Features
2024: An election year and global trends
In the global political landscape of 2024, Reuters provides a comprehensive overview of key elections shaping the economic and geopolitical landscape across diverse regions. From Europe, where the rise of Eurosceptic far-right parties poses challenges to the European Union’s integration, to Russia, where Vladimir Putin is set for another term amid heightened tensions with the West, the report navigates through critical elections in Turkey, India, Mexico, South Africa, the United States, Britain, and Venezuela. The analysis underscores the potential market risks associated with each election, ranging from currency fluctuations, inflation and government bond concerns to geopolitical ramifications affecting international relations. As voters cast their ballots, the Reuters brief illuminates the intricate intersections of politics and economics, offering valuable insights into the potential trajectories of these nations and their impact on the global stage.
To evaluate the potential impact of these global elections on Sri Lanka’s upcoming political landscape, it is imperative to delve into the economic trajectories pursued by the primary political entities participating in the elections. Contrary to past practices where Presidential elections took precedence, there are speculations that the impending general elections will precede other electoral events. Four predominant political forces have emerged on the forefront, namely the United National Party (UNP), Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP), Samagi Jana Balavegaya (SJB), and Jathika Jana Balavegaya (JJB). Each of these forces holds distinct economic policies and visions, making a thorough comprehension of their respective stances crucial for anticipating the potential repercussions on Sri Lanka’s political and economic landscape.
A slight distinction exists between the United National Party (UNP) and the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP), with their current collaborative governance with shared portfolios and a lack of overt contradictions. Both parties, led by experienced leaders, advocate for similar economic policies, although the SLPP adopts a nationalistic facade. Notably, the key disparity lies in the SLPP’s adeptness in making emotional appeals, strategically leveraging Sinhala votes and invoking a sense of ultra-nationalism. In contrast, the UNP, under Ranil’s leadership, takes the lead in courting minority votes. The intricate dynamics of emotional appeals and voting strategies distinguish the UNP and SLPP in the current political landscape. While the Samagi Jana Balavegaya (SJB) aligns closely with these economic management policies, all three forces, UNP, SLPP and SJB reflect a broader right or center-right outlook.
In a departure from traditional approaches, the Jathika Jana Balavegaya (JJB) stands on its head when expressing a willingness to collaborate with the IMF. Their ideological outlook tilts towards the center-left, rather than the extreme left, despite the significant influence of the Marxist JVP within the coalition. Although their differences from other political entities have diminished, a distinctive feature remains their limited administrative experience, having not governed beyond the council level.
Consequently, voters are likely to prioritize candidates with a proven track record of minimal corruption and a strong focus on effective economic management. Thus, the hands-on experience of candidates is expected to carry considerable weight in the eyes of the electorate.
Source: Reuters
Europe: Elections are scheduled in Portugal, Belgium, European Parliament, Croatia, Romania, and Austria. According to analysts, Eurosceptic far-right parties are gaining momentum, potentially impacting the European Union’s legislative decisions. Market risks include potential effects on Italian stocks and bonds if eurosceptic parties gain influence, affecting European integration.
Russia: Presidential election is scheduled on March 17, with Vladimir Putin expected to secure another term. Putin’s stance on the war in Ukraine may influence international market sentiment. Potential risks include Western governments considering seizing frozen Russian assets, leading to retaliatory measures from Russia.

Turkey: Local elections are scheduled on March 31. Economic reforms have started to attract international investors, but concerns exist about a weak Lira (Turkish currency), and high inflation. Potential risks include political uncertainty, given President Erdogan’s history of personnel changes in economic positions.
India: National elections are expected in April-May (exact date to be confirmed). Narendra Modi expected to win a third term, with potential market risks related to persistent inflation and fiscal policies.
Mexico: Presidential election is scheduled on June 2, involving a full Congress reshuffle. Incumbent party (Morena) and its candidate have a double-digit lead, but increased spending could impact the Peso (Mexican currency) and government bonds.
