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THE PHOENIX RISES

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NU Jayawardena

CHAPTER 15

(Excerpted from N.U. JAYAWARDENAThe first five decades)

I am like that elastic piece of rubber which bounces up highest when it is pressed and trampled most.

(NU’s letter to his father-in-law Norman Wickramasinghe, Dec. 1931)

Finding Solace in Religion and Community

Earlier, when NU’s workload was so enormous, he found little time for religion. However, during the difficult time associated with the Commission of Inquiry, this changed. As Neiliya relates:

At this time, he became seriously involved with religion and a great supporter of the Lunava Temple. This gave him great strength and courage in his work no matter what crisis he faced.

This temple was located on the outskirts of Colombo in Lunava, where NU had lived until the mid-1930s. Its chief monk was Thero Galkisse Sri Visuddhananda of the Amarapura Nikaya. The temple had a devale devoted to the deities, Kataragama and Suniyam. NU took part in the pujas and rituals of the temple, humbling himself as required by sweeping the temple grounds. He also visited the Rector of St. Aloysius’, Father Morelli, who boosted his morale and restored his confidence (N.U. Jayawardena, 1990, “Down Memory Lane”). It is interesting to note that, according to S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike’s biographer, James Manor (1989, p.307-8), SWRD and his wife Sirimavo, too, frequented this temple in times of crisis during SWRD’s premiership.

Although NU had been the only one of the Durava caste to reach the top of the administrative hierarchy at the time (de Silva & Wriggins, 1988, p.286), caste did not play a part in his way of thinking; but throughout his life, it was to him whom relatives and clan members turned for help. Now, when in his hour of crisis they rallied around to support him, he learned to fully appreciate the value of community.

Bouncing Back – Move to the Private Sector

If Kotelawala had intended to crush and humiliate NU, the former underestimated NU’s resilience and tenacity – as well as how indispensable he was to others. As Neiliya observed, “The Central Bank crisis was an event that changed the future of our family for the better in a way.” A mere six months after NU’s removal from the Bank, announcements appeared in the local and British press that NU had been appointed as the joint managing director of the J.H. Vavasseur Trading Company. This was another landmark in his life and career, and a major turning point. He became the first Sri Lankan to be given such a position in a British-owned company.

Newly-elected Prime Minister S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike crossing the floor of the House of Representatives to greet John Kotelawala

Vavasseur, an old established British firm founded in 1884, was the first in Sri Lanka to process and export coconut products. The firm’s Colombo office was engaged in the production of desiccated coconut, coconut fibre, and shell charcoal for its parent company in London to export to Europe (Villiers, 1940, pp.230-31). Geoffrey Buxton, Chairman of the UK company, had heard that NU was available to take up an appointment in the private sector, and he was recommended by C.F. Cobbold, Governor of the Bank of England. Vavasseur was looking for a managing director for their Colombo office and offered the post to NU. Before accepting the position, NU went to London to study the internal systems of the company. While there, NU suggested several changes, which Buxton and his Board accepted.

The Wellawatte Spinning and Weaving Mills

At the age of 48, NU then embarked upon a new career in the private sector – another realm in which he would dominate for several decades, with what Exter termed his “unrivalled view of the economy.” NU’s long participation at both the ground and policy levels, provided him with insight into banking, finance, and commerce, enabling him to extrapolate beyond the present, and forge new trails. The private sector gave him far more scope for the exercise of his energy and acumen than his 28 years in the public service had. He was no longer hemmed in by a web of regulations and controls, which curbed quick decisions and action. The marketplace was

where one could sink or swim, and NU found this challenging. In NU’s career in the world of business, 1956 was a landmark year. With the help and advice of F.C. Rowan, Chairman of the law firm, Julius & Creasy, NU formed Mercantile Credit Limited as a finance company, while remaining Managing Director of Vavasseur. NU recognized the need for an institution that would provide finance to small businesses and individuals, and Mercantile Credit would become the leading private-sector institution offering hirepurchase finance for several decades to come. The private sector gave

him scope to apply his knowledge of finance towards the development of this sector.

