Features
THE PHOENIX RISES
CHAPTER 15
(Excerpted from N.U. JAYAWARDENAThe first five decades)
I am like that elastic piece of rubber which bounces up highest when it is pressed and trampled most.
(NU’s letter to his father-in-law Norman Wickramasinghe, Dec. 1931)
Finding Solace in Religion and Community
Earlier, when NU’s workload was so enormous, he found little time for religion. However, during the difficult time associated with the Commission of Inquiry, this changed. As Neiliya relates:
At this time, he became seriously involved with religion and a great supporter of the Lunava Temple. This gave him great strength and courage in his work no matter what crisis he faced.
This temple was located on the outskirts of Colombo in Lunava, where NU had lived until the mid-1930s. Its chief monk was Thero Galkisse Sri Visuddhananda of the Amarapura Nikaya. The temple had a devale devoted to the deities, Kataragama and Suniyam. NU took part in the pujas and rituals of the temple, humbling himself as required by sweeping the temple grounds. He also visited the Rector of St. Aloysius’, Father Morelli, who boosted his morale and restored his confidence (N.U. Jayawardena, 1990, “Down Memory Lane”). It is interesting to note that, according to S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike’s biographer, James Manor (1989, p.307-8), SWRD and his wife Sirimavo, too, frequented this temple in times of crisis during SWRD’s premiership.
Although NU had been the only one of the Durava caste to reach the top of the administrative hierarchy at the time (de Silva & Wriggins, 1988, p.286), caste did not play a part in his way of thinking; but throughout his life, it was to him whom relatives and clan members turned for help. Now, when in his hour of crisis they rallied around to support him, he learned to fully appreciate the value of community.
Bouncing Back – Move to the Private Sector
If Kotelawala had intended to crush and humiliate NU, the former underestimated NU’s resilience and tenacity – as well as how indispensable he was to others. As Neiliya observed, “The Central Bank crisis was an event that changed the future of our family for the better in a way.” A mere six months after NU’s removal from the Bank, announcements appeared in the local and British press that NU had been appointed as the joint managing director of the J.H. Vavasseur Trading Company. This was another landmark in his life and career, and a major turning point. He became the first Sri Lankan to be given such a position in a British-owned company.

Newly-elected Prime Minister S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike crossing the floor of the House of Representatives to greet John Kotelawala
Vavasseur, an old established British firm founded in 1884, was the first in Sri Lanka to process and export coconut products. The firm’s Colombo office was engaged in the production of desiccated coconut, coconut fibre, and shell charcoal for its parent company in London to export to Europe (Villiers, 1940, pp.230-31). Geoffrey Buxton, Chairman of the UK company, had heard that NU was available to take up an appointment in the private sector, and he was recommended by C.F. Cobbold, Governor of the Bank of England. Vavasseur was looking for a managing director for their Colombo office and offered the post to NU. Before accepting the position, NU went to London to study the internal systems of the company. While there, NU suggested several changes, which Buxton and his Board accepted.
At the age of 48, NU then embarked upon a new career in the private sector – another realm in which he would dominate for several decades, with what Exter termed his “unrivalled view of the economy.” NU’s long participation at both the ground and policy levels, provided him with insight into banking, finance, and commerce, enabling him to extrapolate beyond the present, and forge new trails. The private sector gave him far more scope for the exercise of his energy and acumen than his 28 years in the public service had. He was no longer hemmed in by a web of regulations and controls, which curbed quick decisions and action. The marketplace was
where one could sink or swim, and NU found this challenging. In NU’s career in the world of business, 1956 was a landmark year. With the help and advice of F.C. Rowan, Chairman of the law firm, Julius & Creasy, NU formed Mercantile Credit Limited as a finance company, while remaining Managing Director of Vavasseur. NU recognized the need for an institution that would provide finance to small businesses and individuals, and Mercantile Credit would become the leading private-sector institution offering hirepurchase finance for several decades to come. The private sector gave
him scope to apply his knowledge of finance towards the development of this sector.
