Connect with us

Features

Seeing the world as a parliamentary official and some Premadasa anecdotes

Published

on

Ranasinghe Premadasa

(Excerpted from Memories of 33 year in Parliament by Nihal Seneviratne)

Even though my early ambition was to join the Sri Lanka Foreign Service and travel the world, I did not miss out by joining Parliament as it gave me many opportunities to travel to many countries and meet with important global leaders, interact closely with my contemporaries in other parliamen his clothests and go overseas for numerous conferences and training programs.

As Secretary to over 30 Parliamentary delegations, I was mostly a baggage boy, looking after the members of the delegation. I must add that this was no easy task. I recall one of our members of an Inter-Parliamentary Union delegations in a faraway Scandinavian country coming to see me with what he called “a huge problem.”

He had an hour long telephone call to his spouse in Sri Lanka. He told me she had been in a delicate state of health and he needed to speak to her. He had then been hit with a telephone bill amounting to over 100 Euros. He wanted me to settle this bill.

I then very gently reminded him that at the start of the trip, I had very politely told all delegates that any personal overseas telephone calls would be on their own accounts. He wanted me to speak to our ambassador in that country and ask him to foot the bill which I politely refused to do. He finally had to pay the bill himself.

Another problem arose when just before an official dinner, the delegation was asked to dress up to meet some foreign Members of Parliament for a drink. I had asked the delegates to dress smartly and come to the lobby of the hotel by 8 p.m. One parliamentarian turned up in a pajama coat and sarong and asked me “Am I not properly dressed?” I was totally taken aback and approached my close friend from school days, MP Mangala Moonasinghe, and asked him to tactfully get his colleague to change his clothes.

Another incident, again involving Mangala Moonesinghe was when in the Soviet Union as guest of the USSR Government, both of us were enjoying a coffee in the lounge when two or three Russian ladies joined our table. A few minutes later, four well-suited Russians approached the ladies and whispered something in their ears. The ladies immediately vanished from the table. Later, we were told that they had been shooed off by KGB agents. There ended sadly Mangala’s and my friendly chat with the Russian ladies.

Apart from these, I had the great opportunity to meet well-known world leaders. Among these I recall vividly meeting with Fidel Castro himself in Havana. We were part of a Sri Lanka Parliamentary Delegation attending the Inter-Parliamentary Union Conference hosted by Cuba and were welcomed at the entrance to the meeting place by Castro himself, He gave each of us a bear hug saying “I love your country and your President. He sends me your good tea and I send him our cigars.”

My only regret is I do not have a photograph of being hugged by Castro. A visit to the Copacabana Club which had earlier been a renowned night club was located in a garden with towering trees and what was memorable was the sight of dancers come down from the trees on ropes to entertain the guests.

Another remarkable occasion was in Peking, China, where the Sri Lankan delegation led by Speaker Hugh Fernando were hosted to a 15-course banquet where we were introduced to China’s leader Mao Tse-tung. The other Chinese leaders who greeted us included Prime Minister Zhou En Lai and leading figures in the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) including Sun Yat-sen’s widow Madam Soong Ch’ing-ling, Deng Xiaoping and Liu Shaoqi.

At a meeting with Zhou En Lai, where Sri Lankan Ambassador S.F. de Silva was also present, Zhou talked about the Sino-Indian border and the Silk Route used by the Chinese which was a delicate issue between China and India. He explained how the Chinese had a historical right over this route and added “Ask your own Ambassador, he is a good historian, and he knows all about it.” We all felt immensely proud of the compliment paid by the Prime Minister himself to our Ambassador. I had a personal relationship with him as his son Artie was a very close friend of mine at College and he said he was happy to meet one of his son’s friends.

The Chinese Prime Minister had been well aware that Sri Lanka and India had some delicate issues to settle ourselves and took this opportunity to give us the Chinese point of view.

