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Post civil war: The defrauding opportunities of war’s end

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by Rajan Hoole

We have faced the tragic and unnecessary deaths of thousands, great and small. All of them are important in their circle and a great loss. I submit that our queries are largely un-replied because we miss the questions that call for an answer.

If you go forward from 2006, a mere 18 years, serious issues were raised in the letters pages of journals. The vicious circle of violence during the conflict dehumanised whole communities and every killing was explained away or ignored with ideological bias, and society entrapped itself in the simple survival mode. How the ethnic conflict evolved and led to a destructive war has been documented by many. The overdetermination of ethnic identity was identified as the cause for the continuation of the war and the sheer destructiveness it unloosed on the population.

The economic cost of the war and militarization of the state and ever-increasing corruption of our body politic were ignored by the elite whose sympathies were bent on justifying in some way the war effort. But finally, the reality struck us on the face and showed how bankrupt our country is on all fronts, economic, political and the social milieu.

But even in the face of these tragedies and the evident bankruptcy, did any serious soul-searching take place among our elites? The state’s cavalier approach in using various para military groupings and arms of the military to carry out targeted killings, eventually led to new formations by the State in 1986, transporting Colombo hooligans to form a Muslim group in Kalmunai, to set the lead against Tamils in Karaitivu. And these in turn developed their own dynamic independent of the State as seen in 2019.

Once you fund a militant group, it finds its own money and forms its ways. This practice led to the root cause of the Easter bombing. The LTTE was destroyed in the battlefield as a military formation but its ideology continues to have its hold on Tamil political discourse. But to what extent is the state that transformed itself into a killing machine prepared to become accountable for its past? Here we have a glimpse of how the state carried out assassinations with the help of various para-military and state intelligence groups and its crass unwillingness to make them accountable.

We could see the slow deterioration of the nation’s polity from 1948, when it became acceptable to treat the disenfranchisement of a section of the working class – the labour from India – as non-persons, through the Citizenship Acts — more accurately robbery of citizenship from hill-country Tamils, who produced the most to keep us economically afloat.

Warnings were made when the citizenship Acts were debated soon after independence. We saw hell opening before us when L.H. Mettananda became an advocate of Sinhala Only by 1953. In what followed, although our eyes were closed, we edged nearer the abyss. Today the fact cannot be denied but those who brought us nearer the abyss remain our leaders and prospective leaders. Remember that N.M. Perera spoke eloquently against Sinhala Only in 1955. However, by 1966 he had joined the accursed bandwagon. And so, with the Communist Party, even though Sarath Muttetuwegama saw the writing on the wall and opposed Sinhala Only politically, until his untimely car crash in 1986.

That is the main reason why I would vote for the JVP for the presidency although it is tainted with the same stain that marks the UNP and SLFP. Having come out of the murk that marked Sinhala Only vandalism, the JVP may still carry the same message, but might see things through a cleaner glass. That is the risk open to us minorities.

The two Tamil National Alliance (TNA) candidates shot and killed in 2006 were persons who sought to be our representatives, namely Joseph Pararajasingam and Nadarajah Raviraj. Yet, for several reasons we could think of, we largely ignored their murders as an issue and it has retarded or almost wholly destroyed the way we make our political choices and lead our lives. Their deaths have been discussed in a not unfriendly vein, with those who wish us ill, namely our top political leaders, so much so that even those who think murder cowardly and dishonorable, tend to treat it as normal. It is a long story, but to cut it short, we will refer to the shocking manner in which the murders of the two named have been treated, not merely by the State that was responsible, but also by us Tamils reeling in fear.

At the hearings following 7 Sept. 2016 into the murder of the two Tamil MPs above, Liyanarachchige Abeyratne, an ex-constable, told the court that former Defence Secretary, Gotabaya Rajapaksa was aware of the murder of former MP Nadaraja Raviraj and arranged a payment of Rs. 50 million to the Karuna faction. Abeyratna’s testimony was refuted by Nilantha Jayewardene, who was then SIS director. Sumanthiran MP’s challenge to Nilantha Jayawardena was refused through deliberately misleading the court.

Vavunativu, where it begun

In the five years following the victory in war of 2009, the government failed to better its chances at elections. The Government went on trying to show that the LTTE was alive and powerful through artificial instances of terror.

In the Vavunativu killing of two police constables on 29th November 2018, the information from the police under SIS Director Nilantha Jayewardena was that the killers were from the supposedly rejuvenated LTTE. While this was supported by nearly all police sources, it was decisively opposed by Director CID, Shani Abeysekera. The system, especially the police department connived to place Shani in a hopeless minority. Shani Abeysekera stated: “On several occasions, intelligence operatives misled criminal investigators chasing suspects and planted “evidence” in the run up to April 2019 Easter bombings.”