In the same year, NU became Chairman of the Wellawatte Spinning and Weaving Mills, which had been established in the late 19th century. The mills had been engaged primarily in the production of cheap fabrics, mainly for estate workers, and had become rundown. The main shareholder of the mills was the Maharajah of Gwalior, who was anxious to ‘Ceylonize’ his company in view of the changing times. NU, with the knowledge he had obtained from his time in the Department of Commerce overseeing the running of several factories, found local subscribers who had confidence in his managerial abilities, who along with him took up the majority of shares held by the Maharajah. NU then set out to improve and expand production
by introducing new products and engaging the services of a foreign technologist (de Zoysa, pp.74 & 78).(NU would later manufacture synthetic textiles in 1960, when – fortuitously for NU – the government banned the import of synthetic fabrics. However, the tables would be turned in 1970, when Mrs. Sirimavo Bandaranaike’s government took over the factory, which had over 5,000 employees at the time. Sadly, shortly after nationalization, the mills were permanently closed down.)
The Fall of Kotelawala
While NU’s fortunes revived swiftly, John Kotelawala’s were beginning to wane. Kotelawala’s disposition and political style did not match the times, and he made some serious miscalculations, which resulted in the UNP’s crushing defeat at the polls. According to Wriggins: “There was a growing popular feeling of irritation and impatience at the U.N.P. leadership in general and [Kotelawala] in particular” (Wriggins, 1960, p.336). Kotelawala’s lifestyle and apparent disregard and lack of sensitivity for Buddhist values caused much consternation and indignation among the population. His memoirs, which were published at the time, aggravated the situation further. They “depicted him as a playboy of Western European capitals rather than a serious-minded statesman.” Buddhist monks read chapters from Kotelawala’s memoirs at temple gatherings, to “show how unfitted the prime minister was to rule Buddhist Ceylon”
(Wriggins, 1960, pp.336 & 346).
During the election campaign of 1956, a “devastating political cartoon” attacking the UNP appeared, effectively capturing the popular perception of the UNP among many Buddhists and galvanizing public opinion for the Opposition. The cartoon bore clear allusions to the Mara Yuddhaya (War of Mara) – a pivotal event in the life of the Buddha – depicting Kotelawala as Mara, the evil adversary of the Buddha. ( This episode, well known to any Sri Lankan Buddhist schoolchild and often depicted in temple wall paintings, represents the triumph of the Buddha through his purity and righteousness, over the evil of Mara. For an explanation of the context and figures
depicted in the cartoon, see Wriggins, 1960, p.356. After the UNP’s sweeping defeat in June 1956, Kotelawala left for England, and began what would turn into “regular summer and autumn visits to England,” becoming a “mere part-timer in Sri Lankan politics” (de Silva & Wriggins, 1994, p.16). S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike had allowed Kotelawala to “bend currency regulations” to
purchase a farm in England (Manor, 1989, p.255).
Exoneration
With the coming to power of the SLFP government (and its allies forming the MEP), NU lost no time in seeking to clear his name. In January 1957, he drafted a 17-page appeal to Governor-General Sir Oliver Goonetilleke, protesting the “perverse” findings of the 1953 Commission of Inquiry. As NU wrote, it had been a “grave miscarriage of justice”:
The Commissioners have not found any single instance in which it was established that I had received an illegal gratification for showing favour in the official discharge of my duties not only while I was in the Central Bank, first as Deputy Governor and later as Governor, but also in my long and varied career in the public service, the entirety of which came within the ambit of the inquiry… I wish to urge, that the findings of the Commissioners are perverse and are based on a prejudiced view of the facts established. (N.U. Jayawardena, Personal Files)
NU claimed he was a “victim of [Kotelawala’s] private revenge,” because of the latter’s “grave displeasure at [NU’s] official actions… when he was Minister of Transport and Works, and later when he was Prime Minister.”
In regard to loans NU and his wife had taken from banks, he held that there had been no necessary impropriety, in that “such transactions [are] an ordinary feature of normal life in every country today,” and that overdrafts and loans are taken by:
…even Prime Ministers, Finance Ministers and others having authority over banks, [without allowing] such transactions to influence their judgment and official conduct in relation to these institutions.
He argued that abroad, even officers of Central Banks borrow money from these Banks, and that: …in the absence of such a provision, no law or rule of practice has been laid down anywhere that the Governor of a Central Bank cannot resort to normal banking facilities ordinarily available to the general public, including other members of the Governing Body of the Central Bank, whether it be a Monetary Board, as is the case in Ceylon, or the Court or Board of Directors as may be elsewhere.