South Africa: Elections are scheduled between May and August 2024 (exact date to be confirmed). Ruling African National Congress faces challenges, and economic issues may lead to a coalition government. Market risks include concerns about debt levels, social spending, and currency weakness.
United States: Presidential election is scheduled on November 5, with predictions of a Trump-Biden rematch. Potential market risks include social unrest, impacts on consumer sentiment, and currency fluctuations based on election probabilities.
Britain: Elections are expected by the end of 2024. Labour party leading in polls, potential risks related to economic stagnation, fiscal policies, and changes in planning rules.

Venezuela: Presidential election is expected in 2024 (exact date to be confirmed). Incumbent Maduro has an advantage, but potential market risks include U.S. sanctions, debt restructuring, and the impact on Venezuelan stocks and bonds.
The outcomes of these elections are poised to unleash a political storm, characterized by a wind of right or center-right ideologies. This impending wave of political change is anticipated to exert influence not only on the economies, policies, and international relations of the respective countries but also on the broader geopolitical landscape. As investors and markets keenly observe these global events, the potential shifts in political landscapes and policy directions are likely to reverberate, significantly impacting the political situation in Sri Lanka and nudging it more towards a center-right position, diminishing chances for leftist politics.
Impact of IMF’s stand
The International Monetary Fund’s (IMF) assessment and recommendations for Sri Lanka’s economic recovery hold significant implications for the country’s upcoming elections. The $2.9 billion bailout loan agreement from the IMF signals a step towards recovery from Sri Lanka’s worst financial crisis in decades. However, the IMF emphasizes the need for the swift finalization of agreements with official lenders and a resolution with external private creditors.
As Sri Lanka navigates economic challenges, including the introduction of a progressive property tax and VAT adjustments, these measures could become central issues in the electoral landscape. The IMF’s call for fair burden-sharing, sustainable reforms, and strengthened tax administration underscores the importance of fiscal policies that directly impact citizens.
Sri Lanka’s ability to stay the course on economic reforms will not only impact its financial stability but could also play a pivotal role in the broader narrative of political leadership and governance during the elections.
Cost of living
Sri Lanka’s consumer price inflation rate rising to 4.2% year-on-year in December, driven by increasing food prices, can have several impacts on the upcoming elections. The inflationary pressures, particularly in food prices, may contribute to economic anxieties among voters. The government’s decision to raise the value-added tax (VAT) to 18% from 15% to meet revenue targets could become a contentious issue. The decision of the central bank to leave key policy rates (SDFR 9% and SLFR 10%) unchanged is significant and may be a point of discussion in the electoral context, with voters assessing the government’s economic strategies and the effectiveness of monetary policy in controlling inflation.
Conclusions
To assess the potential impact of global elections on Sri Lanka’s forthcoming political landscape, an exploration into the economic trajectories of key political entities becomes imperative. Unlike past practices where Presidential elections took precedence, speculation surrounds the prioritization of impending general elections. Four prominent political forces—UNP, SLPP, SJB, and JJB—emerge as influential players, each harboring very similar economic policies and visions. UNP and SLPP have a subtle difference, and SJB closely follows their economic policies, collectively reflecting a broader right or center-right outlook.
In a paradigm shift, the JJB, expressing a willingness to collaborate with the IMF, stands on its head ideologically, leaning towards center-left despite the Marxist JVP’s significant influence. Despite diminished differences with other entities, their limited administrative experience remains a distinct disadvantage.
Potential market risks associated with worldwide elections, spanning currency fluctuations, government bonds, inflation, and geopolitical ramifications, underscore the intricate connections between global politics and economics. The IMF’s bailout signals a recovery path, with an emphasis on finalizing agreements and addressing private creditor issues becoming pivotal. Government commitment to fiscal reforms, including a progressive property tax and VAT adjustments, shapes electoral discourse.
