged the Eastern Province with the Northern Province, in September 1988, in terms of the Indo-Lanka Accord. That interim arrangement was to be placed before the people living in the Eastern Province by/before 31 December, 1988, for approval/rejection. But that referendum was never held. The LTTE had an extremely favourable ground situation and could have easily consolidated political power if not for unleashing violence in the wake of a group of its cadres, including Kumarappan and Pulendran, detained at Palalay, taking their own lives in protest.
The Supreme Court declared the North-East merger illegal in October 2006. The province was formally demerged into the Northern and Eastern provinces on 1 January, 2007. The SC gave its historic order on 16 October, 2006, the LTTE mounted devastating suicide attack on the Navy at Digampathana. The blast claimed the lives of 107 Navy personnel and wounded over 150 more. Retired Admiral Ravi Wijegunaratne is on record as having said that attack influenced their campaign against the Sea Tigers. In a series of operations, facilitated by intelligence provided by the Army and the US, the then Navy Chief VA Wasantha Karannagoda’s Navy hunted down floating LTTE arsenals.
The unprecedented success, achieved by the Navy, with stepped up operation, entirely disrupted the Tiger sea supply routes to Northern Sri Lanka. By the time the war ended, in May, 2009, the LTTE had almost run out of ammunition stocks. In the following year, Shritharan’s ITAK, then led by the late R. Sampanthan, betrayed the LTTE by backing retired General Sarath Fonseka at the presidential election. That should be examined against Sampanthan’s declaration, way back in 2001, that the LTTE/Velupillai Prabhakaran is the sole representative of the Tamil speaking people. The Trincomalee district lawmaker obviously and conveniently forgot what the group did to Amirthalingam.
Did the UN fail the Tamil community? Tamil Guardian
Editor Thusiyan Nandakumar dealt with the latest UN resolution in a well-articulated piece, posted on The Diplomat. The 14 October, 2025, datelined article (The UN’s Sri Lanka Failure: Why yet another resolution on accountability is being rejected by victims) bluntly alleged that the UNHRC failed to hold Sri Lanka’s war criminals to account.
The UK-based Nandakumar quoted those whom he identified as observers as having asserted that the latest resolution, adopted without a vote, is the weakest since the introduction of accountability measures in 2012. (https://thediplomat.com/2025/10/the-uns-sri-lanka-failure/)
It would be pertinent to ask whether accountability measures could be implemented without examining the origins of terrorism here. Of course the UN failed Sri Lanka by turning a blind eye to the high profile Indian destabilisation project that caused massive death and destruction. That project was meant to pave the way for the creation of a single administrative unit, comprising the Northern and Eastern Provinces. Had the UN intervened here thousands of lives could have been saved. The UN did nothing. The global body simply watched as India destabilised Sri Lanka, forcing the latter to accept the Indian Army on a peacekeeping role. Not only the Mullivaikkal battle but Nanthikadal could have been avoided if the LTTE accepted peace under Indian terms. Instead, the LTTE was overconfident and believed it had the wherewithal to deceive India, Sri Lanka and achieve Eelam in an all-out war.
Interested parties tend to forget that the Sri Lankan military fought the LTTE, consisted of almost 100 percent Tamils. Often, they portrayed the conflict as war between the military and Tamil civilians. They bring up atrocities perpetrated by the IPKF in isolation to highlight selected cases such as Maalathy taking her life after being shot in both legs and the Pirambadi massacre in Kokuvil, both incidents in October 1987.
There had been instances of excesses by the Sri Lankan military and the IPKF, no doubt, when fighting a ruthless enemy, like the LTTE. There is no point in denying that. But, the LTTE, after having killed as many as 35,000 Sri Lankan armed forces and police and 1,500 Indians cannot continue to portray themselves as the victims. Those who fled Sri Lanka and secured highly sought after citizenship in the affluent West, while their same Western backers shouldn’t be allowed to exploit the situation to the separatists’ advantage. The LTTE fought well and adopted tactics such as suicide attacks on selected individuals and military targets and there cannot be any dispute over their commitment to the Eelam cause. But, foreigners of Sri Lankan origin have become a nuisance with organisations such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch (HRW) harassing post-war Sri Lanka.
