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Western Discontents, India’s Long Election and Sri Lankan Anniversaries

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by Rajan Philips

The attempted assassination of Slovakian Prime Minister Robert Fico has sent shivers down western spines. In a rare moment of unity, both Joe Biden and Vladimir Putin condemned the shooting. The identity of the arrested shooter has not been made public, but he is believed to be a 71 year old poet and writer violently protesting the Fico government’s attacks on media freedom including the replacement of Slovakia’s independent public broadcaster, RTVS, with a pro-government and ‘patriotic’ mouthpiece. The small country of five million that was born out of the 1993 dissolution of Czechoslovakia, in that famous “velvet divorce,” is now feared to be on the brink of more internal divisions and instability. And it has put Europe itself on edge.

There were forebodings at the time of the divorce about the trajectory that Slovakia would take unlike its severed twin, the Czech Republic, that was a model addition to the West. Then US Secretary of State Madeline Albright, a Czech American, called it “the black hole” of Europe. Now there is more of them and even within the old countries of Western Europe. Robert Fico has been Prime Minister twice before, between 2006 and 2010 and again from 2012 to 2018. After his defeat in 2018, he was pronounced politically dead, but he resurrected himself veering wildly from moderate left to extreme right, like so many other political leaders in Eastern Europe. The 59 year old Fico is a noted protégé of the Hungarian Prime Minister, Viktor Orban, who is notorious for his ideological contortions and right wing authoritarianism.

The Old Europe

The old Europe of consociational politics and electoral alternations between centre-left and centre-right political parties has virtually disappeared and the continent is now stuck in confrontations between the forces of extreme right and their new enemies, liberal elites. The old left has disappeared with the old Europe. In the continent, where Hegel first saw newspapers replacing morning Mass (now both have been replaced by the cell phone), freedom of expression and independent media are coming under threats from populist right wing governments.

Like Fico in Slovakia, Italy’s Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni is on course to allowing the sale of state-owned news agency AGI to a sitting lawmaker who already owns three conservative dailies and who belongs to the League Party that is a coalition partner of the Prime Minister’s Brothers of Italy party. Government supporters use the country’s draconian defamation laws to judicially harass and even jail prominent government critics. Philosophy Professor Donatella Di Cesare of Sapienza University in Rome has become the latest victim of defamation charges based on a complaint against her by Francesco Lollobrigida, brother-in-law of the Prime Minister and her Minister of Agriculture.

There are exceptions, as in Spain, where the Socialist Party is weathering opposition storm in Madrid and even won the largest share of the seats in the recent Catalonia regional election that saw, for the first time in over 10 years, the pro-independence parties collectively winning fewer seats than the other parties. In Britain, the Labour is all but assured of a rampaging return to power both at Westminster and in Holyrood, Edinburgh. But a catastrophic collapse of the Conservative Party may well trigger the rise of the extreme English right as a potent force in keeping up with its European Joneses, so to speak. Hopefully, what Tom Nairn called the ‘English enigma,’ to describe England’s historical indifference to nationalism, would not be fatally imperilled.

America is another story where seething social discontents are tearing apart the country’s, and the world’s oldest, democratic institutions. Adding insult to injury, Michael Johnson, the Republican Speaker of the House of Representatives, the third in the line of succession after the President and the Vice President, led a posse of Republicans and showed up last week in a Manhattan court room 200 km away from the capital, to show support to Donald Trump who is on trial in a criminal case involving his alleged hush-money payment to cover up his sexual dalliance with a porn star. The criminality is not about sex or even the payment, but about violating the election law and undermining election integrity by conspiring and suppressing negative information about himself from the public during the 2016 presidential election.

