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Editorial

Verdict in the ballot box

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This newspaper is being printed on Friday night according to our normal schedule and subscribers would have received it while the voting is in progress. Even if it was printed a day later on Saturday night, it would not have been possible to report any result as the counting would have been going on when we went to press. It may have been possible to report voting trends if available and generally report how polling went on countrywide, hopefully without violent incidents. All citizen would fervently hope that the contest itself would be as peaceful as the run up has been up to the time of writing. So this comment is being written virtually blindfolded, as it were, if we may borrow that expression.

When campaigning ended at midnight last Wednesday, the widely held perception was that the fight was between three contestants, Anura Kumara Dissanayake, MP, Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa, MP, and incumbent President Ranil Wickremesinghe in alphabetical order. How the race would eventually end is hard to call. The general opinion is that none of the front runners will be able to clear the 50 percent plus one vote barrier of total number of ballots cast and we will see a preference vote count for the first time since the executive presidency was created. The leading contenders, as is to be expected, are all blowing their own trumpets predicting victory for themselves.

Wickremesinghe is campaigning on a platform of continuity. He has been credited for restoring a degree of normalcy from the chaos of the Aragalaya period. By his own admission much more remains to be done and he is marketing himself as the man to do it. Many UNPers, such as those who have supported that party for generations and say their blood runs green, blame Wickremesinghe for the split in the party. Its dismal performance at the last parliamentary election in August 2020 can be easily attributable to the fact that while RW conceded the presidential ticket to Premadasa in 2019, he held on to the party leadership. Older leaders may remember this as a case of history repeating itself. When Dudley Senanayake lost to Mrs. Bandaranaike in 1970, he made JR Jayewardene the leader of the opposition but retained UNP leadership.

The result of the split was that the majority of the UNP MPs elected at the parliamentary election in 2015 went along with Premadasa and were elected on his Samagi Jana Balavegaya (SJB) ticket in August 2020. The fact that Wickremesinghe fared as badly as he did at that election was because most UNP voters went with the SJB and he was left with only the rump. The Pohottuwa, as the Rajapaksa’s Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) is popularly known, has suffered a fate very similar to RW with a large number of its MPs defecting to the RW camp for Saturday’s race, while a lesser number have plumped for Premadasa. It is not rocket science that all these realignments target the parliamentary election that will quickly follow the presidential contest. Individual MPs are joining whatever camp that best serves their re-election interests.

The NPP/JVP or Malimawa (Compass) as it prefers to project itself has demonstrated awesome organizational skills during this presidential election campaign. It has established links within many segments of the population including doctors, lawyers, businessmen, academics, retired policemen and servicemen (including flag rank officers) with anecdotal evidence suggesting that it has won over people who would normally not vote for a party with the JVPs violent history and Marxists roots. This has been possible due to their ability to project that the JVP today is not what it was at a time when many of those who will vote on Saturday were not even born.

It is obvious that as former Ratnapura district MP Thalatha Atukorale, elected on the SJB ticket last time round, said when she resigned her parliamentary seat to link up with Wickremesinghe, that had there been no split in the UNP, the greens would have been in much better shape to take on the challenge from the NPP/JVP. She accused Premadasa of lacking patience to achieve his ambition of becoming president. Whether the various defectors, many of them bad eggs, can deliver votes to Wickremesinghe and Premadasa as they claim is debatable. The voters, hopefully, will decide for themselves which candidate they would prefer. They are able to wean the grain from the chaff of the barrage of propaganda that has hit them this past several weeks.

Our popular columnist, Rajan Philips, writing on this page has made many interesting points on various election related issues. These include what RW, the most experienced politician in the country today, would do if he is not elected. Would he fade gracefully into the sunset or would he remain to fight another day in the forthcoming parliamentary election? There have been many projections by pollsters, both local and foreign, on the outcome of the election. Astrologers too have had their say in television talk shows. The verdict will be in the ballot boxes on Sept. 21 and we should know by Monday, even if a preference vote count must happen, who Sri Lanka’s ninth president will be. Will he too, like many of his predecessors, welsh on the promise of abolishing the executive presidency?



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Editorial

Relief and reality

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Monday 8th December, 2025

The number of deaths due to the recent weather disasters reached 627 yesterday. The Opposition has blamed the government’s poor disaster response for the high death toll. Opposition and SJB Leader Sajith Premadasa has fired another salvo at the government, accusing it of trying to scapegoat the Meteorological Department officials for its failure to take swift action to save lives despite repeated warnings of the impending disaster. He has said the Meteorological Department personnel began issuing warnings of adverse weather as early as 11 Nov., and they forecast strong winds and a heavy rainfall exceeding 100 mm. He has demanded to know why the disaster-management operations did not get underway swiftly.

