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Presidential hopefuls back science and tech
(SciDev)– Presidential candidates in Sri Lanka have pledged to prioritise science and technology, promising modernisation and better science education in a country suffering from “brain drain”.Sri Lanka will hold its presidential election on 21 September, its first since the nation’s devastating economic crisis in 2022.
The vote will feature the country’s longest ballot paper in history, with a record 39 candidates vying for the presidency, all promising to tackle Sri Lanka’s economic and social challenges.Voters hold high expectations for the upcoming election, particularly in areas such as reducing the cost of living, cutting taxes, fighting corruption and steering the country toward economic recovery.
Major candidates, including the incumbent President Ranil Wickremesinghe, have centred their manifestos around these key issues. But they have also committed to advancements in science, technology and research as vital components for Sri Lanka’s long-term development.
Sri Lanka spends a mere 0.12 percent of its GDP on research and development (R&D), with the economic crisis further drying up the available funds. The country is also facing a brain drain, with many scientists and professionals leaving due to deteriorating living conditions.
Emeritus professor Ranjith Senaratne, chair of the National Science Foundation of Sri Lanka (NSF), said the number of researchers in Sri Lanka was extremely low. The county has only 105 R&D personnel per million of the population, according to data from the World Bank.
“There can be no progress without research, so it is vital for the next president to prioritise developments in science and technology to secure Sri Lanka’s future,” Senaratne told SciDev.Net.
In an interview with SciDev.Net, Anura Kumara Dissanayake, one of the four major candidates, emphasised his commitment to introducing new technology, particularly in the agricultural sector where 26 percent of Sri Lankans are employed.
Dissanayake highlighted that current agricultural practices, such as those in paddy farming, leave both farmers and consumers in a difficult position. He said farmers are barely surviving, unable to earn a sufficient income, while consumers face high prices.
“This system benefits no one,” he stressed, adding: “We must either abandon these outdated methods or innovate through research.”
Instead of merely exporting raw commodities, Sri Lanka should focus on value addition to increase foreign exchange earnings, suggested Dissanayake, acknowledging that this requires innovation.
“There might already be existing research that hasn’t been utilised at the grassroots level, and my priority is to ensure that these innovations are implemented,” he told SciDev.Net.
Opposition leader, Sajith Premadasa, meanwhile, promised to establish a dedicated research fund of at least five billion Sri Lankan rupees (US$16.6 million) annually to promote science and technology in the country, viewing it as a long-term investment.
He explained that both state and private universities would be able to apply for funds to support research, development and curriculum enhancement.
Premadasa is also focused on digitisation, aiming to capitalise on fast-growing fields like artificial intelligence (AI) by creating numerous cutting-edge information technology parks. As Opposition leader, he secured funding to introduce smart classrooms to hundreds of schools, particularly in remote areas.
“Currently, science and technology education is concentrated in major cities and prestigious schools,” he told SciDev.Net, adding: “It’s essential to extend these opportunities to the younger generation across the country.”
Ruwan Wijewardene, a senior advisor to the incumbent President, says Wickremesinghe plans to establish new technological universities, including a University of Agriculture Technology and an International Climate Change University, a pledge he made last year at the UN Climate Conference COP28.
Wickremesinghe has also pledged to pass a Technology Promotion Act in 2025, establishing a Digital Transformation Agency and a Digital Technology and Innovation Council to spearhead AI and digital advancements.
Namal Rajapaksa, the youngest contender in the race, is the son of former President Mahinda Rajapaksa and nephew of ousted President Gotabaya Rajapaksa. He is focusing his campaign on modernisation and technological progress.
Rajapaksa seeks to build on initiatives introduced during his uncle’s administration. His vision includes streamlining government services by cutting out obsolete procedures and integrating advanced technological solutions. His manifesto also outlines a plan to revamp educational curricula, aligning them with current market demands and societal trends to ensure Sri Lanka stays competitive on the global stage.
However, while the presidential candidates’ proposals to advance science and technology are promising, their implementation may be challenging in the current economic climate.
Rohan Samarajiva, founding chair of LIRNEasia, an ICT policy and regulation think tank, says it is doubtful how realistic these promises are, with the country still rated as being in “selective default”, meaning it has delayed repayment on some of its financial obligations.
While some candidates have pledged to establish new universities, maintaining the quality of the existing higher education system is already difficult due to significant brain drain.
The Department of Chemistry, one of the largest departments at the University of Peradeniya, is struggling with a staffing crisis and has had to rely on retired professors, external lecturers and assistant academic staff. Manawadevi Ganehenege, the head of the Department, told SciDev.Net she was concerned about the sustainability of education if more staff members left.
According to Sri Lanka’s Government Medical Officers’ Association, more than 1,800 doctors left the country in 2022 and 2023. It says at least 25 percent of doctors currently working in the government health system have also passed the exams required for employment abroad.
Manuj Weerasinghe, former President of the Sri Lanka Association for the Advancement of Science, pointed out that investments in science and technology are long-term endeavours, typically taking 10 to 20 years to yield benefits. Politicians often seek quick results during their time in office, which can clash with the timeframes required for these investments to pay off, he said.