The Commission of Inquiry into the Easter bombings, under Justice Janak de Silva, of the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka, signed the verdict on 31st January 2021, while Gotabhaya Rajapaksa was still president (from 18th November 2019 to 14th July 2022). Shani Abeysekera appears in this narrative mainly as a shadowy figure, whose conclusions are rejected by the commission. His name appears on p 216 of the commission report as Director CID (under Interdiction). Though an outstandingly honest officer, he was not given much credit thereafter in official communiques, precisely because he could not be browbeaten by those in power. His statements retain their value because of his un-faulted honesty in situations where many others would have thrown in the towel.

Shani Abeysekera’s petition to the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka of 19th February 2022, explained what he had been through. Gotabhaya Rajapaksa who had him sacked was still in power. Shani Abeysekara rather than blaming Zahran alone, pointed to a political hand behind the terror that killed 269 people. SSP Abeysekera’s investigations have revealed the shadowy hand of state intelligence services (SIS) in the Easter terror attacks and exposed prominently, the Gotabhaya Rajapaksa regime’s failure to bring the perpetrators of wanton murder to justice.

In this connection, an investigation by Shani ties up with Hanzeer Azad Maulana’s testimony in the attempted bombing incident at Taj Samudra Hotel on the fatal Easter Sunday, Apr. 21, 2019.

Hanzeer’s Testimony:On the morning at 7.00 AM on the fatal Sunday, Hanzeer reportedly received a telephone call from Major General Suresh Sally, incumbent Director of State Intelligence Service (head of intelligence), asking him to go immediately to the Taj Samudra Hotel in Colombo, to pick up a person who was waiting there and ‘take the person’s phone.’ Hanzeer replied that he was currently in Batticaloa and not in Colombo. 

About an hour later, there were simultaneous terrorist attacks across the country.  It was much later, says Hanzeer, that he learnt through the President’s Investigation Commission and the inquiries of the CID that the person whom Suresh Sallay had wanted him to meet was Abdul Latif Jameel Mohamed, who had been tasked to carry out a suicide attack at the Taj Samudra Hotel but then, apparently in a last-minute change of plans by those who sent him, left the Taj and later exploded himself in a small hotel in Dehiwela. We have below, the testimony by Shani Abeysekara:

S.S.P. Abeysekara: What follows is the testimony of SSP Abeysekara, the chief investigating officer: “The man [the bomber] had received a telephone call, as seen on CCTV footage, and then left the Taj hotel without setting off his backpack of explosives. DMI operatives were [meanwhile] at Jamil’s house and speaking with his wife just before he carried out a bombing at Tropical Inn, Dehiwala, after leaving the Taj … The DMI man was at Jamil’s house and had been listening to the conversation between the mosque’s security officer and Jamil’s wife. Abeysekara raises questions about DMI links to Jamil and the others involved. 

Ranga Jayasooriya: “Maulana says during the day of the Easter Sunday attack, Sallay called him and wanted him to transport an attacker [i.e. Jameel] from the Taj Samudra Hotel to an undisclosed location.” Ranga continued that his bomb is believed to have malfunctioned; and proceeds, “he was seen in the CCTV cameras trying to reset the switch before he left the hotel and took a three-wheeler to Tropical Inn guest house in Dehiwala.”   

To be more accurate, what Hanzeer said is, “About an hour after this conversation, simultaneous terrorist attacks took place across the country. Immediately after the attacks Pillaiyan sent a message through a prison guard and asked me to meet him urgently. When I saw him in [Batticaloa] Prison at about 11 a.m. on Easter Sunday he told me that the mastermind behind the Easter attack was Suresh Sallay and that he had assumed that an attack like this would happen.”

Abeysekara who would have been careful, given his experience and position, has not been disputed and gives credit to Hanzeer’s testimony. If you take the long list of state crimes, even starting with the murder of Five Students in 2005, and the systematic naval killings for money during 2007 to 2009, Shani Abeysekara comes out brave and clean.

The one attempt to implant honesty into the system by appointing Travis Sinniah as navy commander barely lasted two months, from August – October 2017. His address to his men in the first few days of his promotion must have set off alarms:

The Vice Admiral told reporters at his first press conference at navy headquarters on 23 August 2017 that “even the biggest war hero” could not escape the full face of the law if a crime had been committed during or after the war. “Even if you are a hero, it does not give you the sanction to do acts that are crimes…If you have done something wrong, there is no forgiveness for that act.” “Whatever you have done during the war, if you are the biggest hero, wearing this uniform does not give you the sanction to murder, or commit torture.” He was removed after a mere two months of service.