None of those shedding crocodile tears now for war victims did not bother to issue even a simple statement requesting the LTTE not to depend on Tamil civilian human shields to advance their macabre cause. They remained tight-lipped when the retreating LTTE forced Tamil civilians, living in Vanni west, to accompany them. The LTTE’s action resulted in approximately 300,000 people being trapped in the Mullivaikkal area. That was Velupillai Prabhakaran’s intention to have a human shield to protect his surviving band.
The ITAK stayed silent throughout that period (last phase of the war January to May 2009) while the LTTE took cover behind the civilians. If the ITAK made any interventions on behalf of the people and particularly to save children from forced conscription, leader Shritharan should be able to prove their efforts. The Jaffna district politician can do so in Parliament.
In fact, the UN had been aware of the civilians seeking to flee LTTE held areas at the onset of military operations in the Vanni west. The 57 Division – one of the principal offensive divisions conducting operations on the Vanni west, beginning March 2007, prompted those living in the area to seek refuge in the government held area. Fearing large scale departure of civilians, the LTTE took action to halt secret flight of people. When the LTTE realised some UN workers, too, had been involved in secretly moving people across the lines, Velupillai Prabhakaran ordered action. Except for The Island no other media – both print and electronic – reported the detention of UN workers by the increasingly desperate LTTE.
The UN secretly negotiated for the release of two UN workers held by the Tigers in the Vanni. The Colombo-based UN bigwigs kept the incident under wraps believing that the LTTE would eventually free them.
The UN Headquarters claimed that its Colombo office hadn’t alerted New York about the abduction. An influential section of the Colombo-based diplomatic community strived to resolve the dispute without bringing it to the notice of the government though the incident should have been immediately brought to the notice of the government.
The UN is believed to have brought the incident to the notice of the government several weeks after the unexpected development and the LTTE’s refusal to release the UN workers.
So-called human rights champions (they are also called human rights defenders) remained deaf and dumb during the entire period. Those who accuse the government of death and destruction, at the drop of a hat, turned a convenient Nelsonian eye. The detention of two employees of the world body is a case in point. Until the very end, the LTTE tried to retain the civilian shield at any cost by shooting anyone who tried to flee. Instead of demanding the LTTE to give up civilian shields forthwith, the UN sought to evacuate Velupillai Prabhakaran, his family and a selected group of LTTE families, from the Vanni east. The US had been involved in that project and no less than wartime Navy Commander, the then VA Karannagoda, in his memoirs, published in both Sinhala and English, mentioned the US involvement in the effort.
President Mahinda Rajapaksa had the guts to thwart that plan as well as a US backed joint British-French bid meant to force a ceasefire in April 2009 to save the LTTE. If Western powers really wanted to save Velupillai Prabhakaran and his loved ones, they could have arranged for them to leave Puthumathalan, under ICRC protection. That is the truth. The ICRC evacuated thousands of wounded civilians and their relatives from Vanni east to Pulmoddai where an Indian medical team accepted them. Transfer of Prabhakaran and family, too, from Vanni east to Pulmoddai could have been arranged. The writer was among a small group of journalists taken by the Navy to Mullaitivu seas in late April 2009 (three weeks before Prabhakaran’s death) to observe the ICRC operation.
Let me conclude this article by reproducing a note written by the then Norwegian Ambassador in Colombo to Basil Rajapaksa. The following is the text of the missive dated 16 February, 2009: “I refer to our telephone conversation today. The proposal to the LTTE on how to release the civilian population now trapped in the LTTE controlled area has been transmitted to the LTTE through several channels. So far there has been regrettably no response from the LTTE and it does not seem to be likely that the LTTE will agree to this in the near future.”
The ugly truth is civilians/civilian shields have been an integral part of the overall LTTE defence.