Central themes of economic concerns, policy decisions, and inflation debates take center stage, with voters scrutinizing the government’s economic management. The Central Bank’s role and recovery narratives add layers to the discussion, emphasizing the intricate relationship between economic indicators and political outcomes.
Finally, voter priorities should be in favour of candidates with a corruption-free track record and a focus on effective economic management.
(The writer, a senior Chartered Accountant and professional banker, is Professor at SLIIT University, Malabe. He is also the author of the “Doing Social Research and Publishing Results”, a Springer publication (Singapore), and “Samaja Gaveshakaya (in Sinhala). The views and opinions expressed in this article are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the institution he works for. He can be contacted at saliya.a@slit.lk and www.researcher.com)
Features
Dilemmas of ‘hurting economies’ – the case of Sri Lanka
Maldives President Dr. Mohamed Muizzu was in Sri Lanka recently on what was apparently a goodwill visit and this event, no doubt, bodes very well for Maldives-Sri Lanka relations. Besides, the visit would go some distance in strengthening Sri Lanka’s claims to Non-Alignment.
However, the commentator on regional politics could be accused of simplistic thinking if he/she glosses over or ignores the regional politics nuances or undertones of the Maldivian President’s visit. In Sri Lanka we currently have a government which is eager to solidify its bridges, so to speak, with China and which, given the chance, would be courting increasingly close relations with Russia. In other words, the NPP government is likely to see itself as a ‘natural ally’ of the East and would prefer to distance itself to the extent possible from the West, if that is a realistic proposition.
Given the foregoing backdrop, it would be in some of the NPP regime’s best interests to be on cordial terms with the Maldives which is a close ally of China in the South Asian region. However, the NPP government, given the utter financial helplessness of Sri Lanka, cannot afford to distance itself politically and diplomatically from India and the West. Sheer economic necessity compels Sri Lanka to adopt this foreign policy stance. In other words, the latter has no choice but to be ‘Non-Aligned.’
This columnist was led to the above observations on listening to a lucid and comprehensive presentation titled, ‘A Global Economy in the Shadow of the Iran War and implications for Sri Lanka’s debt recovery’, by Dr. Ganeshan Wignaraja, Visiting Senior Fellow, ODI Global London, at the Regional Centre for Strategic Studies (RCSS), Colombo on May 4th. The forum, RCSS Strategic Dialogue – 4, was moderated and presided over by RCSS Executive Director Ambassador (retd) Ravinatha Aryasinha.
The forum brought together a wide cross section of society, including diplomatic personnel, academicians, public and private sector personalities and the media. After the presentation a very lively and informative Q&A followed.
Ambassador Aryasinha at the outset set an appropriate backdrop to the presentation and discussion by stressing ‘the increasing interconnectedness of geopolitical and economic developments, noting how disruptions in the Middle East could have significant ramifications for global markets, trade flows, energy prices and broader economic stability, including Sri Lanka.’
Indeed, there are occurring currently very disruptive economic and material consequences for the world from ‘the Iran War’, and with US-Iran hostilities spiraling in West Asia it may not be wrong to surmise that the worst could be yet to come, unless a peace process materializes in earnest.
Meanwhile, ‘hurting countries’ such as Sri Lanka would need to summon their best economic management capabilities to remain materially and economically afloat. ‘Economic transformation’ is what is urgently needed and not mere management and some of the insights thrown up by Dr. Ganeshan Wignaraja should have the local polity thinking.
There was the following observation, for instance: ‘Sri Lanka has achieved remarkable cyclical stabilization but faces critical challenges in transitioning to transformative growth, with 2027-2028 debt repayments looming and only $5.4 billion usable reserves.’
Needless to say, the path ahead to ‘transformative growth’ for Sri Lanka is strewn with multiple challenges and meeting them effectively is of the first importance. Sri Lanka must soldier on towards even a semblance of development in the short and medium terms and such initiatives cannot be separated from its foreign policy choices since the country’s economic partners and their growth prowess have a close bearing on the country’s material fortunes.