In the same year, NU became Chairman of the Wellawatte Spinning and Weaving Mills, which had been established in the late 19th century. The mills had been engaged primarily in the production of cheap fabrics, mainly for estate workers, and had become rundown. The main shareholder of the mills was the Maharajah of Gwalior, who was anxious to ‘Ceylonize’ his company in view of the changing times. NU, with the knowledge he had obtained from his time in the Department of Commerce overseeing the running of several factories, found local subscribers who had confidence in his managerial abilities, who along with him took up the majority of shares held by the Maharajah. NU then set out to improve and expand production

by introducing new products and engaging the services of a foreign technologist (de Zoysa, pp.74 & 78).(NU would later manufacture synthetic textiles in 1960, when – fortuitously for NU – the government banned the import of synthetic fabrics. However, the tables would be turned in 1970, when Mrs. Sirimavo Bandaranaike’s government took over the factory, which had over 5,000 employees at the time. Sadly, shortly after nationalization, the mills were permanently closed down.)

The Fall of Kotelawala

Mara Yuddhaya: cartoon from the 1956 election campaign

While NU’s fortunes revived swiftly, John Kotelawala’s were beginning to wane. Kotelawala’s disposition and political style did not match the times, and he made some serious miscalculations, which resulted in the UNP’s crushing defeat at the polls. According to Wriggins: “There was a growing popular feeling of irritation and impatience at the U.N.P. leadership in general and [Kotelawala] in particular” (Wriggins, 1960, p.336). Kotelawala’s lifestyle and apparent disregard and lack of sensitivity for Buddhist values caused much consternation and indignation among the population. His memoirs, which were published at the time, aggravated the situation further. They “depicted him as a playboy of Western European capitals rather than a serious-minded statesman.” Buddhist monks read chapters from Kotelawala’s memoirs at temple gatherings, to “show how unfitted the prime minister was to rule Buddhist Ceylon”

(Wriggins, 1960, pp.336 & 346).

During the election campaign of 1956, a “devastating political cartoon” attacking the UNP appeared, effectively capturing the popular perception of the UNP among many Buddhists and galvanizing public opinion for the Opposition. The cartoon bore clear allusions to the Mara Yuddhaya (War of Mara) – a pivotal event in the life of the Buddha – depicting Kotelawala as Mara, the evil adversary of the Buddha. ( This episode, well known to any Sri Lankan Buddhist schoolchild and often depicted in temple wall paintings, represents the triumph of the Buddha through his purity and righteousness, over the evil of Mara. For an explanation of the context and figures

depicted in the cartoon, see Wriggins, 1960, p.356. After the UNP’s sweeping defeat in June 1956, Kotelawala left for England, and began what would turn into “regular summer and autumn visits to England,” becoming a “mere part-timer in Sri Lankan politics” (de Silva & Wriggins, 1994, p.16). S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike had allowed Kotelawala to “bend currency regulations” to

purchase a farm in England (Manor, 1989, p.255).

Exoneration

With the coming to power of the SLFP government (and its allies forming the MEP), NU lost no time in seeking to clear his name. In January 1957, he drafted a 17-page appeal to Governor-General Sir Oliver Goonetilleke, protesting the “perverse” findings of the 1953 Commission of Inquiry. As NU wrote, it had been a “grave miscarriage of justice”:

The Commissioners have not found any single instance in which it was established that I had received an illegal gratification for showing favour in the official discharge of my duties not only while I was in the Central Bank, first as Deputy Governor and later as Governor, but also in my long and varied career in the public service, the entirety of which came within the ambit of the inquiry… I wish to urge, that the findings of the Commissioners are perverse and are based on a prejudiced view of the facts established. (N.U. Jayawardena, Personal Files)

NU claimed he was a “victim of [Kotelawala’s] private revenge,” because of the latter’s “grave displeasure at [NU’s] official actions… when he was Minister of Transport and Works, and later when he was Prime Minister.”

In regard to loans NU and his wife had taken from banks, he held that there had been no necessary impropriety, in that “such transactions [are] an ordinary feature of normal life in every country today,” and that overdrafts and loans are taken by:

…even Prime Ministers, Finance Ministers and others having authority over banks, [without allowing] such transactions to influence their judgment and official conduct in relation to these institutions.

He argued that abroad, even officers of Central Banks borrow money from these Banks, and that: …in the absence of such a provision, no law or rule of practice has been laid down anywhere that the Governor of a Central Bank cannot resort to normal banking facilities ordinarily available to the general public, including other members of the Governing Body of the Central Bank, whether it be a Monetary Board, as is the case in Ceylon, or the Court or Board of Directors as may be elsewhere.

NU stressed the point that:

It is also significant that no evidence that such transactions are against any unwritten code of conduct in any country was placed before the Commissioners; nor was any precedent to this effect from any country cited.

