Opinion
Why Harsha should have been Opposition Leader
by Chethana Ranathunga and
Yasu-e Karunaratne Edussuriya
A coalition that previously held only three parliamentary seats has achieved a sweeping victory in Sri Lanka’s recent parliamentary elections. The JVP-led NPP coalition now has a two-thirds parliamentary majority. This political shift positions the leftist alliance to implement widespread policy changes, potentially offering the stability that many Sri Lankans have long been yearning for. Yet, Sri Lanka now stands at a critical juncture where the presence of a strong opposition is not merely desirable; it is absolutely essential!
Regardless of which party holds power, unchecked authority poses inherent risks. A vigilant opposition that maintains checks and balances is fundamental. An effective opposition serves to expose legislative loopholes, identify critical areas of concern, and provide a vital check on the majority’s power. As a driving force with 159 seats, the NPP government will steer policy and reform, but to govern effectively, they must have a strong yin to their yang.
An opposition is only as effective as the leadership that guides it. Sri Lanka has a history of opposition parties that have resisted policies and reforms simply for the sake of opposition. Is this the political culture and path we wish to continue? An effective opposition leader holds the government accountable, challenging proposed legislation to protect the interests of the people rather than the party. Such a leader acts as a bridge, channelling public concerns into meaningful political discourse and refining legislative measures to benefit the nation as a whole. Sri Lanka’s democratic future depends not solely on the strength of the ruling coalition but on an empowered opposition ready to engage, challenge, and elevate governance.
On 21 November 2024, Sajith Premadasa was appointed the leader of the opposition. While his political prominence cannot be denied, the question is whether he is the most qualified person for the role? In contrast, de Silva stands out as a compelling alternative for opposition leadership.
Throughout his tenure in Parliament, Dr. de Silva has consistently been a voice of reason, advocating for economic stability, fiscal responsibility, and transparent governance. His contributions to major legislative reforms demonstrate a commitment to policies that prioritise national welfare over partisan gain. His engagement with international bodies, including the International Monetary Fund (IMF), World Bank, and the Asian Development Bank has showcased his ability to navigate complex economic challenges with strategic foresight.
While Premadasa remains a prominent figure, securing 145,611 preferential votes in the most recent elections—more than Dr. de Silva’s 81,473—voter dynamics reveal deeper trends. Unlike many of his colleagues, Dr. de Silva achieved a remarkable 17.72% increase in preferential percentage gain, signalling growing public support. This contrast becomes more striking when considering that many in the SJB.
experienced declines in voter preference, including Premadasa himself, who saw a 9.05% drop.
The data points to a shift in voter sentiment and highlights Dr. de Silva’s appeal as a leader who resonates with evolving public expectations. His ability to secure increased support, even in challenging political climates, displays his potential to lead a strengthened, purpose-driven opposition.
Dr. de Silva also has an impressive academic and career background. He is a highly respected economist and has built a career that spans both the private and public sectors. Educated at Royal College Colombo, Dr. de Silva earned his BS in Business Management from Truman State University in 1988 before completing his MA and PhD in Economics at the University of Missouri in 1993. He also furthered his expertise in social programme evaluation through an executive programme at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in 2006, as part of the prestigious Eisenhower Fellowship.
Dr. de Silva’s career in economics is distinguished by his tenure at DFCC Bank, where he served as Chief Economist and Treasurer, and his role as a co-founder and Joint Managing Director of The Nielsen Company. His rich experience in both banking and market research has given him a nuanced understanding of economic systems, making him a key figure in shaping policy decisions.
Though Dr de Silva is in the opposition, he has emphasised his commitment to supporting policies that benefit the country, regardless of political affiliation. He has made it clear that his role is not to oppose for the sake of opposition but to contribute constructively to national growth. His leadership approach focuses on ensuring that policies are in the best interest of the people of Sri Lanka.
Further, Dr. de Silva’s economic blueprint for Sri Lanka, which has been updated through three distinct editions, stands as a comprehensive and strategic plan for the country’s growth and development. Each iteration has built upon the last, adapting to the evolving challenges and opportunities facing the nation. The blueprint focuses on key areas such as economic diversification, fiscal discipline, social welfare, and enhancing Sri Lanka’s global competitiveness. His plan offers concrete solutions for boosting sustainable growth, tackling inequality, and ensuring that the benefits of economic progress reach all segments of society.