As mentioned, Sri Lanka will be compelled to be ‘a friend of all countries and an enemy of none’ going forward but it cannot afford to be seen as cultivating China as a close growth partner at the expense of India and other major economies of the region.
This is primarily because while India is remaining a major economic power, the current West Asian crisis notwithstanding, China’s economy is being seen as ‘slowing’. Dr. Wignaraja singled out the following in the main as the factors causing this slow-down: a bursting property bubble, increasing state regulation, and weakening investor confidence. Besides, the speaker sees production cycles moving away from China and India replacing China and Hong Kong as ‘manufacturing hubs’.
Accordingly, the NPP regime in Sri Lanka would need to craft its regional policy in particular with the utmost far-sightedness. It will need to have close economic links with all the growth centres that matter.
On the question of authentic economic transformation, the following observations of Dr. Wignaraja on Sri Lanka’s economy are of the first importance as well: ‘Foreign reserves are now at $ 5.4 billion, the cost of living is high, an estimated 20 per cent of the population lives below the poverty line of $ 3.65 per day, the recent cyber security breach at the Treasury would affect some 10 payments.’ These factors were termed ‘critical vulnerabilities’.
It is difficult to conceive of an economic transformation worthy of the phrase minus a steady economic empowerment of the populace. The above data point to the considerable magnitude of the local poverty problem. Right now, the disruptive effects of the West Asian crisis render swift poverty alleviation a most difficult proposition.
One possible way out of the present economic debacle is the forging of a national consensus by the present government on all outstanding problems that have been bedeviling the country’s advancement. That is, there needs to be a meeting of minds across current political divides. Considering the present inflammatory political polarities in Sri Lanka this would prove an insurmountable challenge.
Unfortunately, conscience-filled and civic minded sections in Sri Lanka have chosen to be laid back rather than seize the initiative, come centre stage and impress on politicians the need for enlightened governance and progressive change. There needs to be a historic coming together of the right thinking to ensure that the best interests of the people and of the people only are served by governments. In the absence of such a process, might would be projected as right and brute force would come to increasingly rule politics and society.
Features
Australia funds project to restore climate-resilient vegetable livelihoods in cyclone-affected highlands
The Ministry of Agriculture, Livestock, Lands and Irrigation, the Government of Australia, and the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) have launched of a AUD 2 million (USD 1.4 million) recovery initiative to restore and transform vegetable production systems in the cyclone-affected districts of Nuwara Eliya and Badulla.
The FAO said yesterday (5) that the agreement was formalized through the signing of the grant agreement by Matthew Duckworth, Australian High Commissioner to Sri Lanka, and Vimlendra Sharan, FAO Representative for Sri Lanka and the Maldives, alongside the signing of the project document by D. P. Wickramasinghe, Secretary of Agriculture.
Cyclone Ditwah, which struck Sri Lanka in November 2025, caused widespread devastation across the country, severely disrupting agricultural production systems and livelihoods. The highland districts of Nuwara Eliya and Badulla, key suppliers of vegetables such as beans, carrots, leeks, cabbage, tomato and potato, were among the hardest hit, with thousands of smallholder farmers losing crops, seed stocks, and productive assets.
This 12-month initiative aims torestore and strengthen climate-resilient vegetable production systems, with a strong focus on empowering women farmers and supporting persons with disabilities. The project will directly benefit more than 2,400 smallholder farmers, through improved seed and seedling production systems, small machinery, training, and market linkages while indirectly supporting thousands more.
“This initiative is an important step not only in restoring what was lost, but in building a more resilient and self-reliant agricultural sector,” said Minister Lal Kantha. “By strengthening local seed systems and supporting smallholder farmers, particularly women and vulnerable groups, we are investing in the long-term sustainability of Sri Lanka’s food systems.”