Today, we are in the midst of economic ruin without hope. Whether we would be better off with the country divided into three states with significant autonomy, as in the early days of the 18th Century, is something we should seriously consider, given the scale of our enwrapment in crime and murder, the only features that have burgeoned since the early 1950s and accelerated in the 2000s.



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Opinion

Thoughts for Unduvap Poya

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Arrival of Arahant Bhikkuni Sangamitta

Unduvap Poya, which falls today, has great historical significance for Sri Lanka, as several important events occurred on that day but before looking into these, as the occasion demands, our first thought should be about impermanence. One of the cornerstones of Buddha’s teachings is impermanence and there is no better time to ponder over it than now, as the unfolding events of the unprecedented natural disaster exemplify it. Who would have imagined, even a few days ago, the scenes of total devastation we are witnessing now; vast swathes of the country under floodwaters due to torrential rain, multitudes of earth slips burying alive entire families with their hard-built properties and closing multiple trunk roads bringing the country to a virtual standstill. The best of human kindness is also amply demonstrated as many risk their own lives to help those in distress.

In the struggle of life, we are attached and accumulate many things, wanted and unwanted, including wealth overlooking the fact that all this could disappear in a flash, as happened to an unfortunate few during this calamitous time. Even the survivors, though they are happy that they survived, are left with anxiety, apprehension, and sorrow, all of which is due to attachment. We are attached to things because we fail to realise the importance of impermanence. If we do, we would be less attached and less affected. Realisation of the impermanent nature of everything is the first step towards ultimate detachment.

It was on a day like this that Arahant Bhikkhuni Sanghamitta arrived in Lanka Deepa bringing with her a sapling of the Sri Maha Bodhi tree under which Prince Siddhartha attained Enlightenment. She was sent by her father Emperor Ashoka, at the request of Arahant Mahinda who had arrived earlier and established Buddhism formally under the royal patronage of King Devanampiyatissa. With the very successful establishment of Bhikkhu Sasana, as there was a strong clamour for the establishment of Bhikkhuni Sasana as well, Arahant Mahinda requested his father to send his sister which was agreed to by Emperor Ashoka, though reluctantly as he would be losing two of his children. In fact, both served Lanka Deepa till their death, never returning to the country of their birth. Though Arahant Sanghamitta’s main mission was otherwise, her bringing a sapling of the Bo tree has left an indelible imprint in the annals of our history.

According to chronicles, King Devanampiyatissa planted the Bo sapling in Mahamevnawa Park in Anuradhapura in 288 BCE, which continues to thrive, making it the oldest living human planted tree in the world with a known planting date. It is a treasure that needs to be respected and protected at all costs. However, not so long ago it was nearly destroyed by the idiocy of worshippers who poured milk on the roots. Devotion clouding reality, they overlooked the fact that a tree needs water, not milk!

A monk developed a new practice of Bodhi Puja, which even today attracts droves of devotees and has become a ritual. This would have been the last thing the Buddha wanted! He expressed gratitude by gazing at the tree, which gave him shelter during the most crucial of times, for a week but did not want his followers to go around worshipping similar trees growing all over. Instead of following the path the Buddha laid for us, we seem keen on inventing new rituals to indulge in!

Arahant Sanghamitta achieved her prime objective by establishing the Bhikkhuni Sasana which thrived for nearly 1200 years till it fell into decline with the fall of the Anuradhapura kingdom. Unfortunately, during the Polonnaruwa period that followed the influence of Hinduism over Buddhism increased and some of the Buddhist values like equality of sexes and anti-casteism were lost. Subsequently, even the Bhikkhu Sasana went into decline. Higher ordination for Bhikkhus was re-established in 1753 CE with the visit of Upali Maha Thera from Siam which formed the basis of Siam Maha Nikaya. Upali Maha Thero is also credited with reorganising Kandy Esala Perahera to be the annual Procession of the Temple of Tooth, which was previously centred around the worship of deities, by getting a royal decree: “Henceforth Gods and men are to follow the Buddha”

In 1764 CE, Siyam Nikaya imposed a ‘Govigama and Radala’ exclusivity, disregarding a fundamental tenet of the Buddha, apparently in response to an order from the King! Fortunately, Buddhism was saved from the idiocy of Siyam Nikaya by the formation of Amarapura Nikaya in 1800 CE and Ramanna Nikaya in 1864 CE, higher ordination for both obtained from Burma. None of these Niakya’s showed any interest in the re-establishment of Bhikkhuni Sasana which was left to a band of interested and determined ladies.