NU stressed the point that:
It is also significant that no evidence that such transactions are against any unwritten code of conduct in any country was placed before the Commissioners; nor was any precedent to this effect from any country cited.
NU detailed some of his reasons for resorting to overdraft facilities and his expenditure on building for his family:
My wife and I had obtained overdrafts and Bank facilities even during the period as Deputy Governor of the Central Bank. In fact, I had occasion to apprise the then Governor, Mr. John Exter, and also the then Minister of Finance and even other Ministers of these transactions. No one made any secret of this fact. Not one of them made any adverse comment on, or warned me, against these transactions, all of which had been undertaken purely for the purpose of financing the purchase of two building sites, and the construction eventually of a dwelling house for our own occupation and, later, of another house convertible into two flats in case of need, so providing three housing units for the benefit for the three children composing our family. Neither was it considered then that the action of my wife or myself in availing ourselves of these facilities constituted a breach of some unwritten code of conduct, which the Commissioners hold up against me in their report.
NU lucidly summed up his early struggles and meteoric rise in the public service through his own abilities – an achievement undone by one stroke of injustice:
I had risen from very humble beginnings, indeed, to one of the highest offices that the State can offer its nationals and I had achieved this, not through influential connections or patronage, but by sheer dint of industry, intelligence, ability and character and, without being immodest, I believe I could claim that I had won the respect abroad of those in a position to judge my competence in Central Banking. But everything that I had striven for in my working life was destroyed by perverse justice meted out to me.
On 7 March 1957, he wrote again to the Governor-General, pressing for justice against this “great wrong”: if it be that there is no provision in law to annul this order, I should be grateful… your Excellency… grant me a measure of redress for the great wrong done to me, by causing a public statement to be issued exonerating me altogether from any imputations of blameworthy conduct.
NU reassured him with these words:
I wish to say that I have no intention of taking legal action of any kind in respect of the order removing me from office or making any claim on the footing that the order of removal was illegal and to give your Excellency the assurance that I shall not take such action or make such claims.
In reply, N.W. Atukorale, the Secretary to the Governor-General, on 20 March 1957 wrote that, despite a different view, which the new Prime Minister might hold from his predecessor:
His Excellency has no power to annul the order of removal from officemade… before the present Prime Minister assumes office.
NU’s case was sent to the Attorney-General, Noel Gratiaen, QC, whose opinion stated that an injustice had been done. On 10 August 1957, Atukorale announced the news of NU’s exoneration:
I am directed by the Governor General to inform you that the Prime Minister has carefully considered all the relevant material regarding this case and is of the opinion that you, as Governor of the Central Bank, had not done any act or thing which was of a fraudulent or illegal character or was manifestly opposed to the objects and interest of the Bank. (the above correspondence is from N.U. Jayawardena Personal Files)
This was the redress for which NU had been waiting. The news was flashed locally, and in Britain in the Daily Telegraph and Times. Letters and telegrams poured in from people who had known and supported him. Cyril Hawker of the Bank of England wrote to NU, that he was: … delighted to read in the press that you had been cleared of any improper conduct during your Governorship of the Central Bank of Ceylon… I can assure you that everybody in the Bank of England who knew you feels the same as I do. (N.U. Jayawardena, Personal Files)
An influential local left-wing journal, Tribune (30 Aug. 1957), expressed its approval:
We welcome the present ‘exoneration’ because it became clear in the course of the proceedings of that Commission (in the way inquiries were limited and circumscribed) and in the verdict, which was pronounced, that NUJ had been made a scapegoat to shield the activities of bigger fish. (emphasis added)
NU the Senator
While making significant strides in the private sector, NU also made his political debut. In December 1957, Prime Minister S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike appointed him to the Upper House (Senate), bringing NU for the first time into the arena of political debate and providing him with a public platform from which he could expound on his ideas for economic reform and many other issues. A condition for NU’s acceptance of the senatorship was that, if he disagreed with any of Prime Minister Bandaranaike’s policies, he should be at liberty to say so (de Zoysa manuscript, p.72). NU added lively and outspoken comment in the debates. As a senator he was now able to express his views freely, unconstrained by the restrictions he had been formerly bound by as a government servant.