There was another meeting that was truly historic. It was the only time I had set out on a journey without knowing the final destination. It was on a visit to North Korea with a delegation headed by Speaker Stanley Tillakaratne. In Pyongyang one evening, the entire delegation was asked to pack our clothes for two nights, taken out of the hotel and bundled off to a Railway Station with no idea where we were headed.

The North Korean staff accompanying us refused to divulge details of the trip. With their not being fluent in English, we were also unable to ask too many questions. We left around 6.00 p.m. and by 6 a.m. the next morning, we reached the station where we detrained and from there, we were again driven by limousine on a two-hour ride through mountainous areas to finally reach a high-altitude resort.

All this time we were unaware of where we were being taken, our communication with the North Koreans limited due to the language barrier. Finally, we arrived at a palatial building and were all escorted to a waiting room. We sat for over 45 minutes during which time we were served breakfast. All of a sudden, all the doors opened and in walked the North Korean leader Kim Il Sung, surrounded by a tight circle of security guards.

He welcomed all of us, chatted through an interpreted about our two countries. After that meeting, he invited us all to lunch with him at the end of which he presented each of us with an ornamental statue and books on North Korea.

On different Parliamentary visits, I had the honour of being introduced to the Queen Mother who graced the Isle of Man Commonwealth Parliamentary Conference. I also had the opportunity of meeting Mrs. Sonia Gandhi when visiting the with Anura Bandaranaike and was introduced to Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi when New Delhi hosted a Commonwealth Parliamentary Conference.

Other tours included a visit to the Bundestag in Germany with Dr. N.M. Perera, on the invitation extended by the German Parliament. There was also a visit to the Parliament in Canberra, the only Parliament I have seen with a swimming pool for MPs. I also had the privilege of visiting Parliament of Pakistan in Islamabad during which we were taken over the Khyber Pass to Kabul.

Another opportunity was visiting Parliament in Ottawa, Canada where we met Pierre Elliott Trudeau, father of the present Prime Minister Justin Trudeau. During the visit to the Parliament in Zambia, we had the good fortune of being introduced to Kenneth Kaunda, who with a white handkerchief in between his fingers, proudly declared the country’s motto, “One Zambia, One Nation.” Another meeting was with President of the Philippines Ferdinand Marcos.

Some of the other memorable visits to foreign legislatures included visiting the Nepalese Parliament in the capital city Kathmandu; the National Assembly in Paris, France; and the Russian Parliament or the State Duma in Moscow, Russia.

Some Premadasa anecdotes

Ranasinghe Premadasa, from his early days as a MP was a keen learner and was someone who sought advice when he needed it. I recall when he first came to parliament in the early sixties, he walked into my room and told me, “Nihal, I didn’t know anything about parliamentary procedure. Can you tell me?”

Given his quick knack for learning, he grew to be an excellent parliamentarian serving in important parliamentary positions such as Leader of the House and Chief Government Whip. Despite our close personal relationship, I maintained my independence and was firm in my dealings on official matters and avoided over familiarity given that it could prejudice me where my work was concerned. He respected my position and accepted it.

One evening Prime Minister Premadasa summoned me to his Chambers in the Parliament building. He then told me that with immense difficulty he had been able to get a Tamil MP to Colombo at the height of the insurrection and wanted him to take oaths as a Member of Parliament that same day around 2 p.m.

I told him that it was impossible for him to take oaths the same day as Standing Orders had specifically prescribed that the administration of oaths to new MPs must be at the start of the daily sessions. He insisted that this be done as the Member had to go back to Jaffna the next day. I told him that I cannot do it, adding that if I accede to his request, not only will I get into a serious trouble in Parliament when an MP raises a Point of Order, but that he too would have to answer for not following the rules.

I added that if he had told me a day earlier, I would certainly have helped him, but not at that time. Mr. Premadasa raised his voice with me, which I had not experienced before, and said it must be done but I replied with a firm “No”. He finally agreed with my position and withdrew his request and I left his room.

