Editorial
Turncoats, karapincha, karma and reality

Thursday 1st August, 2024
The 2024 presidential contest has got underway in earnest with candidates placing deposits and the Election Commission (EC) upshifting. A rapid realignment of political forces is visible, and it is bound to change the dynamics of the upcoming election. One can only hope that the EC, having asserted its authority, will square up to the sinister attempts being made in some quarters to derail the presidential election. There is said to be many a slip twixt cup and lip.
The SLPP has refused to back President Ranil Wickremesinghe, who has chosen to contest the presidential election as an independent candidate. It has given Wickremesinghe the so-called karapincha (curry leaves) treatment; he has been used and discarded.
The SLPP is a party of the Rajapaksas by the Rajapaksas for the Rajapaksas, and it is their interests that take precedence over everything else. They will go to any extent to retain their hold on the party leadership and ensure the perpetuation of their political dynasty. But the SLPP is facing disintegration. There’s the rub.
Scores of SLPP MPs have switched their allegiance to President Wickremesinghe. This is doubtlessly no mean achievement for a person whose party was left with only a single National List slot at the last general election. But the question is whether the dissident SLPP MPs are equal to the task of delivering enough votes to President Wickremesinghe; it is SLPP leader and former President Mahinda Rajapaksa who enabled them to be returned at the last general election (2020).
All SLPP MPs, save a handful, have become hugely unpopular to the point of having to worry about their own political future. Hence their desperation to avoid elections. Having let go of the Rajapaksas’ saataka, they are now riding on Wickremesinghe’s coattails in a bid to have themselves re-elected. Wickremesinghe will be lucky if he can muster enough popular support with their help to win the presidential race.
It is doubtful whether the UNP will be able to pull the wool over the eyes of the public by claiming that their leader is an independent candidate and forming a new political alliance. Wickremesinghe is often seen in the exalted company of many unsavoury characters who were responsible for the UNP’s humiliating defeat in 2020. Among them are those who were involved in the Treasury bond scams and various other rackets that became the undoing of the UNP-led Yahapalana government. Notorious figures including a convicted extortionist and a suspected drug dealer are among the SLPP dissidents who have sided with the President. Their presence is bound to alienate many voters.
SLPP National Organiser Namal Rajapaksa has said dividing political parties is Wickremesinghe’s forte, and the latter has caused a split in the SLPP. We thought it was the Rajapaksas who excelled in that task. There is hardly any political party which they have not caused splits in, their main victims being the UNP and the JVP. The boot is now on the other foot. Namal has to resign himself to karmic forces at work and try to focus on how to move forward positively.
None of the dissident SLPP MPs will heed the party leadership’s threat to take disciplinary action against them because whoever wins the upcoming presidential election will dissolve Parliament shortly afterwards. The countdown has begun for the next parliamentary election to all intents and purposes. The SLPP MPs who have thrown in their lot with President Wickremesinghe will find themselves up a creek in case he fails to win the presidency. So, there is the possibility of Namal’s wish that some of the turncoats will return to the SLPP’s fold, coming true.
The biggest challenge before President Wickremesinghe will be turning the SLPP’s liabilities in the garb of dissident MPs into political assets for him to garner votes to win the presidency while scoring own goals, like his refusal to appoint an Acting IGP.
Editorial
Horse-trading won’t help dispel chaos

Saturday 17th May, 2025
Leaders of the Opposition political parties are scheduled to meet today to discuss how to secure control of the local councils where they have obtained more seats than the ruling NPP. Today’s meeting is to be chaired by Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa. Most Opposition parties have agreed in principle to form joint administrations in the hung councils, we are told. The NPP has been in overdrive to rally enough members to muster majorities in those councils. Horse-trading has become the order of the day.
Some NPP stalwarts have even approached the constituents of the SJB-led coalition in their efforts to form majorities in the hung councils, according to media reports. Leader of the Tamil Progressive Alliance Mano Ganeshan has said the NPP sought his support to gain control of some of the hung councils, but he turned down its request as a matter of principle. This shows how hard the government and the Opposition are trying to control the non-majority local councils.