The Hansard from his five-year term in the Senate is full of NU’s thoughtful and well-researched contributions to the various debates. He spoke authoritatively on a wide range of political and economic issues, such as fiscal and monetary matters, insurance, the banking system, and the development of tourism; and his views and participation on government committees were also widely solicited. It is interesting to note that, as far back as 1959, NU had proposed that the electoral system be changed from one based on “first-past- the-post” to one based on proportional representation. He did emphasize, however, that the proportional representation system could bring two disadvantages – the “loss of contact” between elected representatives
and the electorate, as well as the creation of “splinter groups”; noting, however, that these could be overcome through different measures (N.U. Jayawardena, 1959, p.3). He also submitted a memorandum in which he outlined his proposed changes to the composition of the Senate by electing a certain percentage of senators on a functional basis to represent specific interests, such as Education, Arts and Sciences, Agriculture, and Law (N.U. Jayawardena, April 1959, p.5). In this memorandum he noted that:
There is an obligation cast on a society calling itself a Social Democracy… to make the fullest use of those willing and competent to contribute to the process of political decision-making, instead of limiting that contribution only to those who happen to subscribe to a particular political creed. (ibid, p.5)
This was just the beginning of a new life for N.U. Jayawardena, the pragmatist, man of action and visionary. He would soon dominate the emerging private sector, providing the lead for its development. He was eager to create the institutions, which would help stimulate the economy and take the country forward. For NU, this heralded a still newer phase in the world of business, a sector that he had helped to develop during his many years in government service. He had, as one wag said, moved from “Resthouse to Bank House,” and now became both the chief of a Financial House, and a member of the “Upper House.”
EPILOGUE
In the next four decades of his working life, NU continued his relentless pace of work. He went on to establish a large business conglomerate, which included financing, leasing, tea-broking, stockbroking, shipping, logistics, tourism and travel. The companies he founded included Sampath Bank, National Enterprise Bank (now DFCC Vardhana Bank), Union Assurance, Mercantile Shipping, Mercantile Leasing, and Mercantile Credit. He was instrumental in opening up the island’s financial-services and commodity-broking sectors – which had been long closed except to a few companies. In 1982, he became a founding member of the Colombo Securities Exchange, serving as its second Chairman from 1988 to 1989. During these years, NU was in constant demand and served on an extraordinary number of government and private-sector committees as well as boards, contributing to the formulation of legislation and policy in a large number of areas, including banking, finance, capital markets, tourism, housing, and insurance. He was Governor of the Central Cultural Fund from 1987 to 1994.
NU proved to be a prolific writer, commenting on economic and political issues, and participating in the controversies of his time, writing over 200 monographs, essays and speeches over his lifetime. He became the private sector’s foremost champion as well as a vocal
advocate for open-market policies. His copious output included analytical commentary on government economic and fiscal policy which he circulated among policy-makers; his yearly analysis of the government budget became a well-established tradition, forming the basis for intellectual discussion and debate. In recognition of his outstanding service to the country, NU was conferred the title of “Deshamanya” in 1991. He continued to be active, working in his office almost up to the last days of his life. N.U. Jayawardena died, at the age of 94, on April 24, 2002.
N.U. JAYAWARDENA T H E F I R S T F I V E D E C A D E S Chapter 14 can read online on- https://island.lk/power-politics-2/
By Kumari Jayawardena and Jennifer Moragoda ✍️
Features
Cyclones, greed and philosophy for a new world order
Further to my earlier letter titled, “Psychology of Greed and Philosophy for a New World Order” (The Island 26.11.2025) it may not be far-fetched to say that the cause of the devastating cyclones that hit Sri Lanka and Indonesia last week could be traced back to human greed. Cyclones of this magnitude are said to be unusual in the equatorial region but, according to experts, the raised sea surface temperatures created the conditions for their occurrence. This is directly due to global warming which is caused by excessive emission of Greenhouse gases due to burning of fossil fuels and other activities. These activities cannot be brought under control as the rich, greedy Western powers do not want to abide by the terms and conditions agreed upon at the Paris Agreement of 2015, as was seen at the COP30 meeting in Brazil recently. Is there hope for third world countries? This is why the Global South must develop a New World Order. For this purpose, the proposed contentment/sufficiency philosophy based on morals like dhana, seela, bhavana, may provide the necessary foundation.