By Shamindra Ferdinando ✍️
Features
El Niño and Sri Lanka: Safeguarding food security in uncertain times
by Prof. Janaka Wijesinghe, Dr. Nishala Wedamulla and Gayathma Weerawanni
As climate variability becomes an increasing challenge for nations worldwide, Sri Lanka faces growing concerns over the impact of El Niño, a natural climate phenomenon that can disrupt rainfall patterns, increase temperatures, and place additional pressure on agricultural production. For a country where agriculture remains a vital part of the economy and rural livelihoods, preparing for climate uncertainty has become essential to safeguarding food security. Food security includes not only the availability of food but also access to nutritious and affordable food.
Climate-induced disruptions to agricultural production can affect all dimensions of food security. Vulnerable populations, including low-income households and rural communities, are often the most affected by fluctuations in food supply and market prices.
Cause of the phenomenon
El Niño occurs when sea surface temperatures in the central and eastern Pacific Ocean become unusually warmer than normal, influencing global weather patterns. Although the phenomenon originates thousands of kilometres away, its effects are felt across many regions, including South Asia. According to experts, in Sri Lanka, El Niño events can contribute to irregular rainfall, prolonged dry periods, higher temperatures, and changes in the timing and intensity of monsoon rains.
Sri Lanka’s agriculture sector is particularly vulnerable to these climate fluctuations and faces increasing challenges from climate variability, with the El Niño phenomenon emerging as one of the most significant threats to national food security. As global temperatures continue to rise, understanding and preparing for the impacts of El Niño has become essential for ensuring a stable food supply and protecting the livelihoods of millions of Sri Lankans. Mainly, rice, the staple food of Sri Lanka, depends heavily on reliable water availability.
Reduced rainfall during critical cultivation periods can lead to drought conditions, lower reservoir levels, and can affect paddy yields, while excessive rainfall at unexpected times can damage the crop through flooding, diseases, and poor field conditions. In addition, other crops, including vegetables, fruits, and plantation crops, may also experience productivity losses due to heat stress and water shortages. These impacts can result in food shortages, rising food prices, and reduced incomes for farming communities.
The consequences of climate-related agricultural disruptions extend beyond farmers. Reduced crop production can lead to increased food prices, greater dependence on imports, and challenges in maintaining a stable food supply. For vulnerable communities, especially small-scale farmers and low-income households, these impacts can significantly affect nutrition and livelihoods.
Need to reduce postharvest losses
In such circumstances, reducing postharvest losses becomes a critical component of national food security strategies. Food that is produced but lost after harvesting represents wasted land, water, energy, labour, and financial resources invested in the production. In Sri Lanka, significant quantities of fruits, vegetables, grains, and other agricultural commodities are lost due to inadequate harvesting practices, poor postharvest handling, unsuitable storage conditions, inefficient transportation, and limited processing facilities. During periods of climate stress, such as El Niño-induced droughts, these losses become even more serious because the available food supply is already under pressure. Minimising postharvest losses can, therefore, increase food availability without requiring additional land or agricultural inputs. Hence, strengthening postharvest management can make a major contribution to climate resilience. Improved harvesting techniques, better packaging, temperature-controlled storage, efficient transportation systems, and modern processing technologies can extend the shelf life of agricultural products and reduce wastage.
How to face challenges
Promoting small-scale processing and value addition can also help farmers preserve surplus production and maintain income during periods of market fluctuations. Achieving food security in an era of climate uncertainty requires a comprehensive approach that considers both production and preservation. Increasing agricultural productivity alone is not sufficient if a significant portion of harvested food is lost before reaching consumers. Reducing postharvest losses should be recognised as one of the most practical, cost-effective, and sustainable solutions for ensuring food availability.
Moreover, Sri Lanka has opportunities to strengthen its resilience against El Niño-related challenges. Improving climate forecasting systems and ensuring that farmers receive timely weather information can help communities make better decisions on planting dates, crop selection, and water management. Climate-smart agricultural practices, such as drought-tolerant crop varieties, efficient irrigation methods, soil conservation, and improved water storage, can reduce risks associated with changing weather patterns. Water management remains one of the most important strategies for climate resilience. Expanding rainwater harvesting, maintaining irrigation systems, and protecting watersheds can help communities manage water shortages during dry periods.