NU detailed some of his reasons for resorting to overdraft facilities and his expenditure on building for his family:

My wife and I had obtained overdrafts and Bank facilities even during the period as Deputy Governor of the Central Bank. In fact, I had occasion to apprise the then Governor, Mr. John Exter, and also the then Minister of Finance and even other Ministers of these transactions. No one made any secret of this fact. Not one of them made any adverse comment on, or warned me, against these transactions, all of which had been undertaken purely for the purpose of financing the purchase of two building sites, and the construction eventually of a dwelling house for our own occupation and, later, of another house convertible into two flats in case of need, so providing three housing units for the benefit for the three children composing our family. Neither was it considered then that the action of my wife or myself in availing ourselves of these facilities constituted a breach of some unwritten code of conduct, which the Commissioners hold up against me in their report.

NU lucidly summed up his early struggles and meteoric rise in the public service through his own abilities – an achievement undone by one stroke of injustice:

Letter of support from Peri Sunderam, NU’s first mentor

I had risen from very humble beginnings, indeed, to one of the highest offices that the State can offer its nationals and I had achieved this, not through influential connections or patronage, but by sheer dint of industry, intelligence, ability and character and, without being immodest, I believe I could claim that I had won the respect abroad of those in a position to judge my competence in Central Banking. But everything that I had striven for in my working life was destroyed by perverse justice meted out to me.

On 7 March 1957, he wrote again to the Governor-General, pressing for justice against this “great wrong”: if it be that there is no provision in law to annul this order, I should be grateful… your Excellency… grant me a measure of redress for the great wrong done to me, by causing a public statement to be issued exonerating me altogether from any imputations of blameworthy conduct.

NU reassured him with these words:

I wish to say that I have no intention of taking legal action of any kind in respect of the order removing me from office or making any claim on the footing that the order of removal was illegal and to give your Excellency the assurance that I shall not take such action or make such claims.

In reply, N.W. Atukorale, the Secretary to the Governor-General, on 20 March 1957 wrote that, despite a different view, which the new Prime Minister might hold from his predecessor:

His Excellency has no power to annul the order of removal from officemade… before the present Prime Minister assumes office.

NU’s case was sent to the Attorney-General, Noel Gratiaen, QC, whose opinion stated that an injustice had been done. On 10 August 1957, Atukorale announced the news of NU’s exoneration:

I am directed by the Governor General to inform you that the Prime Minister has carefully considered all the relevant material regarding this case and is of the opinion that you, as Governor of the Central Bank, had not done any act or thing which was of a fraudulent or illegal character or was manifestly opposed to the objects and interest of the Bank. (the above correspondence is from N.U. Jayawardena Personal Files)

This was the redress for which NU had been waiting. The news was flashed locally, and in Britain in the Daily Telegraph and Times. Letters and telegrams poured in from people who had known and supported him. Cyril Hawker of the Bank of England wrote to NU, that he was: … delighted to read in the press that you had been cleared of any improper conduct during your Governorship of the Central Bank of Ceylon… I can assure you that everybody in the Bank of England who knew you feels the same as I do. (N.U. Jayawardena, Personal Files)

An influential local left-wing journal, Tribune (30 Aug. 1957), expressed its approval:

We welcome the present ‘exoneration’ because it became clear in the course of the proceedings of that Commission (in the way inquiries were limited and circumscribed) and in the verdict, which was pronounced, that NUJ had been made a scapegoat to shield the activities of bigger fish. (emphasis added)

NU the Senator

While making significant strides in the private sector, NU also made his political debut. In December 1957, Prime Minister S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike appointed him to the Upper House (Senate), bringing NU for the first time into the arena of political debate and providing him with a public platform from which he could expound on his ideas for economic reform and many other issues. A condition for NU’s acceptance of the senatorship was that, if he disagreed with any of Prime Minister Bandaranaike’s policies, he should be at liberty to say so (de Zoysa manuscript, p.72). NU added lively and outspoken comment in the debates. As a senator he was now able to express his views freely, unconstrained by the restrictions he had been formerly bound by as a government servant.