Further, such a philosophy need not be parochial and isolationist. It may not be necessary to adopt systems that existed in the past that suited the times but develop a system that would be practical and also pragmatic in the context of the modern world.
It must be reiterated that without controlling the force of collective greed the present destructive socioeconomic system cannot be changed. Hence the need for a philosophy that incorporates the means of controlling greed. Dhana, seela, bhavana may suit Sri Lanka and most of the East which, as mentioned in my earlier letter, share a similar philosophical heritage. The rest of the world also may have to adopt a contentment / sufficiency philosophy with strong and effective tenets that suit their culture, to bring under control the evil of greed. If not, there is no hope for the existence of the world. Global warming will destroy it with cyclones, forest fires, droughts, floods, crop failure and famine.
Leading economists had commented on the damaging effect of greed on the economy while philosophers, ancient as well as modern, had spoken about its degenerating influence on the inborn human morals. Ancient philosophers like Plato, Aristotle, and Epicurus all spoke about greed, viewing it as a destructive force that hindered a good life. They believed greed was rooted in personal immorality and prevented individuals from achieving true happiness by focusing on endless material accumulation rather than the limited wealth needed for natural needs.
Jeffry Sachs argues that greed is a destructive force that undermines social and environmental well-being, citing it as a major driver of climate change and economic inequality, referencing the ideas of Adam Smith, John Maynard Keynes, etc. Joseph Stiglitz, a Nobel Laureate economist, has criticised neoliberal ideology in similar terms.
In my earlier letter, I have discussed how contentment / sufficiency philosophy could effectively transform the socioeconomic system to one that prioritises collective well-being and sufficiency over rampant consumerism and greed, potentially leading to more sustainable economic models.
Obviously, these changes cannot be brought about without a change of attitude, morals and commitment of the rulers and the government. This cannot be achieved without a mass movement; people must realise the need for change. Such a movement would need leadership. In this regard a critical responsibility lies with the educated middle class. It is they who must give leadership to the movement that would have the goal of getting rid of the evil of excessive greed. It is they who must educate the entire nation about the need for these changes.
The middle class would be the vanguard of change. It is the middle class that has the capacity to bring about change. It is the middle class that perform as a vibrant component of the society for political stability. It is the group which supplies political philosophy, ideology, movements, guidance and leaders for the rest of the society. The poor, who are the majority, need the political wisdom and leadership of the middle class.
Further, the middle class is the font of culture, creativity, literature, art and music. Thinkers, writers, artistes, musicians are fostered by the middle class. Cultural activity of the middle class could pervade down to the poor groups and have an effect on their cultural development as well. Similarly, education of a country depends on how educated the middle class is. It is the responsibility of the middle class to provide education to the poor people.
Most importantly, the morals of a society are imbued in the middle class and it is they who foster them. As morals are crucial in the battle against greed, the middle class assume greater credentials to spearhead the movement against greed and bring in sustainable development and growth. Contentment sufficiency philosophy, based on morals, would form the strong foundation necessary for achieving the goal of a new world order. Thus, it is seen that the middle class is eminently suitable to be the vehicle that could adopt and disseminate a contentment/ sufficiency philosophy and lead the movement against the evil neo-liberal system that is destroying the world.
The Global South, which comprises the majority of the world’s poor, may have to realise, before it is too late, that it is they who are the most vulnerable to climate change though they may not be the greatest offenders who cause it. Yet, if they are to survive, they must get together and help each other to achieve self-sufficiency in the essential needs, like food, energy and medicine. Trade must not be via exploitative and weaponised currency but by means of a barter system, based on purchase power parity (PPP). The union of these countries could be an expansion of organisations,like BRICS, ASEAN, SCO, AU, etc., which already have the trade and financial arrangements though in a rudimentary state but with great potential, if only they could sort out their bilateral issues and work towards a Global South which is neither rich nor poor but sufficient, contented and safe, a lesson to the Global North. China, India and South Africa must play the lead role in this venture. They would need the support of a strong philosophy that has the capacity to fight the evil of greed, for they cannot achieve these goals if fettered by greed. The proposed contentment / sufficient philosophy would form a strong philosophical foundation for the Global South, to unite, fight greed and develop a new world order which, above all, will make it safe for life.