Limited public interest in science may also reduce the pressure on politicians to prioritise such investments.
“I don’t think even one percent of voters consider science a top priority when they cast their ballots,” Weerasinghe told SciDev.Net. He argued that educating the public about the importance of science for development is essential.
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Unions resist tripartite EPF management plan
… warn of dire consequences
A group of trade unions and civil society groups has requested President Anura Kumara Dissanayake to abandon his government’s controversial plan for the proposed tripartite management of the EPF.
The group has told the President: “We strongly object to the government’s plan to transfer the EPF to a tripartite board—jointly promoted by the Employers’ Federation of Ceylon (EFC), International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the International Labour Organisation (ILO)—and to increase the investments of those funds within private equity and debt markets.
“While the EFC and the government jointly project this plan as a ‘modern governance framework’, it poses a serious threat to the EPF’s financial stability, fiduciary conduct, and returns to workers’ life savings, with severe consequences for broader macroeconomic stability. Rather than replacing the corruption existing in the public sector, this tripartite framework paves the way for a corporate takeover of the EPF. Through this, the fund is exposed to unlawful business practices such as insider trading using internal information of EPF investments, conflicts of interest and corporate bailouts of unstable private companies.
“Sri Lanka’s corporate sector has a tremendously negative track record, which you alluded to during your victorious election campaign in 2024. This was recently unravelled by the multi-billion-dollar illicit capital flight through trade misinvoicing, which your administration is now actively working to curb in the imports sector.
“The recent banking sector fraud exceeds Rs. 13 billion; widespread corporate tax evasion destabilised the fiscal position (Sri Lanka Auditor General’s Department Annual Reports) and consequently inflated the tax burden on the general public. The EFC has found it convenient to remain silent about these crimes, possibly assuming that their silence would preserve their social standing. Considering this inherent corruption within Sri Lanka’s corporate sector and its disregard to the living standards of the general public, there is no realistic basis to integrate corporate interests to actively manage the EPF. The corporate sector of Sri Lanka has not developed sufficiently on technical and ethical grounds to safely entrust the largest retirement savings pool in the country. The EPF is a captive fund that has no mechanism for the owners to divest if the management is corrupt. This further increases the possibility of corporate fraud when the management of the fund is jointly held with the corporate sector.
“Furthermore, during the recent public discussion with trade unions, Deputy Minister of Finance Dr. Anila Jayantha pointed out that the domestic debt restructuring (DDR) would inflict a loss of Rs. 600 billion to the EPF. Our independent calculations—formally submitted as an affidavit to the Supreme Court approved by the Federation of University Teachers’ Associations in 2024—reveal that nominal loss alone is Rs. 634.4 billion. When factoring in foreclosed reinvestment returns, the true loss skyrockets to Rs. 1,711 billion, wiping out 48% of the fund’s projected gross income for the 2023 – 2028 period. Under the pretext of safeguarding the banking system, this colossal robbery preserved high yields on government bonds held by commercial banks and high-net-worth individuals, subsequently reaping them astronomical profits. Now, the exact same plunder is rearing its head again disguised as a tripartite committee.”
“The main arguments supporting our resistance and viable alternatives for optimising EPF management directly under the Central Bank of Sri Lanka (CBSL), are outlined below.
“Objections to the government’s tripartite proposal:
1. The “International best practice and conflict of interest fallacies”
The government holds that tripartite management of pension funds is the “international best practice” and that there is a “conflict of interest” in CBSL managing the EPF. They are key pillars justifying government’s tripartite proposal.
These two positions are shockingly misleading given that four of the five largest pension funds in the world, in Norway, Japan, the U.S., and Singapore, are managed directly by state bodies or central banks. Therefore, ‘international best practice’ in pension fund management is the exact opposite of what the government and the IMF are proposing. We hence reject these baseless positions.
2. Corporate captivity and bailouts
It is clear that the EFC is desperately pushing for this proposal at a time of global uncertainty, to cushion the effects of the crisis and maximise gains. Under corporate influence within the proposed tripartite board, the private conglomerates can use the multi-trillion-rupee EPF to continue their unstable commercial operations without having to risk their own capital or savings to do so. This will severely erode the financial stability of the EPF and its returns.
3. Risk of front running
“Because the EPF is a colossal fund, its investment decisions can alter asset prices. This creates immense monetary value for the information generated by its investment decisions. Corporate representatives on the proposed tripartite board will be perfectly positioned to use this information to trade ahead of the EPF (front-running), buying assets cheaply and dumping them onto the EPF at inflated prices for guaranteed corporate gain, resulting in a reduction of returns to the EPF.
4. Unavoidable loopholes
“Presence of a separate group of investment analysts, trade union representatives and government officials within the proposed tripartite structure cannot prevent pre-market corporate access to EPF’s investment decisions. Investment proposals made by the analysts has to be first approved by the proposed tripartite committee, making it impossible to prevent corporate access to insider information on EPF investments.”
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