Importance of climate-smart agriculture
At the same time, Sri Lanka must continue to promote climate-smart agricultural practices. The use of drought-tolerant crop varieties, efficient irrigation systems, soil conservation methods, and improved weather forecasting services can help farmers adapt to changing climate conditions. Providing timely climate information enables farmers to make informed decisions regarding crop selection, planting schedules, and resource management.
Investment in research and innovation will also play a key role. Agricultural institutions and researchers can support farmers by developing technologies and practices suited to changing climatic conditions. Promoting crop diversification can further reduce dependence on a limited number of crops and provide alternative sources of income during periods of climatic stress.
Food security in the face of climate change requires cooperation among government agencies, farmers, researchers, private-sector stakeholders, and communities. Early warning systems, disaster preparedness plans, and supportive agricultural policies can help minimise the effects of extreme climate events. As climate uncertainty becomes the new normal, proactive measures are essential to protect Sri Lanka’s food future. While El Niño presents significant challenges, strategic planning, innovation, and collaboration can help the nation build resilience and ensure that every citizen has access to safe, nutritious, and affordable food. More importantly, policy support is crucial in building a resilient food system. Government agencies, research institutions, and the private sector must work together to develop sustainable agricultural practices and strengthen food supply chains. Diversifying food production and reducing post-harvest losses can also contribute to greater food security.
El Niño as a stark reminder
El Niño is a reminder that climate challenges do not respect geographical boundaries. While Sri Lanka cannot control global climate phenomena, it can strengthen its ability to adapt and respond. By combining scientific knowledge, sustainable farming practices, and effective planning, the nation can protect its food systems and ensure a more secure future in an era of increasing climate uncertainty.
As the climate continues to change, preparedness is no longer an option; it is a necessity for protecting Sri Lanka’s food security and the livelihoods of generations to come.
Features
Getting organised for the new arrival
BY Dr B. J. C. Perera
MBBS(Cey), DCH(Cey), DCH(Eng), MD(Paediatrics), MRCP(UK), FRCP(Edin), FRCP(Lond),
FRCPCH(UK), FSLCPaed, FCCP, Hony. FRCPCH(UK), Hony. FCGP(SL)
Specialist Consultant Paediatrician and Honorary Senior Fellow,
Postgraduate Institute of Medicine, University of Colombo, Sri Lanka.
An independent freelance medical correspondent
KEY POINTS
=Being parents of a newborn baby is a tremendous responsibility.
=To attend to the necessary chores and duties at home, the home set-up must be well organised.
=The routine care of a baby, throughout 24 hours, is a demanding one. But if things are well looked after and prearranged, it would make the task that much easier.
=It is a joint responsibility of the mother, as well as the father, and all other inmates of the same household.
At long last, the baby has arrived, and the parents will be taking him or her home. Usually in uncomplicated deliveries, even after Caesarean operations, the baby is sent home in a couple of days. It is generally a hectic time, and if steps have not already been taken to get things organised at home, it can be quite difficult for new parents. Getting things in shape should have started well before the baby’s birth, but even if he or she arrives earlier and unexpectedly, getting organised at that stage is important to make life easier for both parents. This is perhaps easier said than done, especially for a young couple, but it is a process that would pay dividends. All that is required is plenty of common sense. Getting organised for the newborn baby well in time will make life that much easier in the subsequent months and years to come.
An important thing to do is to arrange everything in the bedroom so that the ‘baby things’ are easily accessible and you know where to find each item. As an example, it should not be necessary to look high and low for nappy pins once a nappy has been put on the baby. What is advocated today is to keep the baby in the same bed as the parents, and this means an extra cot may not always be necessary. It would also provide a little more space in the room, which would otherwise have been taken up by a cot. However, a small baby cot is sometimes useful to put the baby to sleep and provide some rest and relaxation to the mother.
If the baby is kept on the same bed as the mother, there is no danger of the mother rolling over the baby during sleep, as the natural in-built maternal instincts would wake her up at the slightest touch from the baby or the tiniest noise from the baby.