My thoughts and admiration, on the day Bhikkhuni Sasana was originally established, go to these pioneers whose determination knew no bounds. They overcame enormous difficulties and obtained higher ordination from South Korea initially. Fortunately, Ven. Inamaluwe Sri Sumangala Thero, Maha Nayaka of Rangiri Dambulla Chapter of Siyam Maha Nikaya started offering higher ordination to Bhikkhunis in 1998 but state recognition became a sore point. When Venerable Welimada Dhammadinna Bhikkhuni was denied official recognition as a Bhikkhuni on her national identity card she filed action, with the support of Ven. Inamaluwe Sri Sumangala Thero. In a landmark majority judgement delivered on 16 June, the Supreme Court ruled that the fundamental rights of Ven. Dhammadinna were breached and also Bhikkhuni Sasana was re-established in Sri Lanka. As this judgement did not receive wide publicity, I wrote a piece titled “Buddhism, Bhikkhus and Bhikkhunis” (The Island, 10 July 2025) and my wish for this Unduvap Poya is what I stated therein:

“The landmark legal battle won by Bhikkhunis is a victory for common sense more than anything else. I hope it will help Bhikkhuni Sasana flourish in Sri Lanka. The number of devotees inviting Bhikkhunis to religious functions is increasing. May Bhikkhunis receive the recognition they richly deserve.” May there be a rapid return to normalcy from the current tragic situation.”

by Dr Upul Wijayawardhana

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Royal Over Eighties

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Royal College

The gathering was actually of ‘Over Seventies’ but those of my generation present were mostly of the late eighties.

Even of them I shall mention only those whom I know at least by name. But, first, to those few of my years and older with whom speech was possible.

First among them, in more sense than one, was Nihal Seneviratne, at ninety-one probably the oldest present. There is no truth to the story that his state of crisp well-being is attributable to the consumption of gul-bunis in his school days. It is traceable rather to a life well lived. His practice of regular walks around the house and along the lane on which he lives may have contributed to his erect posture. As also to the total absence of a walking stick, a helper, or any other form of assistance as he walked into the Janaki hotel where this gathering took place.

Referencing the published accounts of his several decades-long service in Parliament as head of its administration, it would be moot to recall that his close friend and fellow lawyer, J E D Gooneratne, teased him in the following terms: “You will be a bloody clerk all your life”. He did join service as Second Assistant to the Clerk to the House and moved up, but the Clerk became the Secretary General. Regardless of such matters of nomenclature, it could be said that Nihal Seneviratne ran the show.

Others present included Dr. Ranjith de Silva, Surgeon, who was our cricket Captain and, to the best of my knowledge, has the distinction of never engaging in private practice.

The range of Dr. K L (Lochana) Gunaratne’s interests and his accomplishments within each are indeed remarkable. I would think that somebody who’d received his initial training at the AA School of Architecture in London would continue to have architecture as the foundation of his likes /dislikes. Such would also provide a road map to other pursuits whether immediately related to that field or not. That is evident in the leadership roles he has played in the National Academy of Sciences and the Institute of Town Planners among others. As I recall he has also addressed issues related to the Panadura Vadaya.

My memories of D L Seneviratne at school were associated with tennis. As happens, D L had launched his gift for writing over three decades ago with a history of tennis in Sri Lanka (1991). That is a game with which my acquaintance is limited to sending a couple of serves past his ear (not ‘tossing the ball across’ as he asked me to) while Jothilingam, long much missed, waited for his team mates to come for practices. It is a game at which my father spent much time both at the Railway sports club and at our home-town club. (By some kind of chance, I recovered just a week ago the ‘Fred de Saram Challenge Cup’ which, on his winning the Singles for the third time, Koo de Saram came over to the Kandana Club to hand over to him for keeps. They played an exhibition match which father won). D L would know whether or not, as I have heard, in an exhibition match in Colombo, Koo defeated Frank Sedgman, who was on his triumphant return home to Oz after he had won the Wimbledon tournament in London.

I had no idea that D L has written any books till my son brought home the one on the early history of Royal under Marsh and Boake, (both long-bearded young men in their twenties).

It includes a rich assortment of photographs of great value to those who are interested in the history of the Anglican segment of Christian missionary activity here in the context of its contribution to secondary school education. Among them is one of the school as it appeared on moving to Thurstan road from Mutwal. It has been extracted from the History of Royal, 1931,  done by students (among whom a relative, Palitha Weeraman, had played a significant role).