Dr. de Silva’s constructive approach to governance highlights why he is the ideal candidate to lead the opposition in Sri Lanka. While he holds a position in the opposition, he has consistently supported and actively contributed to positive government policies that promote the country’s long-term stability and development. Notably, Dr. de Silva backed crucial reforms like the Central Bank Act of 2023, which strengthened the independence of the Central Bank by removing the Finance Secretary from its board, as well as the Public Finance Management Act, the Public Debt Management Act, and the Parliamentary Budget Office Act. When the opposition leader Premadasa considered opposing key bills like the Central Bank Act, Dr. de Silva successfully persuaded them to abstain, recognising the vital importance of these reforms for the country’s stability. His support has gone beyond mere endorsement; as Chairman of the Committee on Public Finance (COPF), he has worked alongside the government to refine and improve these laws, offering valuable suggestions to make them even more effective.
Dr. de Silva has also demonstrated foresight in addressing pressing issues such as the fertiliser crisis. Recognising the problem early on, he raised alarms in COPF regarding the government’s decision to lift the ban on chemical fertiliser imports, questioning the potential implications of such a move. His proactive stance in highlighting potential risks, even when it involved challenging government policies, showcases his commitment to the country’s well-being over political rivalry
Dr. de Silva’s leadership as Chairman of the Committee on Public Finance (COPF) has not only demonstrated his exceptional ability as a “doer,” but also highlighted his success in building consensus and driving meaningful reforms across political divides. Under his guidance, COPF has tackled a range of critical issues with determination and a commitment to transparency and accountability. One of the most significant achievements of COPF during his tenure was the investigation into the irregularities surrounding Sri Lanka’s visa outsourcing contract. The decision to bypass competitive bidding, which led to a sharp increase in visa fees from USD 1 to USD 25, was uncovered by COPF. This raised serious concerns over the government’s failure to protect public funds and ensure the best value for money. Dr. de Silva’s insistence on thorough scrutiny ultimately led to a Supreme Court ruling in August 2024, which suspended the controversial contract and restored the previous, more affordable visa system managed by Mobitel.
Another pivotal moment under Dr. de Silva’s leadership was his intervention to reduce milk powder prices. Recognising the undue financial burden placed on Sri Lankans due to high taxes on imported milk, Dr. de Silva pointed out the discrepancy in the government’s handling of local and imported milk powder tariffs. His advocacy for revisiting the tax structure resulted in an overnight reduction in milk prices nationwide, directly benefiting consumers.
Dr. de Silva’s commitment to social issues was also evident in his leadership on alleviating period poverty. Following discussions with civil society organisations post-Budget 2024, Dr. de Silva championed a proposal to provide free sanitary napkins to schoolgirls. His initiative led to the allocation of underutilised funds from the Ministry of Education to create a voucher system, benefiting 800,000 schoolgirls across the country.
These milestones, from exposing visa system corruption to driving significant social change and tackling economic inefficiencies, emphasise his effectiveness in promoting good governance. His work within COPF has not only saved public funds but also ensured that government policies are scrutinised for their impact on the people. His leadership in COPF is a clear demonstration of why he is the right choice to lead the opposition, advocating for a government that serves the people with integrity and transparency.
Outside his work in the Committee on Public Finance, Dr. Harsha De Silva has been instrumental in shaping one of Sri Lanka’s most impactful public health initiatives: the Suwa Seriya Ambulance Service. Established in 2016 following a proposal by Dr. de Silva, Suwa Seriya addresses a critical gap in the country’s healthcare system and has been recognised by the World Bank as one of the world’s most efficient public services. Prior to this initiative,
Sri Lanka lacked an organised ambulance service capable of responding to urgent medical emergencies, especially in rural areas.
Dr. de Silva’s leadership and accomplishments clearly demonstrate that he was the ideal candidate to lead Sri Lanka’s opposition. His record of driving critical reforms as Chairman of the Committee on Public Finance and his instrumental role in establishing the Suwa Seriya Ambulance Service highlight his ability to turn vision into impactful action. Dr. De Silva’s pragmatic approach, focus on transparency, and commitment to the nation’s long-term development made him the strongest, most qualified individual to hold the opposition’s reins.
At a time when Sri Lanka’s political landscape requires a strong, constructive opposition to maintain democratic checks and balances, Dr. de Silva’s leadership is essential. He has shown time and again that his priority is not partisan politics but the welfare of the people. As Sri Lanka’s ruling coalition embarks on sweeping reforms, Dr. de Silva’s ability to challenge, scrutinise, and improve policies will be vital for ensuring accountability and protecting the interests of the public. The country needs a leader like Dr. de Silva in the opposition—someone who will not only hold the government to account but also actively shape policies for a better, more inclusive Sri Lanka.