Clothes and nappies
The clothes and nappies of the baby should be easily accessible and available at all times. It is not necessary to buy a new almirah or a cupboard for the baby. A couple of shelves of a cupboard that is already in the bedroom would do nicely. Even a small separate wooden or cane rack with shelves too would be more than adequate for this purpose. The secret is to still have sufficient room in your own bedroom to move about even after getting the baby’s things organised. Sweeping and cleaning the bedroom should be done every day. Some people elect to wet-mop the floor, which is a really good thing. These tasks should not take too much time and could be quickly attended to when the baby is resting quietly after a feed.
Other people in the household and perhaps the father of the baby could help in this regard. Battery torch lights and emergency lights for power failures should be kept in places that are easily accessible, even in the dark. It is no joke to start looking for these things when there is a loss of electrical power. One needs to be prepared, as such unexpected power failures are so very frequent in certain areas of the country. Incidentally, there is nothing against the use of electric fans in the bedroom where the baby is.
During very warm days, it will only make the baby more comfortable. It will not cause any illness. The same applies to air conditioners, provided they are maintained well and serviced regularly. If there is a telephone in the house, it would be worthwhile getting a cordless extension so that the mother does not have to run around in circles to answer the phone while attending to the needs of the baby. This is of course minimised completely today with the use of modern mobile phones.
Feeding the baby should not cause any problems at all. The need of the hour is to exclusively breastfeed for the first six months. THERE IS NO OTHER MILK THAT COMES EVEN CLOSE TO THE GOODNESS OF MOTHER’S MILK – FULL STOP; NO ARGUMENTS AND NO BUTS. There is extremely convincing and overriding scientific evidence for breast milk being the very best form of nutrition for a new arrival. It is the golden elixir of life, and there is nothing else, absolutely nothing else, that is as good as mother’s milk for a baby. The infant milk-food companies can even shout from the rooftops but they have no chance, whatsoever, against proven scientific medical evidence. It is also important to stress that babies need to be fed on demand and very definitely NOT BY THE CLOCK. All babies will indicate by various actions when they are hungry and feel the need to be fed.
Breastfeeding obviates need for bottles, etc.,
Exclusive breastfeeding would obviate the need for bottles, teats, cups, spoons, formula milk powder, sterilising equipment, etc. There is no extra cost involved as well. Government legislation has provided working mothers with sufficient maternity leave to feed their babies with human milk for at least the first four months. If there are ways of getting a little bit more leave to stretch it to six months, this should be explored to the fullest, as the benefits of exclusive breastfeeding are worth a lot more than money could buy. There are added benefits of breastfeeding such as control of the mother’s weight and figure as she burns up a significant number of calories in producing her milk.
When it is time to give the baby a bath, arrange everything you need around the place where you are going to bathe the baby. Towels, soap, etc., should be at arm’s length. If there is help available at home in the form of members of the extended family or domestic aides, this is the time you could really make use of them. When the mother gets used to the procedure, bathing a baby is no big deal. In most instances, it is a thing that both mother and baby would enjoy. Get the baby used to bathing as early as possible. This will prevent him or her from making an almighty fuss at bath time later on. Almost all babies love to be in water provided they are introduced to bathing very early in their lives.
The mother must arrange her mealtimes and resting periods to coincide with the times when the baby is quiet or is sleeping. Mother’s meals just need to be nutritious, and everyday foods are more than adequate. It is not necessary to go out of the way to provide her with expensive supplementary foods or additional forms of nutrition. There is no scientific evidence to say that certain foods are not good for nursing mothers. The notions of “heaty” foods and “cooling” foods have no scientific rationale.
Most authorities believe that a nursing mother could and should eat anything and everything. The only thing necessary is to provide a nicely balanced and adequate diet. The mother needs to get a sufficient and acceptable amount of sleep, especially during the day. This is particularly important because she may have to get up several times during the night to feed and change clothes of the baby. Steps must be taken to provide her with these essential periods of rest. Organising a routine to help her with this aspect would be most desirable.
Father’s work schedule
It is also advantageous for the father to get his work schedules and duties rearranged as much as possible and in such a manner so as to provide sufficient time at home to help in caring for the baby. This, of course, depends on the exact type of work that he is involved in. In each and every case, a genuine effort should be made to have quality time with the mother and the baby. This is particularly useful for the first few months of the baby’s life. As far as possible, the father should be equally involved with the rearing practices of the baby. Looking after a baby should be a shared responsibility. This process also enhances the baby developing a very beneficial and desirable bond with both parents.