On another occasion, he said he wanted to see me on a holiday in the Parliament building at 11.00 a.m. When I arrived, it was 11.03 a.m. and he remarked, “You are late”. I apologized saying traffic held me up. Thereafter, I learned to be sharp on time always. Yet another occasion he wanted me to see him, I politely told him that I will not be able to see him at the time he requested as I was due to see the doctor in hospital since my young daughter was hospitalized and said I will see him a little later. He agreed.

When I visited Shanika, my daughter at Durdans Hospital, she was in a state of surprise as the Prime Minister had found out where she was and sent her a bouquet of flowers, wishing a speedy recovery. I saw to it that my daughter soon after leaving hospital sent him a thank you note.

Early morning calls from him were usual. On one occasion, he called me around 5.00 a.m. soon after reading that morning’s “Lankadeepa” newspaper which carried a scathing article on the administration of Parliament. He said he wanted to see a reply by 10.00 a.m. the same day. In my sarong, I rushed out of home and walked to the nearby junction to get a copy of that day’s paper. By 8.30 a.m. I was in Parliament and by 9.30 a.m. a typed four-page note was hand delivered to him answering all the queries raised. He later rang and thanked me and said there was no issue.

On another occasion, there were very heavy torrential showers and the driveway leading to the Parliament building was completely covered by water and to my horror I found that the rains had inundated the building and even flooded the ground floor. The House was due to sit the next day on some urgent business.

Mr. Premadasa rang me and said it was imperative that the MPs attend the next day’s sittings and that I had to ensure that they all could attend. He then offered me help with the Navy, Police and Disaster Management Centre and said whatever else I needed, I should ask him, and it will be made available.

My staff of 800, headed by the Sergeant-at-Arms and Director Administration rallied round me and worked tirelessly throughout the night with the Armed Forces flushing the water out and by 10.00 a.m. next morning, Members attended, and the House sat as usual for its business.

I had known Mr. Premadasa’s passion and dedication for his projects like the village reawakening program or Gam Udawa. Each time such an event was held usually coincided with his birthdays and I used to have at least five or six messages and invitations to attend these events with the prime minister asking me to see the model Parliament building he had got constructed at each Gam Udawa site.

Since these events tend to have a political flavour, I was reluctant to attend. But after those many calls, I approached the Deputy Speaker Norman Waidyaratne, (MP for Balapitiya) and inquired if he was attending. I had become quite close to him and his family and we often chatted about the country and ourselves and he promptly answered, “Nihal, we can go together, and we can share a room at the Rest House.”

I agreed and felt accompanying the Deputy Speaker would ‘sanitize’ my visit. We were received by Mr. Premadasa who, proudly showed us the miniature model Parliament he had got constructed, never failing to add, “Nihal, this building will serve a better purpose for the village people than your building”. Mr. Waidyaratna and I returned to the rest house for a chat before returning in his car to Colombo – an outing which we both enjoyed very much.

Another small incident I recall relating to Mr. Premadasa. He used to park his Morris Minor car (I distinctly remember its EN 1925 registration number) under the steps of the old Parliament and I had to request him to move his car out as we had reserved that place for the Speaker’s car. He was very obliging and did so with no fuss.

A brief word about Mrs. Hema Premadasa. When I was in office one day, I received a call from Mrs. Premadasa inquiring about some item of parliamentary business to which I gave a ready reply. She immediately realized that I was having a very bad sore throat and cough while talking with her. She inquired what was wrong and I told her I wsn’t feeling well.

She then said “I will send you something that will be good for you. The very next morning, one of her security personnel came into my room, saluted, and handed me a parcel of ambul (sour) oranges and a cough syrup she had wanted handed over to me with instructions to take it twice a day without fail. I was quite touched by her concern and immediately phoned to thank her.