Of all the multiple indictments that Trump is facing, the porn star sex scandal is the least politically significant, but the only one that has been able to proceed to trial. All the other and far more serious indictments are mired in legal wrangling and judicial delays. The most heinous of them, Trump’s instigation of an insurrection in Washington on January 6, 2021, to overturn Biden’s election, is being held up at the Supreme Court until the Conservative Justices make up their mind about what one of them said would be “a ruling for the ages!” Hardcore Republicans believe that Trump is being unfairly subjected to politicized prosecution that they would expect to see only in third world countries. The Republicans who should know better, like Speaker Johnson, have jettisoned all political scruples and are supporting Trump to avoid falling foul of his rabid followers.

New India

In most third world countries, no political party would have someone like Trump as its presidential candidate. And against a candidate like Trump, an incumbent like Biden would not have to even campaign. But in America the race between them is close, thanks to the electoral college system that stymies the popular vote. Biden’s domestic record is exemplary – in restoring presidential stability after four years of Trump’s havoc; revamping the economy to becoming the only stable economy in the western world; and in implementing the largest slew of progressive and social welfare measures in 60 years – after Lyndon Johnson’s Great Society. Yet he is in a close race because of the social divisions that are frozen along party lines.

Biden’s Achilles heel is outside America. In Gaza and now potentially in Ukraine. Senator Bernie Sanders, a veteran of the 1968 antiwar protests and a progressive Democratic presidential contender in 2016 and 2020, has warned that Gaza could be Biden’s Vietnam, not because the two are comparable but because of their comparable political implications in an election year. As in 1968, when Nixon won the election promising peace in Vietnam.

In stopping arms shipment to Israel, Biden has gone farther than any President after Reagan. But that is not enough to stop pro-Palestinian student protesters in over 130 US campuses. Not enough either to mitigate US’s total isolation from the rest of the world on the Palestinian question. In The recent UN General Assembly vote to give Palestinians full membership status, received overwhelming support from 143 countries. The US was one of nine including Israel voting against the resolution.

Unlike western incumbent leaders, Prime Minister Modi has no problem about returning to power for a third term in India. The elections are now well past the halfway mark and the remaining contests are mostly in the northern states along with West Bengal and Maharashtra. Modi’s and the BJP’s problem is whether the BJP alliance will retain or exceed the 2019 tally of 353 seats (BJP alone got 303 seats). Modi started the election campaign with the call to get 400+ seats. The rhetoric has since been pegged back following indications of lower voter turnout compared to 2019. And the rhetoric has been switched to attack the Muslims to energize the subaltern Hindu vote in the Hindi belt areas that gave the BJP most of its seats in the last election.

What Modi has in common with many populist leaders in the west is in demonizing the elites and the secular and liberal traditions in politics. He targets the Congress elites of the past with studied vengeance. He is also aggressive in suppressing dissent and organizing media attacks, government investigations and defamation suits against those who oppose him. He has publicly boasted that the new India will reach out and kill its enemies even in their homes.

The statement is widely believed to be a reference to Modi government’s alleged attempts to silence Sikh activists involved in the Khalistan movement abroad. Notably so in the US and in Canada, where Indian emigrants with alleged connections to the Indian government are facing criminal indictments over murder and attempted murder charges. Prime Minister Modi could have won a third term without any of this, and India would still be a growing economic power by virtue of its population size and natural endowments. What role would the election results have in influencing the Modi government to rethink its ways is the question now. We have less than a month to find out.

Sri Lankan Anniversaries

Sri Lanka has a few months to go before its tryst with elections. Meanwhile, the month of May has two anniversaries that are three days apart. One marks the birth of the Republic of Sri Lanka and the adoption of the First Republican Constitution. Hence the First Republic, in Gaullist chronology. That was on May 22nd in 1972. The First Republic and its Constitution are widely believed to have been the principal cause of Tamil political alienation and the birth of Tamil separatism in Sri Lanka.

The state’s response over the next 10 to 15 years and the violent Tamil rejoinder led to many killings, a whole pogrom and a long drawn out war that pitted the Sri Lankan army against the LTTE. The war ended with the defeat of the LTTE on May 19, 2009. That is the second anniversary, and it marks an event that occurred 37 years after the First Republic was born and 31 years after it had been superseded by the Second Republic with its own Constitution in 1978.