Chethana Ranatunga has a B.A. Economics (Specialised in Banking and Finance) from the University of Colombo and is reading for her MPP at the University of Oxford (2024-25). She also worked as an Economist at the Interim Parliamentary Budget Office and the Committee of Public Finance Sri Lanka
Yasu-e Karunaratne is a lawyer and economist with a BBA in Business Economics (Special) from the University of Colombo and LLB (London). She also worked as an Economist at the Interim Parliamentary Budget Office and the Committee of Public Finance Sri Lanka.
Opinion
The shadow of a Truman moment in the Iran war
Wars often produce moments when leaders feel compelled to seek a decisive stroke that will end the conflict once and for all. History shows that such moments can generate choices that would have seemed unthinkable only months earlier. When Harry S. Truman authorised the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945, the decision emerged from precisely such wartime pressures. As the conflict involving the United States, Israel and Iran intensifies today, the world must ensure that a similar moment of desperate calculation does not arise again.
The lesson of that moment in history is not that such weapons can end wars, but that once the logic of escalation begins to dominate wartime decision-making, even the most unthinkable options can enter the realm of strategic calculation. The mere possibility that such debates could arise is reason enough for policymakers everywhere to approach the present conflict with extreme caution.
As the war drags on, both Donald Trump and Benjamin Netanyahu will face mounting pressure to produce decisive results. Wars rarely remain confined to their original scope once expectations of rapid victory begin to fade. Political leaders must demonstrate progress, military planners search for breakthroughs, and public narratives increasingly revolve around the need for a conclusive outcome. In this environment, media speculation about “exit strategies” or “off-ramps” for Washington can unintentionally increase pressure on decision-makers. Even well-intentioned commentary can shape the climate in which leaders make decisions, potentially nudging them toward harder, more dramatic actions.
Neither the United States nor Israel lacks the technological capability associated with advanced nuclear arsenals. The nuclear arsenals of advanced powers today are far more sophisticated than the devices used in 1945. While their existence is intended primarily as deterrence, prolonged wars have historically forced strategic communities to examine every available option. Even the discussion of such possibilities is deeply unsettling, yet ignoring the pressures that produce such debates can be dangerous.
For that reason, policymakers and societies on all sides must recognise the full range of choices that prolonged wars can place before leaders. For Iran’s leadership and its wider strategic community, absorbing this reality may be essential if catastrophic escalation is to be avoided. From Tehran’s perspective, the conflict may well be seen as existential. Yet history also shows that wars framed as existential struggles can generate the most dangerous strategic decisions.
The intellectual climate in Washington has also evolved. A number of influential voices in Washington now argue that the United States has become excessively risk-averse and that restoring global credibility requires a more assertive posture. Such arguments reflect a broader shift toward the language of renewed deterrence and strategic competition. Yet this very logic can make it politically harder for leaders to conclude conflicts without visible demonstrations of strength.
The outcome of this conflict will also be watched closely by other major powers. In 1945, the atomic decision was shaped not only by the desire to end a brutal war but also by the strategic message it sent to rival states observing the emergence of a new geopolitical era. Today, other significant powers will similarly draw lessons from how the United States manages both the conduct and the conclusion of this conflict.
This is why cool judgment is essential at this stage of the war. Whether the original decision to go to war was wise or ill-advised is now largely beside the point. Once a conflict has begun, the overriding priority must be to prevent escalation into something far more dangerous.
In such moments, the international system can benefit from the quiet diplomacy of actors that retain a degree of strategic autonomy. Among emerging nations, India stands out as a major emerging power in this regard. Despite its energy dependence on the Gulf and deep economic engagement with the United States, India has consistently demonstrated a capacity to maintain independent channels of communication across geopolitical divides.
This unique positioning may allow New Delhi to explore, discreetly and without public fanfare, avenues for de-escalation with Washington, Tel Aviv and Tehran alike. At moments of heightened tension in international politics, the world sometimes requires what might be called an “adult in the room”: a state capable of engaging all sides while remaining aligned exclusively with none.
If the present conflict continues to intensify, the value of such diplomacy may soon become evident. The most important lesson from 1945 is not only the destructive power of nuclear weapons but the pressures that can drive leaders toward choices that later generations struggle to comprehend. History shows that when wars reach their most desperate phases, restraint remains the only safeguard against catastrophe.

(Milinda Moragoda is a former Cabinet Minister and diplomat from Sri Lanka and founder of the Pathfinder Foundation, a strategic affairs think tank, can be contacted via email@milinda. This was published ndtv.com on 2026.03.1
by Milinda Moragoda
Opinion
Practicality of a trilingual reality in Sri Lanka
Dr. B.J.C. Perera (Dr. BJCP) in his article ‘Language: The symbolic expression of thought’ (The island 10.03.2026) delves deeper into an area that he has been exploring recently – childhood learning. In this article he writes of ‘a trilingual Sri Lanka’, reminding me of an incident I witnessed some years ago.