Continue Reading
Advertisement
Click to comment

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

Features

Concept of living wage and cost of living

Published

on

The International Labour Organisation (ILO) now defines a living wage as the wage level necessary for workers and their families to afford a decent standard of living, given national circumstances, for normal hours of work. This standard of living is operationalised through the cost of essential goods and services, typically including food, housing, healthcare, education, transport, and a modest allowance for contingencies and social participation.

In contrast, “cost of living” in economics is a broader price index concept that tracks the overall prices of a representative consumption basket but is not inherently normative about what constitutes decency or dignity.

Living wage methodologies effectively translate a cost-of-living basket, specified for a given family size and living standard, into a monthly income requirement for workers, thereby linking real wages to human development objectives rather than only to market productivity.

Methodologies for computing a living wage

Most contemporary living wage estimates follow a structured “cost of a basic but decent life” approach built around three steps: defining a reference family, costing a normative consumption basket, and converting that cost into a wage per worker.

The Anker methodology, widely used in global supply chains and in Sri Lanka, is a leading example: it defines a model family (e.g., 2 adults and approximately 2–3 children), estimates the cost of a low-cost nutritious diet, adequate housing, and non-food essentials, and then allocates that cost over expected number of full-time workers per family.

Within the Anker framework, the food component is based on locally appropriate diets meeting caloric and nutritional norms, priced using local market surveys and adjusted for waste and home preparation.

Housing costs are derived from standards for minimally acceptable housing (e.g., durable materials, sufficient space, basic services), using rents or imputed rental values from empirical fieldwork. Other essential expenditures, health, education, transport, clothing, and a small margin for unexpected events, are typically estimated as a percentage mark-up over food and housing costs, derived from national household survey data.

Finally, the methodology sets a reference number of workers per family, divides total family living costs by this number to get a net living wage, and then adjusts to a gross living wage by adding payroll taxes and mandatory deductions. Periodic updates are made using consumer price indices (CPIs) to reflect inflation or deflation and, where necessary, new field surveys to capture structural shifts in prices and consumption patterns.

Sri Lanka’s living wage estimates and their link to cost of living (Anker Methodology)

Sri Lanka has been the subject of several living wage studies, notably for the tea estate sector and for urban and rural areas, using the Anker methodology.

In the tea estate sector, an updated 2024 Anker report estimates the cost of a “basic but decent” standard of living for a typical family at about LKR 78,067 per month (approximately USD 260), implying a gross living wage of LKR 48,584 per month (USD 160) and a net, take-home living wage of LKR 44,357.

For urban Sri Lanka, the Anker Living Wage Reference Value was originally set at LKR 84,231 per month in April 2022, corresponding to a net living wage of LKR 77,492 plus social security contributions. After cumulative inflation of about 36.9 percent between April 2022 and June 2025, the updated gross urban living wage is estimated at approximately LKR 115,291 per month (around USD 385), consisting of a net living wage of LKR 106,068 and social security contributions of LKR 9,223

These Sri Lankan figures are explicitly derived from cost-of-living calculations: they incorporate the cost of food, housing, utilities, health, education, and other essentials at local prices and then convert these into wages per adult worker, assuming roughly 1.7–1.8 full-time earners per family. Because living wage estimates are indexed to actual price dynamics, periods of high inflation, as Sri Lanka experienced in 2022–2023, translate almost mechanically into sharp upward revisions in living wages, underlining the tight coupling between living wage levels and the evolving cost of living.

Comparative living wages: Sri Lanka and other countries

Cross-country comparisons require careful normalisation because living wages reflect local prices, family structures, and social norms, but several datasets provide a structured basis for comparison. [asia.floorwage](https://asia.floorwage.org/living-wage/calculating-a-living-wage/)

The Asia Floor Wage Alliance, for example, publishes a regional living wage benchmark expressed in purchasing power parity (PPP) terms, with a 2024 benchmark of 1,750.54 PPP dollars per month converted into local currencies using country-specific PPP exchange rates.