“Australia stands alongside Sri Lanka in its ongoing recovery from Cyclone Ditwah,” said High Commissioner Duckworth. “Australia is a steadfast partner in the agriculture sector with its importance for food security, rural development and climate resilience. By focusing on climate smart practices, farmer-led solutions and inclusive economic opportunities, this project will deliver meaningful and lasting benefits to affected communities.
The project will prioritize the restoration of farmer-led seed systems for beans and potatoes, support the re-establishment of both open-field and protected cultivation systems and women led seedling supply nurseries while empowering all farmers with Climate-Smart Good Agricultural Practices (CSGAP) with small scale machinery and input support.
A key feature of the initiative is the establishment of six accessible and inclusive nurseries in Nuwara Eliya and Badulla. These nurseries will serve as sustainable agri-based enterprises, producing high-quality vegetable seedlings while creating new income opportunities and strengthening local input supply chains.
By combining recovery support with long-term resilience measures, the project will help stabilize vegetable production, improve household food security and nutrition, and reduce reliance on imported seeds.
Features
War on Iran may hasten unraveling of New World Order
It took several decades for the US to realise it was losing the war in Vietnam. It took a bit shorter time in Afghanistan. And what is happening in the countries the US and Israel intervened and broke up? The US has been asked to leave Iraq. Syria is talking to Russia about establishing military bases, President al-Sharaa met with Vladimir Putin in Moscow to discuss the project, which is vital for Russian power projection in the Middle East. Libya has been divided into two competing administrative units with the Eastern section actively engaged with Russia in defence matters. The Sudanese government has finalised a 25-year deal to allow a Russian naval facility in the Red Sea in exchange for weapons, including anti-aircraft systems. On the Eastern side of the Red Sea, Yemen remains divided, with the main power center, the Houthis maintaining a staunchly anti-US, anti-Israel stance, while the internationally recognised government remains in exile.
When the Iranian Foreign Minister recently undertook a tour of Pakistan, Oman and Russia, the US wanted to meet him and got ready to send its negotiators Vice President J. D. Vance and his team to Pakistan, but Iranian FM snubbed them and left Pakistan, saying Iran did not want to talk to the US while a blockade of their ports were in place. The Iranian FM met President Putin, who congratulated Iran for courageously defending their country and then phoned US President Trump and told him further attacks on Iran would not be acceptable. During this conversation on April 27, 2026, Putin reportedly warned Trump that further U.S. or Israeli attacks on Iran would have dangerous consequences, according to Al Jazeera). Such a sequence of events would not have been possible in the unipolar world we had in the past.
Furthermore, the damage that Iran has inflicted on the US and Israel in this war would have been unimaginable in the late 20th Century and early 21st Century. Sixteen US military bases spread across Saudi Arabia, Qatar, UAE, Bahrain, Kuwait, Iraq, Jordan and Oman have been either destroyed or severely damaged. Advanced surveillance aircraft and radar systems worth more than $ 2.8 bn were destroyed. This had a far-reaching effect on the war as the US could not use these bases in the war against Iran and also in the defence of its allies in the Gulf.
The attacks on Israel have been equally damaging. In Central Israel and Tel Aviv area multiple attacks targeted military and intelligence assets, resulting in massive damage. Iranian missiles hit the Haifa oil refinery, causing a shutdown, and hit residential buildings, leading to injuries and structural damage. Residential and commercial areas were damaged in Bat Yam and Petah Tikva with significant casualties and destruction. Attacks in Dimona and Arad targeted the Negev Nuclear Research Center, with casualties reported in both towns. The Soroka Medical Center in Beersheba was hit in a strike. The strategic port and naval base in Eilat were targeted. In Rishon LeZion suburban residential areas suffered extensive damage.
Usually, Israel makes short work of its many enemies in the region, for example it took just six days to defeat the combined military of Egypt, Jordan and Syria in 1967 and grab their land as well. Hamas, Fatah and Palestinians would suffer ignominious defeats if they dare challenge Israel. However, the recent war against Hamas, following a daring wide scale invasion into Israel by Hamas in October 2023, went on for more than two years with no conclusive victory for Israel.