There is no official or public commemoration of the May 22 anniversary that falls on Wednesday next week. The end of the war anniversary, on the other hand, is variously and even controversially commemorated on two different dates within Sri Lanka, and in the Tamil diaspora universe even involving foreign governments. The end of the war anniversaries have become the continuation of the war by peaceful means. One would hope that they remain peaceful forever and are not influenced or infected by the raw shenanigans such as allegedly involving the current Indian government and Khalistan Sikhs.

On the other hand, even though the anniversary of the First Republic and its Constitution is now unhonoured and unsung, the political changes and consequences that flowed from them have significant implications even today, 52 years later. One of those implications has been the never-ending preoccupation with constitutional politics. The 1972 Constitution carried in its womb the seeds of its own undoing and was totally repudiated and wholly replaced by a new constitution in 1978.

The 1978 Constitution introduced the executive presidential system that undermined the parliamentary system that was in force and put Sri Lanka on an uncharted constitutional path. Forty six years and 21 amendments later, the Sri Lankan Constitution is still a massive political bone of contention. How much of an issue would, or should, it be in the upcoming presidential election?



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Combining local resources,traditional knowledge and science to build a food-secure Sri Lanka

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World Food Day 2026: Innovating today for a better food future

by Dr. Kaushalya Wijayasekara

What will be on the Sri Lankan dinner table ten years from now? Will our children be able to get nutritious food at a price their families can afford? Will farmers be able to grow enough despite changing weather and rising costs? And how much of the food we produce will actually reach the consumer, instead of being lost or wasted along the way?

These questions can’t wait. A farmer faces unpredictable weather. A family faces rising food costs. Fruit goes unsold after a good harvest. Some children do not get enough nutrition. The future of food is tied to the future of Sri Lanka itself.

World Food Day 2026 is a chance to look beyond the immediate problems and ask whether we can build a food system that feeds our people well, gives farmers better opportunities, protects the environment and makes better use of what we already have. The answer can be yes, but we will have to think differently.

We are not starting from zero. Sri Lanka has diverse crops, fisheries, traditional food knowledge, indigenous varieties, research institutions, universities and a young generation able to create new solutions. What we need is to bring these together and act. Producing more will not secure our food future on its own. It will depend on how intelligently we produce, process, preserve, distribute and consume food.

Making more of what we already have

Innovation does not always mean inventing something new. Often it means finding better uses for the resources we have.

Sri Lanka grows traditional rice varieties, kurakkan, green gram, cowpea, jackfruit, breadfruit, cassava, sweet potato, coconut and palmyrah. All of them have great potential for modern, nutritious, value-added foods. Jackfruit and breadfruit can be made into flour and other convenient products. Traditional rice varieties can go into new foods that suit changing consumer needs. Palmyrah, with its strong cultural heritage, can create new income through better processing, packaging, quality assurance and market development.

The aim is to connect our traditional food knowledge with modern consumer needs and technology, while keeping our food heritage.

Stop wasting the food we produce

Reducing food loss and waste should be a major priority. Seasonal fruits such as mango, banana, papaya and pineapple can be lost in large quantities when production exceeds demand or when storage, transport and processing facilities are inadequate. With suitable technology, these fruits can become dried products, pulps, powders, beverages and other shelf-stable foods.

Agricultural and fisheries by-products are resources too. They could be turned into food ingredients, animal feed, bio-based products and other useful materials, which would move us toward a more circular food economy.

Technology alone is not enough. We need stronger local processing facilities, cold storage, efficient transport, collection centres and market information systems, especially close to where food is produced. Cutting food loss raises the value of what our farmers and fishers already produce.

Nutrition and food safety come first

Food security means more than having enough food. People also need food that is safe and nutritious.