The Hansard from his five-year term in the Senate is full of NU’s thoughtful and well-researched contributions to the various debates. He spoke authoritatively on a wide range of political and economic issues, such as fiscal and monetary matters, insurance, the banking system, and the development of tourism; and his views and participation on government committees were also widely solicited. It is interesting to note that, as far back as 1959, NU had proposed that the electoral system be changed from one based on “first-past- the-post” to one based on proportional representation. He did emphasize, however, that the proportional representation system could bring two disadvantages – the “loss of contact” between elected representatives

and the electorate, as well as the creation of “splinter groups”; noting, however, that these could be overcome through different measures (N.U. Jayawardena, 1959, p.3). He also submitted a memorandum in which he outlined his proposed changes to the composition of the Senate by electing a certain percentage of senators on a functional basis to represent specific interests, such as Education, Arts and Sciences, Agriculture, and Law (N.U. Jayawardena, April 1959, p.5). In this memorandum he noted that:

There is an obligation cast on a society calling itself a Social Democracy… to make the fullest use of those willing and competent to contribute to the process of political decision-making, instead of limiting that contribution only to those who happen to subscribe to a particular political creed. (ibid, p.5)

This was just the beginning of a new life for N.U. Jayawardena, the pragmatist, man of action and visionary. He would soon dominate the emerging private sector, providing the lead for its development. He was eager to create the institutions, which would help stimulate the economy and take the country forward. For NU, this heralded a still newer phase in the world of business, a sector that he had helped to develop during his many years in government service. He had, as one wag said, moved from “Resthouse to Bank House,” and now became both the chief of a Financial House, and a member of the “Upper House.”

EPILOGUE

In the next four decades of his working life, NU continued his relentless pace of work. He went on to establish a large business conglomerate, which included financing, leasing, tea-broking, stockbroking, shipping, logistics, tourism and travel. The companies he founded included Sampath Bank, National Enterprise Bank (now DFCC Vardhana Bank), Union Assurance, Mercantile Shipping, Mercantile Leasing, and Mercantile Credit. He was instrumental in opening up the island’s financial-services and commodity-broking sectors – which had been long closed except to a few companies. In 1982, he became a founding member of the Colombo Securities Exchange, serving as its second Chairman from 1988 to 1989. During these years, NU was in constant demand and served on an extraordinary number of government and private-sector committees as well as boards, contributing to the formulation of legislation and policy in a large number of areas, including banking, finance, capital markets, tourism, housing, and insurance. He was Governor of the Central Cultural Fund from 1987 to 1994.

NU proved to be a prolific writer, commenting on economic and political issues, and participating in the controversies of his time, writing over 200 monographs, essays and speeches over his lifetime. He became the private sector’s foremost champion as well as a vocal

advocate for open-market policies. His copious output included analytical commentary on government economic and fiscal policy which he circulated among policy-makers; his yearly analysis of the government budget became a well-established tradition, forming the basis for intellectual discussion and debate. In recognition of his outstanding service to the country, NU was conferred the title of “Deshamanya” in 1991. He continued to be active, working in his office almost up to the last days of his life. N.U. Jayawardena died, at the age of 94, on April 24, 2002.

N.U. JAYAWARDENA T H E F I R S T F I V E D E C A D E S Chapter 14 can read online on- https://island.lk/power-politics-2/

By Kumari Jayawardena and Jennifer Moragoda ✍️



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The NPP’s Dilemma: Arresting Politics and Unarresting Progress

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The New Parody: NPP and its Lilliputians

by Rajan Philips

The 22nd Amendment has given the government’s critics a convenient cudgel to beat up the government. But there has been no crushing blow by any effective opponent. Too many people have been taking too many turns and striking too many blows, but no one has landed anything to shake the government in any way. The whole drama is the new Sri Lankan parody of Lilliputians taking on Gulliver. Nonetheless, the critics have found an opening to keep haranguing the government. There are two prongs to their exertions.

One is the pre-NPP past of the old JVP. In political years, the chasm is as wide as that between the Old Testament and the New Testament. This provides the basis for claiming that 22A is the NPP government’s first step towards ending parliamentary democracy. The hilarity of this accusation is matched by its hypocrisy inasmuch as the current chief accuser was also the high priest of the 18th Amendment that was set up to envision a third term for Mahinda Rajapaksa. Who else – but GL Pieris. One good thing the Bar Association did was to keep GL Pieris entirely out of its entourages.

The second front of attacks on the government is based on the JVP-NPP’s cohabitation in the Yahapalanaya diarchy of Sirisena and Wickremesinghe. Indeed, the question has been asked: Is Malimawa heading to be the second Yahapalanaya? If that were so, GL Peiris and others should be able to feign a sigh of relief that parliamentary democracy is indeed safe owing to the NPP’s incompetence. But the absurdity of the Malimawa – Yahapalanaya allusion is a different laugh. Perhaps, more than one laugh.