by Prof. N. A. de S. Amaratunga
PHD, DSc, DLITT
Features
SINHARAJA: The Living Cathedral of Sri Lanka’s Rainforest Heritage
When Senior biodiversity scientist Vimukthi Weeratunga speaks of Sinharaja, his voice carries the weight of four decades spent beneath its dripping emerald canopy. To him, Sri Lanka’s last great rainforest is not merely a protected area—it is “a cathedral of life,” a sanctuary where evolution whispers through every leaf, stream and shadow.
“Sinharaja is the largest and most precious tropical rainforest we have,” Weeratunga said.
“Sixty to seventy percent of the plants and animals found here exist nowhere else on Earth. This forest is the heart of endemic biodiversity in Sri Lanka.”
A Magnet for the World’s Naturalists
Sinharaja’s allure lies not in charismatic megafauna but in the world of the small and extraordinary—tiny, jewel-toned frogs; iridescent butterflies; shy serpents; and canopy birds whose songs drift like threads of silver through the mist.
“You must walk slowly in Sinharaja,” Weeratunga smiled.
“Its beauty reveals itself only to those who are patient and observant.”
For global travellers fascinated by natural history, Sinharaja remains a top draw. Nearly 90% of nature-focused visitors to Sri Lanka place Sinharaja at the top of their itinerary, generating a deep economic pulse for surrounding communities.
A Forest Etched in History
Centuries before conservationists championed its cause, Sinharaja captured the imagination of explorers and scholars. British and Dutch botanists, venturing into the island’s interior from the 17th century onward, mapped streams, documented rare orchids, and penned some of the earliest scientific records of Sri Lanka’s natural heritage.
These chronicles now form the backbone of our understanding of the island’s unique ecology.
The Great Forest War: Saving Sinharaja
But Sinharaja nearly vanished.
In the 1970s, the government—guided by a timber-driven development mindset—greenlit a Canadian-assisted logging project. Forests around Sinharaja fell first; then, the chainsaws approached the ancient core.
“There was very little scientific data to counter the felling,” Weeratunga recalled.
- Poppie’s shrub frog
- Endemic Scimitar babblers
- Blue Magpie
“But people knew instinctively this was a national treasure.”
The public responded with one of the greatest environmental uprisings in Sri Lankan history. Conservation icons Thilo Hoffmann and Neluwe Gunananda Thera led a national movement. After seven tense years, the new government of 1977 halted the project.
What followed was a scientific renaissance. Leading researchers—including Prof. Savithri Gunathilake and Prof. Nimal Gunathilaka, Prof. Sarath Kottagama, and others—descended into the depths of Sinharaja, documenting every possible facet of its biodiversity.
“Those studies paved the way for Sinharaja to become Sri Lanka’s very first natural World Heritage Site,” Weeratunga noted proudly.
- Vimukthi
- Nadika
- Janaka
A Book Woven From 30 Years of Field Wisdom
For Weeratunga, Sinharaja is more than academic terrain—it is home. Since joining the Forest Department in 1985 as a young researcher, he has trekked, photographed, documented and celebrated its secrets.
Now, decades later, he joins Dr. Thilak Jayaratne, the late Dr. Janaka Gallangoda, and Nadika Hapuarachchi in producing, what he calls, the most comprehensive book ever written on Sinharaja.
“This will be the first major publication on Sinharaja since the early 1980s,” he said.
“It covers ecology, history, flora, fauna—and includes rare photographs taken over nearly 30 years.”
Some images were captured after weeks of waiting. Others after years—like the mysterious mass-flowering episodes where clusters of forest giants bloom in synchrony, or the delicate jewels of the understory: tiny jumping spiders, elusive amphibians, and canopy dwellers glimpsed only once in a lifetime.
The book even includes underwater photography from Sinharaja’s crystal-clear streams—worlds unseen by most visitors.
A Tribute to a Departed Friend
Halfway through the project, tragedy struck: co-author Dr. Janaka Gallangoda passed away.