The hung councils will continue to be in chaos whichever side gains control of them. Even if the NPP succeeds in raising majorities in those councils by winning over Opposition members or independent councillors, they may not be stable; there is no guarantee that defectors will not vote with their feet again, leaving the NPP without working majorities. A similar situation is likely to occur in the event of the SJB and other Opposition parties closing ranks to control the hung councils. All political institutions have earned notoriety for mass crossovers. The SLFP-led People’s Alliance collapsed during Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga’s presidency, in 2001, due to mass crossovers. It was also mass defections from President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s UPFA government that led to the 2015 regime change.
The question is why President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, who is also the leader of the NPP, and Opposition and SJB leader Premadasa have not met to discuss ways and means of navigating the hung councils out of the current imbroglio and making them fully functional for the benefit of the public. There is no reason why these two leaders who wrap themselves in the flag cannot sink their political differences and find a solution for the sake of the country.
The outcome of the recent LG polls indicates a growing public disillusionment with the government and the Opposition, albeit to varying degrees. Both the NPP and the SJB declared before the mini polls that they would never opt for joint administrations in local councils, but they have made about-turns, making a mockery of their pledges to the public.
The President and the Opposition leader should be able to negotiate, make compromises and adopt a workable solution to prevent chaos in the hung councils. It is incumbent upon them to bring order out of chaos at the grassroots level and ensure that the people’s interests are served.
Editorial
Arrogance of power

Friday 16th May, 2025
President Anura Kumara Dissanayake has begun to sound just like his predecessors, who succumbed to the arrogance of power and alienated the public. He has declared that he is ready to do everything in his power to enable the JVP-led NPP to secure the control of all local councils it has won with or without absolute majorities. Speaking at a ceremony to mark the 60th anniversary of the JVP, on Wednesday, Dissanayake said he would not hesitate to make use of the government’s two-thirds majority to achieve that goal.
The problem with power is that it goes to the heads of the wielders thereof and makes them take leave of their senses. Executive presidential powers can act like a mind-sucker, draining empathy, humility and rational thought from even the most grounded politicians. This has been our experience over the past several decades. Hence the aversion of the champions of democracy to the executive powers of the President. Even some defenders of democracy who secured the presidency with good intentions let their executive powers get the better of them.
In 1994, Chandrika Kumaratunga became the President, vowing to eliminate corruption (dooshanaya) and state terror (bheeshanaya), but her rule became a metaphor for political violence, election malpractices and corruption. The less said about J. R. Jayewardene, Ranasinghe Premadasa and Mahinda Rajapaksa, the better. President Maithripala Sirisena also abused his executive powers unflinchingly; in 2018, he sacked the UNF government, appointed Mahinda Rajapaksa Prime Minister, and then ordered the dissolution of Parliament in violation of the Constitution. Thankfully, a historic Supreme Court judgement restored the status quo ante.
Even non-elected President Ranil Wickremesinghe was intoxicated with executive powers from 2022 to 2024; he caused the local government elections to disappear and suppressed democracy. D. B. Wijetunga served as the President only for a brief period from 1993 to 1994 following President Premadasa’s assassination, and President Gotabaya Rajapaksa could not complete his term.
It is against this backdrop that President Dissanayake’s aforementioned declarations and warnings that border on veiled threats should be viewed. General Secretary of the ITAK, and former TNA MP M. A. Sumanthiran has torn into President Dissanayake for his declaration that he will use his presidential power to secure control of local councils which, he thinks, the NPP deserves to run, in all parts of the country. The ITAK apparently feels threatened as the NPP has won a considerable number of seats in the LG bodies in the North and the East. If only the ITAK/TNA had defended democracy so ardently while the LTTE, which did not have representation even in a local council, was controlling the North and the East.