Sri Lanka can develop affordable, nutritious foods from local pulses, grains, vegetables, fruits and fish. Children and other vulnerable groups should get particular attention. Schoolchildren in particular deserve a focus: safe, nutritious, locally sourced products for school feeding programs would support child nutrition, local farmers and domestic food industries at the same time.

Food safety must stay at the centre of food innovation. Good hygiene, quality control, laboratory testing, traceability and appropriate food safety systems are what make new products safe as well as attractive and nutritious.

A food system that can cope with climate change

Climate change is already affecting agricultural production, water availability, crop yields and food prices. We need food systems that can handle changing conditions. That means climate-resilient crops, efficient water use, soil and water conservation, better storage and resource-efficient food processing.

Traditional knowledge matters here. Generations of Sri Lankan farmers have developed practices suited to local climates and ecosystems. Combining that experience with modern science can give us solutions that fit local conditions and are sustainable. Technology alone will not build the future of food. Science, experience and local knowledge together can.

Give young people a bigger role

Sri Lanka’s universities have an important part to play in shaping our food future. Young people should be encouraged to identify real problems in the food system and work on practical solutions in areas such as food waste, sustainable packaging, nutrition, food safety, modernising traditional foods and digital technologies.

A good research project should not always end as a research paper. Where appropriate, research should be supported to move on to products, technologies, enterprises and community solutions. That needs stronger partnerships between universities and industry, along with mentoring, research funding, business support and market connections. If young researchers and entrepreneurs can turn their ideas into viable food innovations, both consumers and producers will benefit.

A pathway designed for Sri Lanka

We do not need to copy food-system models from other countries. We can build a pathway that suits our own resources, culture and needs. It would bring together local resources, traditional knowledge, scientific research, appropriate technology and entrepreneurship, with farmers, fishers, universities, research institutions, food industries, entrepreneurs and policymakers working side by side.

The goal goes beyond selling raw materials. We need to create more value, reduce waste, improve nutrition, generate jobs and strengthen rural livelihoods. This matters especially for small and medium-scale food enterprises, which can drive local economic development when they get the right technical, financial and market support.

The choices we make today

The food future will not create itself. It will be shaped by what we grow, what we research, what we process, what we consume and what we choose not to waste.

So, the question for World Food Day 2026 is this: what can we do today so that every Sri Lankan has safe, nutritious, affordable and sustainable food tomorrow?

The answers are already around us, in our farms, fisheries, food businesses, universities, laboratories and communities. We have the resources, the traditional knowledge, the scientific expertise and talented young people. What we need now is to connect them and act.

A better food future begins with the choices we make today.

Dr. Kaushalya Wijayasekara

Senior Lecturer, Department of Biosystems Technology, Faculty of Technology, University of Ruhuna

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20th Anniversary of Digampathana blast – the day Sri Lanka Navy cried

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Aftermath of the terror attack

By Admiral Ravindra C Wijegunaratne
WV, RWP and Bar, RSP, VSV, USP, NI (M) (Pakistan), ndc, psn, Bsc
(Hons) (War Studies) (Karachi) MPhil (Madras)
Former Navy Commander and Former Chief of Defence Staff
Former Chairman, Trincomalee Petroleum Terminals Ltd
Former Managing Director Ceylon Petroleum Corporation
Former High Commissioner to Pakistan

The Digampathana suicide truck attack on 16th October 2006 remains the deadliest single strike in Sri Lanka Navy history, leaving scars that time cannot erase.

It was a seemingly ordinary Monday morning on 16 October 2006, but the calm of that day would soon be shattered in a way none of us could have imagined. As the Commandant of the Naval and Maritime Academy and Flag Officer Commanding Naval Fleet at Trincomalee, I was aware that a number of my cadets were travelling that morning, part of a convoy of fifteen buses carrying naval personnel from Trincomalee, Colombo, and other bases, heading toward Dambulla to rendezvous with another group. The convoy also included trucks and escort vehicles, a routine movement planned and coordinated with the army to ensure the roads were clear. The morning started quietly. Some personnel greeted friends, handed over their weapons, or strolled to a nearby tea shop. It all seemed so ordinary—too ordinary for what would come next.