Two teenagers, in their mid to late teens, of Muslim ethnicity were admitted to the hospital late at night, following a road traffic accident. They had sustained multiple injuries, a few needing surgical intervention. One boy had sustained an injury (among others) that needed relatively urgent attention, but in itself was not too serious. The other had also sustained a few injuries among which one particular injury was serious and needed sorting out, but not urgently.
After the preliminary stabilisation of their injuries, I had a detailed discussion with them as to what needed to be done. Neither of them spoke Sinhala to any extent, but their English was excellent. They were attending a well-known international school in Colombo since early childhood and had no difficulty in understanding my explanation – in English. The boys were living in Colombo, while their father would travel regularly to the East (of Sri Lanka) on business. The following morning, I met the father to explain the prevailing situation; what needs to be done, urgency vs. importance, a timeline, prioritisation of treatment, possible costs, etc.
Doctor’s dilemma
The father did not speak any English and in conversation informed me that he had put both his boys into an International School (from kindergarten onwards) in order to give them an English education. The issue was that the father’s grasp of Sinhala was somewhat rudimentary and therefore I found that I could not explain the differences in seriousness vs, urgency and prioritisation issues adequately within the possible budget restrictions. This being the case and as the children understood exactly what was needed, I then asked the sons to ‘educate’ the father on the issues that were at hand. The boys spoke to their father and it was then that I realised that their grasp of Tamil was the same as their father’s grasp of Sinhala!
In the end I had to get down a translator, which in this case was a junior doctor who spoke Tamil fluently; explained to him what was needed a few times as he was not that fluent in English, certainly less than the boys, and then getting him to explain the situation to the father.
What was disturbing was having related this episode at the time to be informed that this was not in fact not an isolated occurrence. That there is a growing number of children that converse well in English, but are not so fluent in their mother tongue. Is English ‘the mother tongue’ of this ‘new generation’ of children? The sad truth is no and tragically this generation is getting deprived of ‘learning’ in its most fundamental form. For unfortunately, correct grammar and syntax accompanied with fluency do not equal to learning (through a language). It is the natural process of learning two/three languages (0 to 5 years) that Dr. BJCP refers to as being bilingual/trilingual and is the underlying concept, which is the title of Dr. BJCP’s article ‘Language: The symbolic expression of thought’.
“Introduction into society”
It is critical to understand at a very deep level the extent and process of what learning in a mother tongue entails. The mother’s voice is arguably the first voice that a newborn hears. Generally speaking, from that point onwards till the child is ‘introduced into society’ that is the voice he /she hears most. In our culture this is the Dhorata wedime mangalyaya. Till then the infant gets exposed to only the voices of the immediate /close family.
Once the infant gets exposed to ‘society’ he /she is metaphorically swimming in an ocean of language. Take for example a market. Vendors selling their wares, shouting, customers bargaining, selecting goods, asking about the quality, freshness, other families talking among themselves etc. The infant is literally learning/conceptualizing something new all the time. This learning process happens continuously starting from home, at friends/relatives’ houses, get-to-gathers, festivals, temples etc. This societal exposure plays a dominant role as the child/infant gets older. Their language skills and vocabulary increase in leaps and bounds and by around three years of age they have reached the so-called ‘language explosion’ stage. This entire process of learning that the child undergoes, happens ‘naturally and effortlessly’. This degree of exposure/ learning can only happen in Sinhala or Tamil in this country.
Second language in chilhood
Learning a second language in childhood as pointed out by Dr BJCP is a cognitive gift. In fact, what it actually does is, deepens the understanding of the first language. So, this-learning of a second language- is in no way to be discouraged. However, it is critical to be cognisant of the fact that this learning of the second language also takes place within a natural environment. In other words, the child is picking up the language on his own. As readily illustrated in Dr. BJCP’s article, the home environment where the parents and grandparents speak different languages. He or she is not being ‘forcefully taught’ a language that has no relevance outside the ‘environment in which the second language is taught’. The time period we (myself and Dr. BJCP) are discussing is the 0 to 5-year-old.
It does not matter whether it is two or three languages during this period; provided that it happens naturally. For as Dr. BJCP states in his article ‘By age five, they typically catch up in all languages…’ To express this in a different way, if the child is naturally exposed to a second /third language during this 0 to 5-year-old period, he /she will naturally pick it up. It is unavoidable. He /she will not need any help in order for this to happen. Once the child starts attending school at the age of 5 or later, then being taught a second language formally is a very different concept to what happens before the age of 5.