Using this PPP-based approach, the 2024 living wage equivalent for Sri Lanka is estimated at around LKR 158,353 per month, assuming a PPP exchange rate of about 90.5 Sri Lankan rupees per PPP dollar.

This PPP-normalised figure is substantially higher than the Anker 2024–2025 estate-sector and urban living wage estimates in nominal rupees, partly because the Asia Floor Wage benchmark is set to ensure a more harmonised standard across Asian garment-producing economies and uses a single PPP wage target.

These figures indicate that, within this PPP-based framework, Sri Lanka’s living wage in local currency is relatively high compared to countries such as India and Bangladesh, but the comparison reflects both different PPP exchange rates and domestic price structures.

From a cost-of-living perspective, this pattern is consistent with Sri Lanka being a lower-middle-income country with relatively higher prices for some essentials compared with low-income South Asian economies, especially after recent macroeconomic and inflationary shocks.

Global patterns and high-income economies

Global datasets covering more than 200 countries show that typical-family living wage levels, whether calculated in PPP or nominal terms, tend to correlate positively with national income levels, with North America, Western Europe, and Australia displaying the highest living wage values.

In this global distribution, living wages in middle- and low-income regions of Asia, Africa, and Latin America are lower in absolute terms, though the ratio of living wage to median wages or statutory minimum wages can be high, underscoring the gap between decent-work standards and prevailing labour market outcomes.

Interestingly, some studies note that rural living wage estimates can be relatively high in poorer countries because limited infrastructure and service availability raise the cost of accessing a given standard of living, such as safe water, transport, and education.

For Sri Lanka, rural Anker living wage benchmarks similarly reveal the importance of non-food costs, such as transportation to schools, health facilities, and workplaces, in shaping the total family budget, despite lower nominal rents in many rural areas.

Living wage, social policy, and Sri Lanka’s development trajectory

The emerging international consensus around a living wage is rooted in the human rights-based notion of a “decent life” rather than a subsistence minimum or an arbitrarily set statutory floor.

From a social science perspective, incorporating living wage benchmarks into wage-setting institutions, collective bargaining, and social dialogue reorients labour markets toward social reproduction, intergenerational mobility, and social cohesion, rather than merely cost competitiveness.

For Sri Lanka, where recent crises have eroded real wages and increased household vulnerability, living wage estimates such as the Anker urban and estate-sector benchmarks provide an analytically rigorous yardstick for evaluating whether current wage policies and social transfers are adequate relative to the actual cost of a basic but decent life.

Comparisons with regional PPP-based benchmarks like the Asia Floor Wage suggest that, while Sri Lanka’s living wage requirement in local currency is relatively high, the country also faces significant affordability challenges, especially for low-paid workers in export sectors and informal employment, whose earnings often fall short of these normative thresholds.

In policy terms, the living wage framework highlights the need for coordinated approaches that combine wage-setting reforms, inflation-sensitive social protection, and productivity-enhancing investments, so that rising living-cost-consistent wages do not simply translate into inflationary spirals or employment losses.

For empirical research in Sri Lanka, these benchmarks open avenues for micro-level analysis of wage gaps, household coping strategies, gendered labour outcomes, and the distributional effects of macroeconomic adjustment, all anchored to a transparent and internationally recognised living wage methodology.

(The writer, a senior Chartered Accountant and professional banker, is Professor at SLIIT, Malabe. The views and opinions expressed in this article are personal.)

Continue Reading

Features

Buddhist philosophy and the path to lasting peace

Published

on

Echoes of ‘The Walk for Peace’

The international Walk for Peace’ reaching Colombo, joined by a large number of monks and devotees, led by spiritual leader Ven Bhikku Pannakara, with the peace dog ‘Aloka,’ completing the 161 km journey.The walk commenced in Dambulla on April 22 following the main ceremony at the Jaya Sri Maha Bodhi in Anuradhapura.Pic by Nishan S.Priyantha

by Ven. Dr. Kirinde Assaji Nayaka Thero
Chief Incumbent, Gangaramaya Temple, Hunupitiya, Colombo

Throughout human history, one of the greatest and most complex challenges has been the establishment of lasting peace and the maintenance of harmonious coexistence. While peace is often understood simply as the absence of war or armed conflict, a deeper, spiritual perspective reveals it as a profound state of social and mental harmony. It is an ideal that must be cultivated within individuals as well as across societies.