Sri Lanka Navy sunk LTTE Ships carrying arms, ammunition and warlike materials thousand miles away from Sri Lanka in Indian Ocean in September and October 2007.

By late morning, both convoys had reached the small ground at Digampathana, near the Sigiriya junction, and personnel mingled briefly, unaware that a carefully orchestrated act of terror was waiting. Then, suddenly, an empty half-truck veered directly into the convoy. It exploded with a ferocity I can still recall as if it were yesterday. Nuts, bolts, and high explosives tore through the air. Pandemonium erupted instantly. I later learned that 107 of our naval personnel were killed on the spot and another 153 critically injured. The scene was indescribable—bodies scattered, vehicles mangled, personal effects strewn across the ground. I remember later hearing that the head of the suicide bomber was recovered more than 100 meters away from the blast, a grim testament to the sheer force of the explosion.

I was in my office at the Naval and Maritime Academy when my mobile phone rang. A young midshipman from the 21st intake called, his voice trembling: “Sir, there was a huge explosion at the convoy point! Many are dead … my batch mate Wijesundara is among them.” I immediately jumped into my jeep with my escort Chief Petty Officer and driver and rushed to Digampathana, relying on every ounce of my driving skill to reach the scene. The journey, which usually took little more than an hour, felt endless that day, each passing mile weighed down by dread.

When I arrived, I was confronted with a sight that no training can prepare you for. The injured were being rushed to Dambulla Hospital, where doctors and nurses worked tirelessly, improvising in ways that saved lives despite the overwhelming chaos. I went back to the site after visiting the hospital. The remains of our naval personnel were scattered across the ground, and someone had begun collecting weapons and protective gear. I immediately contacted Surgeon Rear Admiral Nico Jayasekara and received his instructions: collect all body parts in separate bags and transport them to the Trincomalee Naval Hospital mortuary. This gruesome work had to be done with care and dignity, and it filled the icebox in my vehicle. Through DNA testing initiated by Rear Admiral Nico, we were able to identify every naval personnel lost that day, bringing some closure to grieving families.

The Navy Commander at the time, Vice Admiral Wasantha Karannagoda, was devastated. I had worked closely with him and knew how deeply he cared for his men. He ensured that the fallen were honoured with full ceremonial naval funerals at Welisara Naval Base, attended by families and comrades. Sixty-seven funerals were conducted in a single day—a number that still haunts me.

The Digampathana attack remains the largest single loss of naval life in our history. It was a day of sorrow, but also a day that reinforced our resolve. The tragedy galvanized the Navy to target the LTTE Sea Tiger wing with renewed determination and reshaped our maritime operations forever. Every time I think of that day, I remember not just the lives lost, but the courage, professionalism, and dedication of those who survived, those who treated the injured, and those who ensured the fallen were honored properly. May the souls of our naval hero’s rest in peace, their sacrifice guiding us and inspiring generations of naval personnel to come.

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‘Murder at Whitby Abbey’

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Tales of Mystery and Suspense – 24

I was intrigued by the title of a book I found in a book drop at the condominium of a friend, Murder at Whitby Abbey, and I brought it home with me though I will not be able to return it in the near future. It was described on the cover page as ‘a standout in the crowded medieval mystery field’, though I fear I do not know of other books in this field, apart from the Cadfael series, which I have dealt with earlier.

The book, by Cassandra Clark, is set during the reign of Richard II and has as a backdrop his precarious position, which led to his being replaced, and murdered, by his cousin Henry, who reigned as Henry IV. It is a gloomy book, the action taking place in the twelve days of Christmas leading up to the Epiphany. And the gloom is pervasive, even though this is supposed to be a time of festivity, with mummers performing, and many of those in the guest house where the heroine stays going to town to enjoy themselves, with much drinking and much music, which also fills the guesthouse.