The tragedy is parents, not understanding this undisputed significance of ‘learning in/a mother tongue’, during the critical years of childhood-0 to 5; with all good and noble intentions forcefully introduce their child to a foreign tongue (English) that is not spoken universally (around them) i. e., It is only spoken in the kindergarten; not at home and certainly nowhere, where the parents take their children.
Attending school
Once the child starts attending school in the English medium, there is no further (or minimal) exposure to his /her mother tongue -be it Sinhala or Tamil. This results in the child losing the ability to converse in his/her original mother tongue, as was seen earlier on. In the above incident that I described at the start of this article, when I finally asked the father did he comprehend what was happening; his eyes filled with tears and I did wonder was this because of his sons’ injuries or was it because his decisions had culminated in a father and a son/s who could no longer communicate with each other in a meaningful way.
Dr BJCP goes on to state that in his opinion ‘a trilingual Sri Lanka will go a long way towards the goals and display of racial harmony, respect for different ethnic groups…’ and ‘Then it would become a utopian heaven, where all people, as just Sri Lankans can live in admirable concordant synchrony, rather than as a splintered clusters divided by ethnicity, language and culture’. Firstly, it must be admitted from the aspect of the child’s learning perspective (0 to 5 years); an environment where all three languages are spoken freely and the child will naturally pick up all three languages (a trilingual reality) does not actually exist in Sri Lanka.
However, the pleasant practical reality is that, there is absolutely no need for a trilingual Sri Lanka for this utopian heaven to be achieved. What is needed is in fact not even a bilingual Sri Lanka, but a Sri Lanka, where all the Sinhalese are taught Tamil and vice versa. Simply stated it is complete lunacy– that two ethnic communities that speak their own language, need to learn another language that is not the mother tongue of either community in order to understand one another! It is the fact that having been ruled by the British for over a hundred years, English has been so close to us, that we are unable to see this for what it is. Imagine a country like Canada that has areas where French is spoken; what happens in order to foster better harmony between the English and French speaking communities? The ‘English’, learn to speak French and the ‘French’ learn to speak English. According to the ‘bridging language theory of Sri Lanka’, this will not work and what needs to happen is both communities need to learn a third language, for example German, in order to communicate with one another!
Learning best done in mother tongue
eiterating what I said in my previous article – ‘Educational reforms: A Perspective (The Island 27.02.2026) Learning is best done in one’s mother tongue. This is a fact, not an opinion. The critical thing parents should understand and appreciate is that the best thing they can do for their child is to allow/encourage learning in his/her mother tongue.
This period from 0 to 5 years is critically important. If your child is exposed naturally to another language during this period, he /she will automatically pick it up. There is no need to ‘forcefully teach’ him /her. Orchestrating your child to learn another language, -English in this instance- between the ages of 0 to 5 at the expense of learning in his /her mother tongue is a disservice to that child.
by Dr. Sumedha S. Amarasekara
Opinion
Tribute to Vijitha Senevirathna
APPRECIATION
On Friday, the 20th of March, Vijitha Senevirathna would have celebrated his 85th birthday if not for his sad passing away nearly a year ago.
The passing of Vijitha was a moment of great sorrow to all who knew him.
He was my classmate from Montessori to pre-university at Maris Stella College, Negombo. As a Maristonian, Vijitha excelled in his academic studies.
Eventually, he entered the Law College and practised as an Attorney-at-Law and Notary Public for over 50 years.
As an Attorney-at-Law, Vijitha earned the respect of the judiciary and a wide circle of clients. He upheld the highest and most cherished values of the legal profession and earned the trust of all who knew him. His 50th anniversary in the noble profession of law was celebrated with much pageantry, amidst a distinguished gathering of friends, relations, clerics, and the rich and famous of Sri Lanka.
Vijitha dearly loved his proud wife Nirmali and his six children, who are in the highest professions in Sri Lanka. He inculcated among his children professional efficiency, diligence, and honesty.
We who associated closely with Vijitha miss his warm friendship, sense of humor, and animated conversation. He was a raconteur, and people gathered around him and listened to his narrations and tales of yore, especially at the many celebrations at his residence in Dehiwala, where the waters of Scotland flowed generously.
I have personally admired Vijitha’s patience, grit, and lifetime achievements, despite a physical dysfunctionality he suffered over his lifetime.
For Vijitha, the song has ended, but the melody lingers on, in the words of the popular composer Irving Berlin.
Merrick Gooneratne
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