The arrival of a new baby should not lead to a complete social embargo for the family. One could travel outside the home with the baby, especially if the times of travel are carefully planned to suit the requirements of the baby, such as feeding times. Even then, if the baby is breastfed, he or she could be fed almost anywhere. Some babies are, however, prone to throwing up while travelling immediately after a feed. It is generally better to avoid intensely overcrowded social gatherings, but social visiting, attending weddings and parties, with the baby in tow, are quite in order, even when the baby is just a few weeks old.
If the parents own a car, it is a good idea to get a commercially available baby car seat that is fitted to the rear seat of the car. The sooner you get the baby used to travelling in this baby seat, the better it is for all around. It is the safest way to take the baby in the car. In some of the Western countries, newborn babies are not discharged from the hospital till a car seat is fitted to the car. Unfortunately, baby car seats are not that popular in this country, but it must be pointed out that they contribute a great deal towards the safety of a baby in the case of a traffic accident.
Unnecessary expenditure
Many parents spend unnecessary amounts of money on a baby. All kinds of expensive items, such as perfumes, colognes, powders, etc., are not quite essential for a baby. The natural milky smell of a baby is quite unique. The clothes that one buys for a baby should be simple, uncomplicated, light and preferably of cotton origin. Their design should be very safe for the baby. It is best to remember that babies grow up very fast, especially in the first two years of life and tend to outgrow clothes in next to no time. Even the toys for the baby should be appropriately selected and should be very safe and eminently affordable.
There is no reason whatsoever that the expenses for a little newborn baby should be more than what one would normally need to spend on an adult.
A newborn baby should be such a joy for the entire family, including the extended family. Grandparents would usually dote on the baby. If there are other children, it is important to provide the necessary attention to them as well so that they would not feel neglected. It would prevent sibling rivalry, and the other kids would go on to love the new arrival. All newborn babies are quite a delight and not a burden, and it is definitely their right to be treated as such.
Features
Shouldn’t foreign expert be appointed MD of SLP?
by J. A. A. S.R anasinghe,
Productivity Specialist
rathula49@gmail.com
The recent appointment of Vipul Misra, an Indian national, as Acting Chief Executive Officer of Sri Lankan Airlines deserves to be viewed from a much broader perspective than simply as an appointment to a vacant position. In my view, it is a sensible and courageous decision by the Government.
Sri Lankan Airlines is a national asset operating in an intensely competitive international aviation industry. It requires specialised aviation knowledge, commercial acumen, operational discipline and international exposure. According to the report on his appointment, Misra brings more than two decades of aviation engineering and leadership experience, including experience with major Indian carriers such as Air India, Vistara, IndiGo, SpiceJet, Kingfisher Airlines and Air Deccan.
Dr. Sarath Obeysekera, a high-profile CEO and the former Managing Director of Colombo Dockyard PLC contends the appropriateness of filling senior corporate positions of the public sector from foreign nationals, when positions of high-calibre CEOs are not locally available. He says that Sri Lankan Airlines has previously benefited from expatriate professional leadership. During the Emirates management period from 1998 to 2008, British aviation professional Peter Hill led the airline through rebranding, fleet modernisation, network expansion and improvements in service standards.
The airline reported profits during several of those years, although later analysis showed that gains from aircraft sales and leaseback transactions contributed significantly to some results. Nevertheless, the airline was run with greater commercial discipline, clearer accountability and considerably less day-to-day political interference.
Following the end of Emirates management, due to direct intervention by the then President, Sri Lankan Airlines faced turbulent situations and passed through numerous chairmen, chief executives, restructuring proposals, procurement controversies and political interventions while taxpayers continued to carry its debts and losses.
It would be unfair to suggest that every Sri Lankan chairman or CEO was incompetent or corrupt. Sri Lanka has produced many outstanding aviation professionals. The deeper problem has been a governance system in which even capable executives can be weakened by political appointments, interference in commercial decisions, frequent leadership changes and the absence of measurable accountability. He says that the arrival of Indian professional leadership is not limited to aviation.