One is in the table-talk suggestion that “due to the misdeeds of Pohottuwa that followed Yahapalanaya, voters gave an overwhelming mandate to Malimawa…” Sanitizing the disaster that was Gotabaya presidency as misdeed is quite a feat. A more serious look is about the voters who gave the “overwhelming mandate to Malimawa.” Most of the Malimawa voters were peeled off the Pohottuwa vote block, while Yahapalanaya voters were left to choose between Sajith Premadasa and Ranil Wickremesinghe. Namal Rajapaksa who was supposed to stand down in support of Ranil Wickremasinghe in the hope of diverting Pohottuwa votes to RW. Instead, the Rajapaksa scion decided to get big race experience, fared badly in the race and caused another serial defeat for RW.

Arresting Politics

Now the political wheels are turning differently. Namal Rajapaksa has become the latest martyr of the government’s arresting politics. Illusorily or not, the young Rajapaksa believes that he’s finding political traction in the country and that the government is putting him behind bars to slow him down. Coming to his defence is of course the inscrutable (even to himself) Ranil Wickremesinghe.

Sajith Premadasa has apparently remained quiet so far, and so has the SJB. Neither has made any statement or expressed concern over the arrest of Namal Rajapaksa on Friday, September 4. It is not that Mr. Premadasa is becoming what Ranil Wickremesinghe was to Mahinda Rajapaksa – the government’s Minister of the Opposition, but the man has no political fire in his belly. If his passion is for wildlife, he should ask the government to put him in charge of running the Yala National Park. He can have a better animal farm there than what he seems to be suffering within his Party and in parliament.

Mr. Rajapaksa has been arrested over the Airbus purchase scandal that goes back to 2012 and 2013. The details of the scandal are known, and allegations of payoffs have been rumoured for quite a while. Yet it is the of pattern of Friday morning questioning, evening arrest and arraignment, and weekend incarceration – that has become all too familiar and fodder for cynical misgivings. There have been too many arrests but too few trials, let alone convictions. All arrests and no trials not only erodes public confidence in the process, but also let the criminals and their beneficiaries go Scot-free.

For his part, Namal Rajapaksa is claiming that the government timed his arrest to scuttle the political rally that he and the SLPP have scheduled for Saturday, September 12, in Anuradhapura. Their claim seems to that the Anuradhapura rally will mark the scion’s coming of age as a viable presidential candidate. The claim gets some credence in the context of the government’s own political planning for holding a series of pro-government public rallies where President Dissanayake will be both the show and substance. The first of the NPP rallies is coincidentally scheduled for Sunday, September 13, and also in Anuradhapura.

Next week, we will have all the commentaries and comparisons about the two rival rallies in Anuradhapura. Future rallies will show whether Mr. Rajapaksa is actually surging in the public recognition of his political abilities, and whether the government is actually concerned about this apparent surge and mounting a counter surge of its own. If all this were true, the irrelevance of Sajith Premadasa will become even more entrenched, and the personal relevance of Ranil Wickremesinghe will become even more real.

For the pundit theory is that while the NPP might view Namal Rajapaksa as a growing threat in popular politics, its more substantive fear is about Ranil Wickremesinghe and what he says about the economy. To wit, the government’s full throttled response to Mr. Wickremasinghe’s casual remark at a political book launch that the government may not be having enough forex reserves when foreign creditors come collecting in 2028.

The Real Question

The real question is apart from the show and tell of political rallies there is still not much to write home about government performance on the substance of the economy. The government has so far been quite good at keeping the economic house in order. Keeping order is not too difficult a task once you start keeping corruption out of the door. But there are no signs of the government doing anything substantial on the economic front, especially the export sector for without significantly increasing export earnings it will be impossible to carry out debt repayment.

The government has been commended for identifying 33 State-Owned-Enterprises (SOEs) for closure or restructuring. Yet there are a few biggies left, including the debt burdened Sri Lankan Airlines with about $ 2 billion estimated to be its accumulated losses. The government has also announced a slew of mega projects in highways and the energy sector. At the same time, there are ethno-economic criticisms that the government is delaying work on the KKS Harbour and the Palaly Airport projects that have Indian funding.

Highway projects can be a curse dressed up as blessing, and they are coming out of the same Rajapaksa economic playbook. There are rumours that would be corporate beneficiaries of mega highway projects have found an inside track to government decision makers. It is up to the government to prove that such allegations are untrue and to demonstrate that it will not be bought over in contract awards. Highway construction is also import heavy even with local contractors. The economic worry should be that with too many highway projects, all going on at the same time, there will be a drain on the limited forex reserves to bring in equipment and materials. That was the experience of the highway robberies under the Rajapaksas and the NPP government can forget the lessons from that era only at its peril.