Buddhism offers one of the most practical and timeless philosophies of peace. The teachings of the Buddha are rooted in non-violence and the four sublime virtues—loving-kindness, compassion, sympathetic joy, and equanimity. Central to this philosophy is the idea that true peace in the world begins with inner peace within the individual. Conflict, the Buddha taught, arises not on battlefields but within the human mind, driven by greed, hatred, and delusion. Without overcoming these negative forces, lasting peace in the external world remains unattainable.

In today’s world, marked by geopolitical tensions, economic competition, and social unrest—this inward approach to peace is more relevant than ever. Despite technological advancement, humanity continues to grapple with violence and division. The Buddha’s teaching points instead to an internal struggle: a battle against anger, jealousy, and ignorance. Rather than weapons of destruction, Buddhism promotes wisdom, compassion, patience, and discipline as the tools to overcome conflict.

The path to peace begins with understanding its causes. Just as muddy water becomes clear when left undisturbed, the human mind achieves clarity and calm when negative emotions are subdued. This principle is reflected in the Buddha’s intervention during a historic dispute between the Sakya and Koliya clans over water, where he reminded them of the greater value of human life, thereby preventing bloodshed.

In a world increasingly threatened by conflict over limited resources and political power, such lessons remain highly relevant. The Buddha also emphasised the principle of moral causation—actions have consequences.

Yadisaṃ vapate bijaṃ tadisaṃ harate phalaṃ
Kalyaāṇakariī kalyaṃ papakariī ca papakaṃ
Pavutthaṃ tata te bijaṃ phalaṃ paccanubhossasiti

“As one sows the seed, so does one reap the fruit.

The doer of good receives good results, and the doer of evil receives evil results.

Dear one, whatever seed you have planted, you will experience the corresponding fruit of it.”

At the heart of Buddhist ethics is respect for life. All beings fear harm and seek happiness, and therefore, violence against others cannot lead to true well-being. This message is particularly significant in an era where the race for power and advanced weaponry continues to overshadow compassion and humanity.

The fundamental moral discipline in Buddhism is respect for life and opposition to harming living beings. The Buddha taught that all beings desire happiness, and fear suffering, and that harming others will not lead to happiness.

Sabbe tasanti dandassa
sabbe bhayanti maccuno
attanam upamam katva
na haneyya na ghataye.

“All tremble at violence; all fear death. Comparing others with oneself, one should neither kill nor cause others to kill.”

Despite technological advancement, the world appears to be moving backwards in terms of compassion and peace. Power-driven politics and the race for advanced weaponry cannot provide lasting solutions. Global leaders, diplomats, and policymakers must urgently recognise the importance of the tolerant, balanced, and non-violent approach taught in Buddhism. Protecting the right to life of all beings, and acting with compassion beyond divisions of race, religion, or politics, is the only true foundation for world peace.

Sri Lanka, as a nation nourished by the essence of Buddhism, has long upheld this principle. The Sri Lankan tradition, rooted in boundless loving-kindness and compassion, strives to uphold human values even amidst the harsh realities of global politics. From the respect shown by King Dutugemunu towards King Elara, to Sri Lanka’s stance at the 1951 San Francisco Peace Conference invoking the words “Hatred is never appeased by hatred,” to recent humanitarian acts in rescuing sailors in distress—these all reflect a single philosophy: valuing human life above all divisions.