These significant massive military setbacks suffered by the combined forces of the US and Israel have been made possible by the unprecedented advancement in military technology achieved mainly by China and to a degree by Russia as well. Iran has been able to develop ballistic missile systems that could penetrate the “iron dome” that Israel boasted, with technological assistance from China and North Korea. Iran’s drones are very cheap yet very effective, requiring interceptors worth millions of dollars to counter them, thus making it much more costly for the US to fight this war than it is for Iran.
Further, Hezbollah in Lebanon, Houthies in Yemen and Hamas in Palestine are well equipped with advanced missiles and drones. Hezbollah has been able to destroy about hundred Israel tanks and stop their advance. According to Larry Johnson, former CIA intelligence analyst, Israel soldiers are much war weary and mentally affected and are being withdrawn. Netanyahu’s 40 year dream of a “Greater Israel” is telling on the poor soldiers.
If a person like Barack Obama had been the US President instead of the hyper egoistic, blustering, intellectually barren Trump, things may have been different. An attempt would have been made to reconcile with the fact that the world is changing, instead of trying to stop it and make “America Great Again”. Perhaps, it could be said that Trump is facilitating the emergence of the new world order by enabling the US citizens to see the reality, the futility of war and the fact that Israel is a liability because the US is fighting its war. Further, the war has enabled Iran to assert its place in the region and negotiate from a position of strength.
Perhaps, Israeli people may realise that the Palestine problem cannot be solved by militarily occupying their land, and that in a changing world a “Greater Israel” is a “pie in the sky”. They may have to agree to a two-state solution. US support may not always be forthcoming, certainly not at the level that Trump could extend, as this war is very unpopular and expensive. The other very significant fact is that Israeli settlers in the occupied lands feel insecure and one in three wants to leave and the numbers may grow when Palestinians and their sympathisers grow in strength in the new world order.
Moreover, the war on Iran has afforded China the opportunity to demonstrate with authority the fact that it stands for universal peace and does not tolerate illegal wars. Its message to the US conveyed its world view and its desire for peace in no uncertain terms. Trump cannot afford to disregard the Chinese position on the war on the eve of his visit to that country which may decide on future trade between the two countries as the US depends on China for several essential materials like rare earth minerals. Furthermore, China has shown that peace could be achieved by developing the economies of the underdeveloped countries irrespective of their alliances. It helps Iran as well as Saudi Arabia and try to build bridges between these foes. It welcomes Trump in the coming weeks and hopes to strengthen ties between the two countries despite the weaknesses of the latter.
Another important factor is the gradual decline of the critical value of the petro-dollar. Following the end of the gold standard in 1971, the US struck deals with Saudi Arabia and other OPEC nations (around 1974) to price oil exclusively in USD in exchange for military protection and arms sales. Dollars earned by selling oil came to be known as petro-dollar. Oil producers, holding large dollar surpluses, reinvest these funds in the US Treasury securities, real estate, and financial assets ensuring the recycling of petro-dollars. The system ensures a consistent global demand for US dollars, which helps fund the US budget deficit and maintains the currency’s dominance.
However, the petro-dollar system is on the decline and there are two main reasons for this, firstly the gradual rise of the new world order with organisations like BRICS, making a concerted effort to extricate from the dollar dominance by developing alternate currencies and methods to bypass the dollar. Secondly, the need felt by most countries to develop alternative energy sources to replace enormously harmful fossil fuel would eventually result in a decline in the demand for it and consequently the effectiveness of the petro-dollar. China is leading the world in both these endeavours; depolarisation process and renewable energy production. The war on Iran seems to have hastened the process of depolarisation as Iran insists that it will sell its oil for yuan only.
These revolutionary changes in the aftermath of the Iran war have their undeniable implications for the Global South, where more than 60% of the poor live.
by N. A. de S. Amaratunga
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