On a positive note, there is commendable activity in the renewable energy sector, amidst warnings by the Public Utilities Commission (PUSCL) about new power cuts under El Niño weather conditions. The PUSCL recently approved new feed-in tariffs for electricity from renewable energy sources and has directed the newly minted National System Operator (NSO) to expedite the implementation of Battery Energy Storage System with sufficient capacity to accommodate solar energy. There is some and back-and-forth between the two agencies about implementation details, but that is a good disagreement to have as opposed to the prolonged agreement about doing nothing on renewable energy.

There is a new green light for the once controversial 350 MW LNG power project in Kerawalapitiya. The project is being undertaken by Sahasdhanavi Limited on a Build-Own-Operate-Transfer (BOOT) basis, and will be implemented in two phases. The unfortunate snag is that in both phases, initial operations will be based on diesel with expectation to switch to Regasified Liquefied Natural Gas (RLNG) which will require additional infrastructure and supply arrangements. One would hope that diesel generation will not become a permanent feature in Kerawalapitiya.

To its credit, the government launched Sri Lanka’s largest renewable energy project, the ‘Rividanavi’ Solar Power Park project, in September 2025, in the Monaragala District, as part of the target to generate 70% of the country’s electricity from renewable energy sources by 2030. Sooner the country reduces its reliance on thermal energy, the better for its economy and the environment.

The government seems to be wanting in messaging its achievements, big or small, to the public in consistent and convincing ways. The mode of messaging through presidential rallies may not have much benefit except during an election campaign. At the same time, the government is getting caught up in controversies of its own making. The exertions on all sides over the 22nd Amendment is a case in point. In the upshot, it is the judiciary that has been badmouthed and diminished. The lure of arresting politics could be appealing in the short term, but can come back to haunt one if no one gets convicted.

For all intent and purpose, the government has missed the bus on constitutional reforms. I would be the first to applaud if my prediction turns out to be incorrect. But the government cannot walk away from the economy the way it seems to have abandoned its promise on the constitution. And the challenge of managing even a small national economy is not getting any easier with all the havoc that the Trump Administration is wreaking on America and the world.

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Remembering Nihal Rodrigo: A friendship extending over 50 years

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Anila Bandaranaike as a graduate student at Cornel in the US (right) eating ice cream at Central Park with Nihal and Chitra Rodrigo and their twins

Nihal Passed away on 14th August, a few days after his 86th birthday. Nandi, Raffi and Anouk, his granddaughter, had been with him from New York till just a week before he died. In the weeks after he passed away, there have been glowing tributes to Nihal by his professional colleagues and from organisations in which he served. My tribute is personal, of friendship over decades with a multi-talented and kind-hearted gentleman, with a delightful sense of humour, who wore his talents so lightly.

I cannot speak of Nihal without talking of his wife Chitra. To me, they were an ideal union. They shared the same values of kindness, generosity, commitment, professionalism, humility and unquestionable integrity. They also shared many interests – in art, theatre, film, classical music (both oriental and western), literature and world affairs, to name a few. They were equal partners, each respecting the other’s views and looking out for the other. They had their arguments, but with never a loud, rude, harsh or unpleasant word.

I first met Nihal and his family nearly 50 years ago in Manhattan, New York. I had moved to Cornell University in Ithaca, New York, as a graduate student in January 1978. I had an introduction to them from my close friend Radhika Coomaraswamy, who had known them since her student days in New York. Nihal was Counsellor at the Sri Lanka Mission to the UN. He and Chitra, together with their 6-year old twins, Nandi and Satya, graciously opened their home to me. From the beginning, I was made to feel a part of this delightful family and I considered their apartment in Manhattan as my “home away from home”. I regularly dislodged one of the twins from a bed to a sleeping bag on the floor, whenever I turned up in the “Big Apple” on the six-hour greyhound bus ride from Ithaca, comfortable enough to occasionally bring a friend along as well!

I have such happy memories of walking in Central Park eating ice-cream with the foursome, or going to movies and Broadway shows with Chitra. Our friendship never wavered over the next several decades and geographical distances, as they moved from one diplomatic post to another. I remain ever-grateful to Radhika for that initial introduction.

My father (Sam Wijesinha) had befriended them before me, when he had accompanied a Parliamentary delegation to Australia in 1970, in his capacity as Secretary General of Parliament, and he was a great fan. Nihal was then acting High Commissioner and they had brought him to their home for a chat and informal dinner after an official party they had all three attended. When they got home, both Nihal and Chitra realized that neither had taken their keys with them and they were locked outside their own home with their guest! Undeterred, Nihal managed to prise open the kitchen window and climb into the house to let the other two in. My father remained a great admirer of Nihal and Chitra forever after!