The presentation of a “Joint Declaration for Peace” by the Mahanayake Theros at Gangaramaya Temple recently reaffirmed Sri Lanka’s commitment to global peace. Despite global power struggles, Sri Lanka continues to stand as a symbol of compassion and peace, reminding the world that human kindness is more powerful than weapons.

Institutions such as the Gangaramaya Temple have played a vital role in fostering social harmony. Through charitable, educational, and cultural programmes, the temple has encouraged unity across religious and ethnic lines, while also promoting interfaith dialogue and cooperation.

The annual Navam Maha Perahera, organised by the temple, stands as a powerful symbol of national unity, bringing together people from diverse backgrounds in a shared celebration. Similarly, vocational training and educational initiatives have helped empower young people from all communities, strengthening social cohesion.

A recent “Walk for Peace,” led by Venerable Pannakara Thero and supported by the monastic community, further underscored this commitment. More than a physical journey, it represented a spiritual effort to cultivate peace within the human heart and spread a message of compassion to the wider world.

One of the most touching aspects of the event was the participation of a dog named “Aloka,” which accompanied the monks throughout the journey. This simple yet powerful image reflected the Buddhist teaching that all living beings value life and deserve compassion, highlighting the universal nature of peace.

Ultimately, the Buddha’s message remains clear: peace cannot be achieved through hatred or violence. True peace arises from self-discipline, moral conduct, and the cultivation of a pure mind. As the teaching states, avoiding evil, doing good, and purifying one’s mind is the path laid down by the Buddha.

Let us plant the seeds of peace within our hearts and nurture them with loving-kindness. (“Sabba papassa akarananṃ – kusalassa upasampadā – sacitta pariyodapanaṃ – etaṃ Buddhana sasanaṃ”)

In a time when global tensions continue to rise, this timeless message serves as a powerful reminder that lasting peace begins within each individual—and that compassion remains humanity’s greatest strength.

“Devo vassatu kalena – sassa sampatti hetu ca
Pito bhavatu loko ca – rajaā bhavatu dhammiko”

(“May the rains fall at the right time, bringing about abundant harvests.

May the world be joyful and prosperous.

May the ruler be righteous and just.”)

Continue Reading

Features

Peace march and promise of reconciliation

Published

on

Peace walk in progress

The ongoing peace march by a group of international Buddhist monks has captured the sentiment of Sri Lankans in a manner that few public events have done in recent times. It is led by the Vietnamese monk Venerable Thich Pannakara who is associated with a mindfulness movement that has roots in Vietnamese Buddhist practice and actively promoted among diaspora communities in the United States. The peace march by the monks, accompanied by their mascot, the dog Aloka, has generated affection and goodwill within the Buddhist and larger community. It follows earlier peace walks in the United States where monks carried a similar message of mindfulness and compassion across communities but without any government or even media patronage as in Sri Lanka.

This initiative has the potential to unfold into an effort to nurture a culture of peace in Sri Lanka. Such a culture is necessary if the country as the country prepares to move beyond its history of conflict towards a more longlasting reconciliation and a political solution to its ethnic and religious divisions. The government’s support for the peace march can be seen as part of a broader attempt to shape such a culture. The Clean Sri Lanka programme, promoted by the government as a civic responsibility campaign focused on environmental cleanliness, ethical conduct and social discipline, provides a useful framework within which such initiatives can be situated. Its emphasis on collective responsibility and shared public space makes it sit well with the values that peacebuilding requires.

government’s previous plan to promote a culture of peace was on the occasion of “Sri Lanka Day” celebrations which were scheduled to take place on December 12-14 last year but was disrupted by Cyclone Ditwah. The Sri Lanka Day celebrations were to include those talented individuals from each and every community at the district level who had excelled in some field or the other, such as science, business or arts and culture and selected by the District Secretariats in each of the 25 districts. They were to gather in Colombo to engage in cultural performances and community-focused exhibitions. The government’s intention was to build up a discourse around the ideas of unity in diversity as a precursor to addressing the more contentious topics of human rights violations during the war period, and issues of accountability and reparations for wrongs suffered during that dark period.