The heroine Hildegarde is a nun, sent to try to acquire a relic being sold by Whitby Abbey, though this was also a penance set by the Abbot of the monastery that governed her abbess because she had had sex with a man. Soon after she and her companions reach the Abbey set high on a cliff, she finds that there are other bidders, and soon suspects that the hierarchy, not perhaps the Abbot who seems a weakling, but his rapacious bursar, is determined to make money, and not above creating false relics to sell to several aspirants.

After Hildegarde and her Cistercian companions – Whitby is a Benedictine Foundation – two monks, Gregory and Egbert, and a young priest Mark, reach the abbey, they find that Aelwyn, a monk they had met on their way to the guesthouse had died. This was in the apple store, and they realize, when they find the surplices of novices stuffed into the air vents, that he had been left to suffocate in the overwhelming scent of apples.

Clark

The Cistercians are asked to look into the death, perhaps because they are likely to get no cooperation from the Abbey folk, but perhaps because those in charge are keen to know what happened. And the infirmarer, an old monk, suggests Hildegarde talk to a man called Edred who worked for the bursar, and had been a friend of Aelwyn’s. But Edred too is killed, before he can keep an appointment he had made with Hildegarde, drowned in a pool near the farmhouse of the Abbey.

Meanwhile tensions arise between the fisherfolk and the abbey for the bursar wants to charge them for using the beach that technically belongs to the abbey to dry their fish and their nets. This leads to physical battles, when the guards used by the abbey, under the command it seems of the bursar whose determination to make money is not resisted by the abbot and the prior, try to storm the area where the fishermen live.

Hildegard finds out more about what had happened through two youngsters, one of whom Torold is the son of Aelwyn by a woman who worked as a prostitute for a cartel, and with whom Mark fell in love. The other works on the farm and had seen Edred meet someone near the pool, after which that someone left the place by himself. And the boy had also found in the pool a sort of dagger with the seal of the abbey.

He and his dog, and Torold who follows her, rescue Hildegarde from a man at arms who has waylaid her and tries to rape her earlier. Escaping into the abbey she was nearly been raped then by the bursar, but she managed to escape, in the process setting fire to him and the muniments room, which led, when he was rescued, to the discovery of a box with the money he said had been stolen, blame being cast on both Aelwyn and Edred.

Matters come to a head when the fisherfolk try to storm the abbey, being resisted by the men at arms stationed on the towers. But then Hildegarde realizes that behind the murders was the bursar’s clerk, whom she pursued to the cathedral. There is great drama then as she escapes from him when he tries to kill her, and then from the man at arms who had tried to both rape and kill her, but they both fall from the scaffolding she had climbed, the latter coming from a tower where he had been stationed.

Both of them think they run the rapacity of the abbey, the latter claiming to work for the nobles opposed to Richard, who is presented throughout the book as devoted to his subjects, not to power or money. But though the villains die, the bursar continues, having got over the hysteria the fire had caused and his acknowledgment then of guilt – and though the abbot and the prior seem less vicious, whether they will be able to assert themselves is questionable.

Before the climax, when the others in the guesthouse were leaving, Hildegarde found that two of them were in possession of the relic, for which they seem to have paid well. Hildegarde herself had made a derisory offer, but before she leaves the abbot gives her the relic, perhaps in gratitude for what she and her fellow Cistercians had discovered, the abbey having made as much money as it needed and more from the gullible other buyers.

Mark’s inamorata is saved from the stews because she moves in with Edred’s widow whom the bursar had thrown out of the rooms he occupied when her husband was found dead. Hildegarde had paid for lodgings, in a house run by the man who ran the brothels, but he had a kindly side and was going to finance them to make nets for the fishermen.

So, the Cistercians set off for their home as swiftly as they can to get there on the day of the Epiphany, having stopped en route to pray for King Richard whose birthday it was.

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