From Counsellor in New York, Nihal rose to Ambassador status, SAARC Secretary-General and Foreign Secretary, and finally as our Ambassador in China. They were such fun and gracious hosts when my husband and I visited them in both Kathmandu and Beijing and made their home our base while travelling in Nepal and China. They were the perfect diplomatic couple, able to converse with, and entertain royalty, presidents, the literary, arts and business communities and regular citizens, with equal ease, grace and dignity. It certainly did not harm the Sri Lankan image that they were also an extraordinarily good-looking couple!

Nihal and Chitra met as students at Peradeniya University in its golden years. They enjoyed Ediriweera Sarachchandra’s plays at the famous open-air theatre, while Nihal was also President of the English Drama Society. On my return to Sri Lanka in the mid-‘80s, it was Chitra who introduced me to Sinhabahu and Maname, as well as all the glorious ballets performed by the Chitrasena and Vajira dance troupe.

As mentioned by others, Nihal was an authority on art and a painter himself. Nihal, Chitra and fellow students were befriended by George Keyt, then living in Kandy. Canvasses in their home showcase Nihal’s artistic talents, as well as early Keyt paintings, gifts from the artist himself. Later, Nihal served on and supported the George Keyt Foundation in many ways. He was also a lover of, and an authority on film. I remember especially the Audrey Hepburn and Humphrey Bogart classics. If one wished to watch, one had only to visit the Rodrigos and ask- Nihal had an entire collection of those DVDs.

Nihal could speak with authority, in language a lay person could understand, on geopolitics, especially the power changes taking place in an increasingly volatile world. His astuteness on Sri Lanka’s diplomatic relations was ahead of his time.

In the early 1990s, Nihal was Secretary to a high-level Foreign Affairs Study Group (FASG) appointed by President Premadasa and chaired by Dr. Gamani Corea, with Mervyn de Silva, Lakshman Kadirgamar and S.K. Wickremesinghe among its members.

As the Cold War had ended and Asia began emerging as an economic force, Nihal saw that, along with two economically awakening giants China and India, fast developing countries in East and South East Asia would become increasingly important to Sri Lanka for its own future development. He therefore officially co-opted me, from the Central Bank’s Economic Research Department, to provide the FASG with regular statistical updates of Sri Lanka’s economic and trade links with those very countries.

His thinking has proved correct, although I do not think successive Sri Lankan governments gave such astuteness the importance it warranted.

His final diplomatic posting, as Ambassador to China, reflected the enormous respect in which he was held. His time there was invaluable to Sri Lanka. Since his return to Sri Lanka in 2007, he was one of the most sought-after authorities on China in the region. He lectured in academic institutions and was a popular speaker on Sri Lanka’s foreign policy for well over a decade after his retirement.When his health began to deteriorate, he led a quieter life, meeting friends and family in their home, ably cared for by his devoted wife through the years that followed.

Nihal’s and Chitra’s interest in world issues and the arts have been inherited by, and nurtured in both Nandi and Satya, and most likely, Anouk too. Today, where are those delightful six-year olds whose beds I took over all those years ago?

Nandi is Head of Research at the New York Times Magazine, married to Raffi, a senior writer for the New Yorker, and Satya, a senior diplomat in Sri Lanka’s Foreign Service, currently serves as our Ambassador in Rome, with the same charm and professionalism as his father. So, to me, Nihal and Chitra were also role-model parents, giving their twins space to grow and develop their own individual personalities.

Nihal had many admirable qualities, but what I admired most was how his intellect and creative abilities sat so lightly on him. He shared of his knowledge, experience and wisdom without ever acting superior or talking down to anyone; he could turn a tense moment in a discussion and lighten the mood in a wink, with a delightfully witty remark or joke, and always had time to chat and joke with us younger adults, however busy his work schedule.

But Nihal was not all-perfect! It was Chitra, his soul-mate, he relied on so completely for all matters practical and financial, including hosting, entertaining and maintaining their homes all over the world, and for companionship, comfort, peace and harmony, in their own home in Colombo, in the final years of his life.

He will be missed by all who knew him, but we will all treasure memories of a talented, humane individual who made this world a better place. May he rest in peace.