Positive Response

The invitation to the international monks appears to have emerged from within Buddhist religious networks in Sri Lanka that have long maintained links with the larger international Buddhist community. The strong support extended by leading temples and clergy within the country, including the Buddhists Mahanayakes indicates that this was not an isolated effort but one that resonated with the mainstream Buddhist establishment. Indeed, the involvement of senior Buddhist leaders has been particularly noteworthy. A Joint Declaration for Peace in the world, drawing on Sri Lanka’s own experience, and by the Mahanayakes of all Buddhist Chapters took place in the context of the ongoing peace march at the Gangaramaya Temple in Colombo, with participation from the diplomatic community. The declaration, calling for compassion, dialogue and sustainable peace, reflects an effort by religious leadership to assert a moral voice in favour of coexistence.

The popular response to the peace march has also been striking. Large numbers of people have been gathering along the route, offering flowers, water and support to the monks. Schoolchildren have been lining the roads, and communities from different religious backgrounds extend hospitality. On the way, the monks were hosted by both a Hindu temple and a mosque, where food and refreshments were provided. These acts, though simple, carry a message about the possibility of harmony among Sri Lanka’s diverse communities. It helps to counter the perception that the Buddhist community in Sri Lanka is inherently nationalist and resistant to minority concerns that was shaped during the decades of war and reinforced by political mobilisation that too often exploited ethnic identity.

By way of contrast, the peace march offers a different image. It shows a readiness among ordinary people to embrace values of compassion and coexistence that are deeply embedded in Buddhist teaching. The Metta Sutta, one of the most well-known discourses in Buddhism, calls for boundless goodwill towards all beings. It states that one should cultivate a mind that is “boundless towards all beings, free from hatred and ill will.” This emphasis on universal compassion provides a moral foundation for peace that extends beyond national or ethnic boundaries. The monks themselves emphasised this point repeatedly during the walk. Venerable Thich Pannakara reminded those who gathered that while acts of generosity are commendable, mindfulness in everyday life is even more important. He warned that as people become unmindful, they are more prone to react with anger and hatred, thereby contributing to conflict.

More Initiatives

The presence of political leaders at key moments of the march has emphasised the significance that the government attaches to the event. Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya paid her respects to the peace march monks in Kandy, while President Anura Kumara Dissanayake is expected to do so at the conclusion of the march in Colombo. Such gestures signal an alignment between political authority and moral aspiration, even if the translation of that aspiration into policy remains a work in progress. At the same time, the peace march has not been without its shortcomings. The walk did not engage with the Northern and Eastern parts of the country, regions that were most affected by the war and where the need for reconciliation is most acute. A more inclusive geographic reach would have strengthened the symbolic impact of the initiative.

In addition, the positive impact of the peace march could have been increased if more effort had been taken to coordinate better with other civic and religious groups and include them in the event. Many civil society and religious harmony groups who would have liked to participate in the peace march found themselves unable to do so. There was no place in the programme for them to join. Even government institutions tasked with promoting social cohesion and reconciliation found themselves outside the loop. The Clean Sri Lanka Task Force that organised the peace march may have felt that involving other groups would have made it more complicated to organise the events which have proceeded without problems.

The hope is that the positive energy and goodwill generated by this peace march will not dissipate but will instead inspire further initiatives with the requisite coordination and leadership. The march has generated public discussion, drawn attention to the values of mindfulness and compassion, and created a space in which people can imagine a different future. It has been a special initiative among the many that are needed to build a culture of peace. A culture of peace cannot be imposed from above nor can it emerge overnight. It needs to be nurtured through multiple efforts across society, including education, religious engagement, civic initiatives and political reform. It is within such a culture that the more difficult questions of power sharing, justice and reconciliation can be addressed in a constructive manner.

by Jehan Perera

Continue Reading

Trending