“We stopped the project for a while,” Weeratunga said quietly.
“But Dr. Thilak Jayaratne reminded us that Janaka lived for this forest. So we completed the book in his memory. One of our authors now watches over Sinharaja from above.”
An Invitation to the Public
A special exhibition, showcasing highlights from the book, will be held on 13–14 December, 2025, in Colombo.
“We cannot show Sinharaja in one gallery,” he laughed.
“But we can show a single drop of its beauty—enough to spark curiosity.”
A Forest That Must Endure
What makes the book special, he emphasises, is its accessibility.
“We wrote it in simple, clear language—no heavy jargon—so that everyone can understand why Sinharaja is irreplaceable,” Weeratunga said.
“If people know its value, they will protect it.”
To him, Sinharaja is more than a rainforest.
It is Sri Lanka’s living heritage.
A sanctuary of evolution.
A sacred, breathing cathedral that must endure for generations to come.
By Ifham Nizam
Features
How Knuckles was sold out
Leaked RTI Files Reveal Conflicting Approvals, Missing Assessments, and Silent Officials
“This Was Not Mismanagement — It Was a Structured Failure”— CEJ’s Dilena Pathragoda
An investigation, backed by newly released Right to Information (RTI) files, exposes a troubling sequence of events in which multiple state agencies appear to have enabled — or quietly tolerated — unauthorised road construction inside the Knuckles Conservation Forest, a UNESCO World Heritage site.
At the centre of the unfolding scandal is a trail of contradictory letters, unexplained delays, unsigned inspection reports, and sudden reversals by key government offices.
“What these documents show is not confusion or oversight. It is a structured failure,” said Dilena Pathragoda, Executive Director of the Centre for Environmental Justice (CEJ), who has been analysing the leaked records.
“Officials knew the legal requirements. They ignored them. They knew the ecological risks. They dismissed them. The evidence points to a deliberate weakening of safeguards meant to protect one of Sri Lanka’s most fragile ecosystems.”
A Paper Trail of Contradictions
RTI disclosures obtained by activists reveal:
Approvals issued before mandatory field inspections were carried out
Three departments claiming they “did not authorise” the same section of the road
A suspiciously backdated letter clearing a segment already under construction
Internal memos flagging “missing evaluation data” that were never addressed
“No-objection” notes do not hold any legal weight for work inside protected areas, experts say.
One senior officer’s signature appears on two letters with opposing conclusions, sent just three weeks apart — a discrepancy that has raised serious questions within the conservation community.
“This is the kind of documentation that usually surfaces only after damage is done,” Pathragoda said. “It shows a chain of administrative behaviour designed to delay scrutiny until the bulldozers moved in.”
The Silence of the Agencies
Perhaps, more alarming is the behaviour of the regulatory bodies.
Multiple departments — including those legally mandated to halt unauthorised work — acknowledged concerns in internal exchanges but issued no public warnings, took no enforcement action, and allowed machinery to continue operating.
“That silence is the real red flag,” Pathragoda noted.
“Silence is rarely accidental in cases like this. Silence protects someone.”
On the Ground: Damage Already Visible
Independent field teams report:
Fresh erosion scars on steep slopes
Sediment-laden water in downstream streams
Disturbed buffer zones
Workers claiming that they were instructed to “complete the section quickly”
Satellite images from the past two months show accelerated clearing around the contested route.
Environmental experts warn that once the hydrology of the Knuckles slopes is altered, the consequences could be irreversible.
CEJ: “Name Every Official Involved”
CEJ is preparing a formal complaint demanding a multi-agency investigation.
Pathragoda insists that responsibility must be traced along the entire chain — from field officers to approving authorities.
“Every signature, every omission, every backdated approval must be examined,” she said.
“If laws were violated, then prosecutions must follow. Not warnings. Not transfers. Prosecutions.”
A Scandal Still Unfolding
More RTI documents are expected to come out next week, including internal audits and communication logs that could deepen the crisis for several agencies.
As the paper trail widens, one thing is increasingly clear: what happened in Knuckles is not an isolated act — it is an institutional failure, executed quietly, and revealed only because citizens insisted on answers.
by Ifham Nizam
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