All Opposition parties are flaying the government for failing to take prompt action to mitigate the impact of the weather disasters. These are no doubt very serious matters and they must be discussed and thoroughly probed to find out whether there were any lapses on the part of the government and/or state officials. But this is not the time for that. The disaster victims are crying out for relief. There have been fresh warnings of heavy rains and possible landslides and floods. Therefore, all politicians and their parties ought to stop fighting political battles and put their shoulders to the wheel to help the disaster victims and prepare the country to face a possible adverse weather event again.

Meanwhile, the government has announced a compensation package. The highest amounts of compensation will be paid for land purchase, repairs to houses and business places, damaged by the disaster, and for constructing new houses for the victims. Compensation will be paid up to a maximum of Rs. 5,000,000 per unit for business places affected by the disaster, based on damage assessment, according to a circular issued by the Finance Ministry. Those who have lost their lands will receive compensation up to a maximum of Rs. 5,000,000 each to purchase land if state land cannot be provided for the construction of new houses. Rs. 5,000,000 will be given for the construction of new houses per unit for the victims. Compensation will be paid for the damaged houses up to a maximum of Rs. 2,500,000 each, based on damage assessment. The Opposition has said these amounts are not sufficient. (The JVP and the NPP would say the same if they were out of power.) The question is not just whether the compensation is adequate; it is whether the government has, or can raise, enough funds to fulfil its pledge amidst an economic crisis.

Sri Lankan governments are adept at making promises, most of which go unfulfilled. Smooth oratory may help politicians win elections, but effective delivery depends on skills, knowledge and experience. Cyclone Ditwah struck while paddy farmers were protesting against an inordinate delay in the disbursement of the fertiliser subsidy. So, the question is whether the government is equal to the task of financing the huge compensation package for the disaster victims unless it receives enough financial assistance from other countries and international organisations.

Experts have warned that the impact of the recent disasters are bound to take a heavy toll on the economy. This will be a double whammy, with the economy slowing down, and government expenditure increasing due to disaster relief and rebuilding.

President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, who chaired a Kandy District Coordinating Committee meeting on Saturday, directed state officials to identify state land in the disaster-stricken areas for distribution among the Ditwah victims. The President made it clear that the displaced victims would not be resettled in landslide-prone areas. Therefore, the question of allocating a great deal of funds for purchasing land for landslide victims may not arise. Most flood victims may not have to buy land; they have to clean, repair or rebuild their houses. For the construction of new houses, Rs. 5,000,000 each will be released in installments; the victims will have funds in stages as the construction of their houses progresses. There will be no lump-sum payments.

Meanwhile, the Opposition has urged the government to ensure that relief distribution will be free from political interference and carried out in a transparent manner. Premadasa has alleged that the state officials in Kolonnawa were directed to seek approval from some persons representing the ruling party for relief distribution. This is a very serious allegation that must not go uninvestigated. Some government politicians have been accused of taking over the distribution of relief materials donated by others, to gain political mileage. This allegation must also be probed.

As for the implementation of the compensation package at issue, the proof of the pudding is said to be in the eating.

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Editorial

Politics of disaster and disaster of politics

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An AI-generated video of two rats engaged in a fierce fight, with a clowder of amused cats watching them, is doing the rounds in the digital space. It does not carry any caption interpreting the absurd scene, but, we believe, it can be used to describe the post-disaster situation in Sri Lanka. The government and the Opposition are at each other’s throat, oblivious to the danger they as well as the people are in. Cyclone Ditwah may be gone, but the possibility of another spate of extreme weather events cannot be ruled out. Heavy rains are lashing some parts of the country. Mountains are soaked and unstable; reservoirs are brimful, and rivers are swollen, with tens of thousands of displaced disaster victims languishing in temporary shelters. Another run of torrential rains is the last thing the country needs.

The NPP government failed to summon the Disaster Management Council and implement the National Disaster Management plan, the Opposition has alleged, insisting that there had been warnings of possible weather disasters two weeks prior to the landfall of Cyclone Ditwah, and the government had ample time to take action to mitigate the impact of weather disasters. Sri Lanka is no stranger to floods and landslides, and action should have been taken to warn the public and evacuate those living in disaster-prone areas to save lives. The Opposition says the government is now all out to cover up its lapses by silencing its critics with the help of Emergency regulations on the pretext of dealing with errant social media influencers responsible for personal attacks on President Anura Kumara Dissanayake and his ministers.