Colombo Dockyard presents another significant example. Following the acquisition of a controlling interest by India’s state-owned Mazagon Dock Shipbuilders, Capt. Jagmohan was appointed its non-executive chairman. He is a naval architect with extensive experience in warship design, naval dockyards, shipbuilding and major maritime projects. (Mazagon Dock leadership)
This partnership could give Colombo Dockyard access to capital, technology, Indian and international orders, specialised naval work and a much larger supply chain. However, because the Dockyard is an important national maritime asset, success must be measured by the creation of skilled Sri Lankan employment, expansion into commercial and offshore engineering, growth in exports, transfer of technology and development of local managerial successors—not merely by a change of ownership or boardroom nationality.
The rise of Indian professionals should not surprise us. Sundar Pichai leads Alphabet and Google, while Indian-born executives have led several other globally important technology and industrial corporations. India has built an enormous pool of engineers, scientists, accountants and managers through technical education, English-language capability, exposure to large competitive markets and international professional mobility.
India’s formal national ambition is Viksit Bharat 2047—to become a developed nation by the centenary of its independence. The target is 2047 rather than 2040, and its vision specifically combines economic growth, skills, social progress, sustainability and good governance. (Government of India)
The important lesson is that nationality should not be the principal criterion for selecting the person to lead a strategically important State enterprise. Competence should be, according to Dr. Obeysekera. This principle should now be extended to another equally important national institution — the Sri Lanka Ports Authority (SLPA), as this post has fallen vacant and an advertisement has appeared in the newspapers calling for applications from suitable applicants.
The recent discussion surrounding the vacant substantive post of Managing Director of the SLPA, including Dr. Sarath Obeysekera’s call for the appointment of a “developer, not merely an administrator”, raises a fundamental question: Are we looking for someone merely to administer the existing machinery of the Ports Authority, or someone capable of transforming Sri Lanka’s ports into major engines of investment, industry, employment and foreign-exchange earnings?
The distinction is crucial. On the other hand, one should not be over excited for the manner in which foreign nationals are employed not in hundred perhaps in thousands in manual operational activities in heavy industries in Sri Lanka. In the case of Shipbuilding and Construction industries, the deployment of welders and skilled workers have now become a norm rather than an exception.
Sri Lanka possesses enormous maritime advantages. Colombo is strategically located on one of the world’s busiest shipping routes, while Hambantota and Trincomalee offer substantial possibilities for future development. Yet the challenge is no longer simply to operate ports efficiently. The country must develop the ecosystem around them — logistics, ship repair, shipbuilding, offshore services, maritime industries, warehousing, bunkering, technology, investment and related export-oriented activities.
This requires a different type of leadership. The government should therefore consider applying the same bold thinking demonstrated in the Sri Lankan Airlines appointment to the SLPA. If the best person to transform the Ports Authority is a Sri Lankan, appoint that person. If the best candidate is an internationally recognised professional from India, Singapore, Dubai, Europe, Japan or elsewhere, why should nationality become a barrier?
Indeed, the Sri Lanka Ports Authority Act itself provides that the Minister shall appoint a “competent and experienced person” as Managing Director, whose responsibility includes directing the business, exercising the Authority’s functions and controlling its employees. That statutory emphasis on competence and experience should guide the selection.
What Sri Lanka needs is not another appointment based primarily on seniority, institutional familiarity or traditional public-sector credentials. It needs a leader with a proven international track record in port development, maritime logistics, commercialisation, investment attraction and large-scale project execution. Such a person should be given clear targets and held accountable for delivering them.
The appointment of an international professional should not be regarded as an admission of failure on the part of Sri Lankan professionals. On the contrary, it would demonstrate confidence in the principle that Sri Lanka’s national assets deserve the best available talent, wherever that talent may be found.
The government has already demonstrated this new approach through the Sri Lankan Airlines appointment. I respectfully suggest that it should now have the courage to apply the same principle to the Sri Lanka Ports Authority.
Our national assets are too valuable to be confined to a search for talent within national boundaries. The best person for the job should be given the job irrespective of nationality.
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