Anila Dias Bandaranaike

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The Essence of the Notion of ‘Father’: A short review of Piyasara Gedara by Liyanage Amarakeerthi

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By Ashanthi Ekanayake

There has been a trend in social media in inquiring of its users what their favourite literary works are and I took some time to explore which poem I might single out as the best of its kind written in English which is of personal significance. I immediately thought of the poem “Daddy” by Sylvia Plath. I made the choice quickly because I had been thinking of it since I began to read Amarakeerthi’s latest novel. The notion of the father and the larger metaphor of the patriarch or the arch patriarch has been something all societies have grappled with since the beginning. Plath declares in the second verse Daddy, “I have had to kill you.” This act of parricide has been a strong metaphor in many literary works and also in the etiological myths of many peoples.

I was initiated to the history of our race and nation as a young child and I remember that I had no qualms about accepting that I came from a lineage which had a certain “lion” in the beginning and that the lion had two children and that they “married” to start our race. Firstly, I heard this story as a young child and “marriage” did not mean much to me, secondly, I was from a generation which was not allowed to question and challenge my “elders and betters.” I was also a somewhat passive and placid child. When it was (unfortunately) my turn to do the honours in initiating my own offspring they were not so gullible. They were appalled and not impressed. They said in one voice “what ignominy to trace one’s beginning to parricide, bestiality and incest.” Fortunately for me I know some “Classics.’ So, my rejoinder was that even the Greeks and Romans have similar accounts and reminded them of Oedipus. Oedipus and Sinhabahu both have to kill their fathers to come into their own, regardless of the fact that Oedipus meets with tragedy. The notion of the patriarch and succession through parricide has been a historical reality and a literary strategy explored by many and has an etiological function.

In this sense the narrative of Piyăsara Gedara by Amarakeerthi Liyanage makes the reader question this accepted notion of the patriarch and also the role of the father/father figure by their presence and absence in the novel itself. Not stopping there Amarakeerthi uses the shadowy and unnamed yet unmistakable character of “sir,” in the novel as a parasitic dramaturge who has a rather overbearing personality. This shadowy figure is mirrored by the introduction of fathers who are not quite fathers in the later chapters. Amarakeerthi has been committed to writing novels experimenting with different styles while touching on themes which are current and relevant. His unhurried creative exercise has always managed to keep the reader engaged in questioning social norms and accepted values and exploring the very politics of the creative enterprise and also recent events. The metaphor borrowed from a renowned stylized stage play is an extended metaphor with the heart room of the Dias home gaining an importance as a significant space. (I refrain from exploring the obvious nationalist aspect because the readers will come to these assumptions on their own.)

Just as there are many fathers, Dias appears to be just like the youngsters in the narrative, lost in the ruminations of what his father might have achieved had he not been in the shadow of the dramaturge who himself remains a shadowy figure in the narrative rather like the murder instrument which is not one. His realisation that his father was not unique and not deserving of many of the accolades that Dias had wanted as a son for his father gives the novel a certain bildungsroman/coming of age quality even though Dias appears to be relatively old. A rather late coming of age for Dias because he has to see that his father was not all that he believed him to be. This aspect of the novel also resonates with the notions of anxiety of influence/anxiety of authorship because Dias whom the playwright wants to rename is in fact doing much of the groundwork in research for the work the person referred only as “sir.” The other fathers are of a variety of types that we encounter in our everyday relationships. The absence of one father encourages one character to become vigilante like. The introduction of the manikin/mannequin or “womannequin” provides an alter-ego to one of the characters who is also described as doll-like.

As always Amarkeerthi’s latest creation is packed with metaphors which keep the reader alert in piecing together the story. He opens the novel using a technique resonant with the ultra-performativity of the current day and age. His narrative has a cinematic quality which is in keeping with the modern experience of a drone capturing the action as it takes place. This makes the novelist appear very powerful, even godlike and the experience makes the reader a viewer in a sense. He ties this narrative strategy in the final few pages and carries it on to the acknowledgement which is rather like watching movie credits roll at the end where he names the cast and crew.

In addition to the dramatic/cinematic quality, the novelist also uses onomatopoeia as a narrative strategy which I will not spoil for those who are yet to read the novel. Among the many themes explored are the

There is an irony in the notion of the patriarch because the very patriarch we challenge literally or figuratively is the one who gives us our name and our being and makes us into who we are, and ultimately renders himself a figure we have to destroy in order to come into our own. All the characters in the novel, main and the relatively insignificant are all used in exploring this metaphor of the father.

Plath says at the end of the poem “Daddy, daddy, you bastard, I’m through.” The irony of the presence or absence of the father and the notion of bastardy and the stigma involved and the social necessity of the presence of a father, is an aspect of our lives we will continue to explore in our creative enterprise.

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