As D L shows, (in contra-distinction to the Catholic schools) the CMS had engaged in a largely secular practice. Royal remained so through our time – when one could walk into the examination room and answer questions framed to test one’s knowledge of Christianity, Buddhism, Hinduism and Islam; a knowledge derived mostly from the lectures delivered by an Old Boy at general assembly on Friday plus readings from the Dhammapada, the Bhagavad Gita, the St. John’s version of the Bible or the Koran recited by a student at senior assembly on Tuesday / Thursday.

 D L’s history of Royal College had followed in 2006.

His writing is so rich in detail, so precise in formulation, that I would consider this brief note a simple prompt towards a publisher bringing out new editions at different levels of cost.

It was also a pleasure to meet Senaka Amarasinghe, as yet flaunting his Emperor profile, and among the principal organisers of this event.

The encounter with I S de Silva, distinguished attorney, who was on Galle road close to Janaki lane, where I lived then was indeed welcome. As was that with Upali Mendis, who carried out cataract surgery on my mother oh so long ago when he was head of the Eye Hospital. His older brother, L P, was probably the most gifted student in chemistry in our time.

Most serendipitous perhaps was meeting a son of one of our most popular teachers from the 1950s, – Connor Rajaratnam. His cons were a caution.

by Gamini Seneviratne

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“Regulatory Impact Assessment – Not a bureaucratic formality but essentially an advocacy tool for smarter governance”: A response

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Having meticulously read and re-read the above article published in the opinion page of The Island on the 27 Nov, I hasten to make a critical review on the far-reaching proposal made by the co-authors, namely Professor Theekshana Suraweera, Chairman of the Sri Lanka Standards Institution and Dr. Prabath.C.Abeysiriwardana, Director of Ministry of Science and Technology

The aforesaid article provides a timely and compelling critique of Sri Lanka’s long-standing gaps in evidence-based policymaking and argues persuasively for the institutional adoption of Regulatory Impact Assessment (RIA). In a context where policy missteps have led to severe economic and social consequences, the article functions as an essential wake-up call—highlighting RIA not as a bureaucratic formality but as a foundational tool for smarter governance.

One of the article’s strongest contributions is its clear explanation of how regulatory processes currently function in Sri Lanka: legislation is drafted with narrow legal scrutiny focused mainly on constitutional compliance, with little or no structured assessment of economic, social, cultural, or environmental impacts. The author strengthens this argument with well-chosen examples—the sudden ban on chemical fertilizer imports and the consequences of the 1956 Official Language Act—demonstrating how untested regulation can have far-reaching negative outcomes. These cases effectively illustrate the dangers of ad hoc policymaking and underscore the need for a formal review mechanism.

The article also succeeds in demystifying RIA by outlining its core steps—problem definition, option analysis, impact assessment, stakeholder consultation, and post-implementation review. This breakdown makes it clear that RIA is not merely a Western ideal but a practical, structured, and replicable process that could greatly improve policymaking in Sri Lanka. The references to international best practices (such as the role of OIRA in the United States) lend credibility and global context, showing that RIA is not experimental but an established standard in advanced governance systems.

However, the article could have further strengthened its critique by addressing the political economy of reform: the structural incentives, institutional resistance, and political culture that have historically obstructed such tools in Sri Lanka. While the challenges of data availability, quantification, and political pressure are briefly mentioned, a deeper analysis of why evidence-based policymaking has not taken root—and how to overcome these systemic barriers—would have offered greater practical value.

Another potential enhancement would be the inclusion of local micro-level examples where smaller-scale regulations backfired due to insufficient appraisal. This would help illustrate that the problem is not limited to headline-making policy failures but affects governance at every level.

Despite these minor limitations, the article is highly effective as an advocacy piece. It makes a strong case that RIA could transform Sri Lanka’s regulatory landscape by institutionalizing foresight, transparency, and accountability. Its emphasis on aligning RIA with ongoing national initiatives—particularly the strengthening of the National Quality Infrastructure—demonstrates both pragmatism and strategic vision.

At a time, when Chairmen of statutory bodies appointed by the NPP government play a passive voice, the candid opinion expressed by the CEO of SLSI on the necessity of a Regulatory Impact Assessment is an important and insightful contribution. It highlights a critical missing link in Sri Lanka’s policy environment and provides a clear call to action. If widely circulated and taken seriously by policymakers, academics, and civil society, it could indeed become the eye-opener needed to push Sri Lanka toward more rational, responsible, and future-ready governance.

J. A. A. S. Ranasinghe,
Productivity Specialty and Management Consultant
(rathula49@gmail.com)

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