It is a supreme irony that President Dissanayake has said that he will not allow anyone to trifle with the NPP’s popular mandate. He has either forgotten or chosen to ignore that popular mandates come to naught when governments fail and public resentment spills over onto the streets, with thousands of people baying for the rulers’ blood. Gotabaya, who won the executive presidency outright in 2019 and helped the SLPP secure a two-thirds majority in Parliament in 2020, had to run away and resign during Aragalaya in 2022 as he and his government mismanaged the economy. The JVP, which had only three MPs, at that time, almost succeeded in marching on Parliament. Now that a bad precedent has been created, the Presidents who fail in the future may have to hightail it like Gotabaya. It is popularly said in this country that no clay pot is too big for a wooden pole.
It is only wishful thinking that the NPP will be able to arrest the decline in its national vote share and shore up its support base by gaining the control of the local councils, where it has not obtained absolute majorities. Not even its hold on the executive presidency and Parliament has helped the NPP prevent a severe erosion of its vote base during the past six months or so. It finds itself in this predicament because it has failed to live up to people’s expectations. Instead of bellowing rhetoric and issuing warnings and threats, the NPP leaders must solve the burning problems faced by the public. They must at least try to make salt freely available at reasonable prices.
Editorial
Right initiative: Follow-up needed

Thursday 15th May, 2025
There appears to be no let-up in road accidents in the central hills. A van plunged down a precipice in Ramboda, injuring 11 passengers, yesterday.
The police swing into action after catastrophic road accidents—not to address the root causes of those mishaps but to adopt band-aid solutions to deflect criticism. Following Sunday’s fatal bus accident, which killed 23 passengers near Kotmale, they have launched a programme to inspect long-distance buses at night. This measure is welcome, but it will have to be coupled with roadside drug tests to enhance their effectiveness. Drug addiction is believed to be prevalent among heavy vehicle drivers. One can only hope that the new scheme will not end up being like the practice of placing night patrol visit books at houses and shops after break-ins and forgetting them after a few weeks. The night-time bus inspection scheme however has the potential to keep bus workers and their employers on their toes.
Much is spoken about substandard medicinal drugs used in the state-run health institutions. An ex-Health Minister and some former Health Ministry panjandrums are facing legal action for the fraudulent procurement of medicines, etc. The need for such drastic measures to rid the Health Ministry procurement process of corruption, bring the corrupt to justice and ensure the safety of patients cannot be overstated. Worryingly, there has been no such public debate on the substandard buses in operation, endangering the lives of passengers and other road users alike.
Convener of the Road Safety Task Force Dr. Sanjay Perera has, in a recent television interview, told some home truths about the public transport sector and its deficiencies. Besides factors such as overloading and drivers’ fatigue, the poor quality of buses on Sri Lankan roads also contributes to ever increasing road accidents, he has said.
Dr. Perera has pointed out that most buses are not worthy of the name, for they are actually truck chassis fitted with seats; these ‘truck-buses’, as it were, are without any safety features, and, worse, have metal bars for headrests, which could pose a serious risk of neck injuries and spinal cord damage in the event of accidents. No wonder most commuters complain of back pain, neck and shoulder strain, postural problems, etc. These are believed to be the results of frequent travel in boneshakers with poor suspension and cramped seating. Dr. Perera has stressed the need for importing modern buses like the ones in operation on expressways.
Although the state-owned bus service has been drawing a lot of flak of late due to the Kotmale tragedy, the private bus operators are the worst culprits. Dr. Perera has called upon the SLTB and the transport authorities to enforce the laws and regulations already in place to ensure road safety. But the incumbent government apparently lacks a clear vision to develop the SLTB. It is also without the courage to tame the private bus owners, who have risen above the law just like the wealthy rice millers. The bus Mafia has effectively put paid to the government’s efforts to remove unauthorised accessories from private buses.
Successive governments have done very little to standardise the bus service. Their focus has been on fare systems and scheduling, and nothing has been done by way of improving driver training and behaviour and maintenance protocols. Private bus operators therefore are under the impression that they can run their buses the way they want.
The government should seriously consider making it mandatory for all bus workers to wear uniforms besides abiding by laws and regulations governing the transport sector. Enforcing discipline among bus workers will be half the battle in ensuring road safety.
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