The UNP has lashed out at the JVP/NPP leaders for their failure to mitigate the impact of recent disasters. It has issued a hard-hitting statement, which could be considered a warning to the NPP that the current government leaders will have to face legal action when they lose power. Curiously, the UNP has ended its statement with a quote highlighting a section of the Supreme Court (SC) ruling in the fundamental right petitions, filed against former President Maithripala Sirisena and others for their failure to prevent the Easter Sunday terror attacks (2019). The SC held them responsible for negligence as they did not take action to prevent the carnage despite intelligence warnings. The last paragraph of the UNP statement reads: “We hold that when either executive action or inaction infringes the fundamental right to life resulting in harm or loss to a person or citizen, it is actionable as a constitutional tort ….” – Supreme Court in the Easter Attack cases. Effective as the UNP’s propaganda attack may be, it borders on an own goal in that the UNP was in power at the time of the Easter Sunday terrorist attacks, and Sirisena’s SLFP/UFPA had broken ranks with it. The JVP was supporting the Yahapalana rump led by Prime Minister and UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe. Most of all, the Presidential Commission of Inquiry which probed the Easter Sunday carnage held the entire Yahapalana government accountable for the terror attacks. The commission report says: “The dysfunctional government was a major contributory factor for the events that took place on 21st April 2019. The Government including President Sirisena and Prime Minister [Ranil Wickremesinghe] is accountable for the tragedy.” Wickremesinghe, current Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa and several SJB heavyweights were in the Cabinet of the Yahapalana government, which the JVP and the TNA propped up.

The UNP’s propaganda assault on the JVP has reminded the public of the UNP-led Yahapalana government’s pathetic failure to prevent the Easter Sunday terror strikes despite repeated warnings of the impending attacks. So, the question is whether the UNP, its leaders and the SJB bigwigs who were in the failed Yahapalana government have any moral right to be critical of others for their failure to act on warnings of disasters. The JVP/NPP used to flay the previous governments during and after disasters, claiming that they had failed to mitigate the impact of catastrophic floods and landslides. Now, it is receiving heavy flak from its political opponents, especially former leaders.

The least the government and the Opposition can do at this juncture is to work out a rapprochement and concentrate on helping disaster victims, raise funds for reconstruction, and prepare the country to face future extreme weather events.

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Editorial

Cyclone-hit budget

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Saturday 6th December, 2025

The NPP government’s Budget 2026 was passed yesterday with a 157-vote majority. Its passage was a foregone conclusion, given the NPP’s supermajority in Parliament, but whether it can be implemented as previously planned is in doubt.

When Budget 2026 was presented on 07 November, it outlined revenue plans and expenditure allocations for 2026, based on the situation prevalent at the time, but Cyclone Ditwah has upended revenue and expenditure projections to the extent of making one doubt the viability of the budget. The Opposition called for Budget 2026 withdrawal and the presentation of a fresh one with the post-disaster economic realities factored in.

Commissioner General of Essential Services Prabath Chandrakeerthi has gone on record as saying the economic cost of the recent disasters could amount to about 6-7 billion US dollars or 3-5% of GDP. Thus, the workability of the budget hinges on the government’s ability to raise this huge amount of funds for reconstruction.

Restoring critical infrastructure is a prerequisite for maintaining economic growth momentum. The government is said to have curtailed capital expenditure to keep state expenditure low, but it will now have to change its strategy, and spend more on infrastructure. This is likely to shift the budget’s centre of gravity, so to speak.

Nothing is said to be more certain than the unexpected. The government was on cloud nine about a fortnight ago, boasting that the state coffers were overflowing under its watch. What it left unsaid was that taxes on vehicle imports had boosted state revenue exponentially. There was a sharp increase in vehicle imports, which had been suspended for several years in view of the country’s foreign currency woes; the current revenue bubble may burst when vehicle imports drop. When the government made the above-mentioned boastful claims, it may not have thought it would have to seek disaster assistance two weeks later. The uphill task the NPP has to accomplish is making its budget work vis-à-vis the post-disaster challenges.

The Opposition is right in having urged the government to take cognisance of the plight of disaster victims and make sufficient budgetary allocations for relief. However, one should not lose sight of the broader context. Disaster relief and reconstruction are essential, but the focus of a national budget has to be on growth. A contraction of the economy will adversely impact the disaster victims more than others. Hence the need for the Opposition to assess the current situation realistically and act rationally, taking the economic reality into account, without playing politics with the economy.

True, the government should have heeded the Opposition’s concerns about the post-disaster situation. However, Budget 2026 is now a fait accompli, and the task before Parliament is to make it work and find ways and means of raising funds for reconstruction and resettlement while maintaining growth momentum and enabling the state to resume debt repayment, according to schedule.

The Opposition has reportedly offered to support the government’s post-disaster expenditure plan. While this is a positive development, the sustainability of any expenditure plan depends on revenue generation, the be-all and end-all of a budget. Hence the need for cooperation among all parties to strengthen the economy and make it resilient to absorb shocks.

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