Features
Full implementation of 13A: Final solution to ‘national problem’ or end of unitary state? – Part VIII

by Kalyananda Tiranagama
Executive Director
Lawyers for Human Rights and Development
(Part VII of this article appeared on 04 Oct., 2023)
President Ranil Wickremesinghe has not been able to point out any benefit received by the people or any development activity carried out by any of the Provincial Councils for the welfare of the people in their provinces. This is what the President says in this connection:
‘‘Some individuals in our nation label provincial councils as ‘‘white elephants’’ due to these challenges. Yet, amid these limitations, provincial councils have significantly influenced Sri Lanka’s political trajectory. They have nurtured skilled political leaders and served as stepping stones to executive and parliamentary roles. Throughout history, numerous individuals who have embarked on their political journey as provincial council members have ascended to positions of power like executive presidency, premiership, cabinet membership, and other significant roles.’’
Other than nurturing and enriching some local politicians and their families and serving as stepping stones for them to enter national politics, what have the provincial councils done for the benefit of the people in their areas, to improve their living conditions, to address their grievances or to find solutions to their problems? Nothing.
Who are the skilled political leaders nurtured by Provincial Councils? What have they done for the people or the country with their skills and experience gathered at the provincial councils, other than wasting public funds and public property and enriching themselves through various deals? Perhaps, the President may not be able to answer these queries.
Other than from the politicians, there is no demand whatsoever from the people of any Provincial Council area for conducting Provincial Council elections though more than six years have elapsed since their dissolution by law. That is the best proof that the Provincial Councils have not served any useful purpose beneficial to the people in their views.
The Report of the Sub-committee on Centre – Periphery Relations recommends: (a) to do away with the Concurrent List and add the subjects to relevant Lists; (b) to repeal the rubric ‘National Policy on all Subjects and Functions from the Reserved List. (3) All Subjects and Functions not specified in any of the lists (provincial and reserved lists) should be the subject matter of the province;
This Report further states that ‘‘most of the subjects in the Concurrent List are legitimate functions to be in the ‘Provincial List. The existence of Centre Ministries such as Ministry of Rehabilitation, Social Services, Social Welfare, Women and Children, Indigenous Medicine, Disaster Relief and Agriculture has no justification, except under the wrap of Concurrent List and National Policy.
Law and Order and Police Powers: (a) Law and Order has to be the subject matter of the province. (b) Administration of Police should be through an Independent Provincial Police Commission (PPC) as in the Centre. The PPC could work in close collaboration with the National Police Commission on administrative matters. (c) The National Police can handle organized crimes, narcotics, terrorism etc.
The Sub-Committee’s Recommendation on Land Powers: (a) State land within a province should be the subject matter to be handled by the Province; (b) The State Land Commission should consist of equitable number of members representing the interests of the Centre as well as the provinces; (c) No decision of such institution can be imposed on any province without the consent of the representative of such Province.
As to how to give effect to these recommendations, the President has come out with his response in his Address to Parliament thus:
‘‘ I propose introducing several Bills to the Parliament and implementing series of new measures: a. Appointment of Divisional Secretaries.
b. Granting Authority to Provincial Councils for Education-related Services; This involves exercising all powers related to school education listed in Schedule 3 of the Provincial Councils List.
c. Establishment of Provincial Boards for Vocational and Technical Training Services;
d. Empowerment of Provincial Councils to Establish Universities
e. Authorization for Provincial Councils to Provide for Agricultural Innovation and Services.
f. Creation of Provincial Tourism Promotion Boards.
g. Amendment to the Industries Act to increase the limit for industries of national importance, the limit will be raised from Rs. 4 million to Rs. 250 million. If Parliament agrees, ready to elevate it to Rs. 500 million.
h. Establishment of District Development Councils: Develop a three-year Development Plan for each Provincial Council in alignment with Central Govt national policies. Integrate central govt development programs into this plan, customized to each jurisdiction. Execute this three-year plan via District Development Councils and entrust its implementation to Provincial Councils.
Formulate a legal framework wherein MPs, Members of PCs and local govt bodies representing each district can collaborate effectively in this endeavour.
There can be no doubt that the President is planning to give effect to the proposals in the Report of the Sub-committee on Centre – Periphery Relations through this process.
In this speech he has taken care not to mention anything about the Northern and Eastern Provinces or the Tamil national question, so as not to unnecessarily stir up hornets’ nests.
While introducing Bills in Parliament dealing with different subjects where necessary, he may deal with most of the matters through administrative measures using his Executive Power as the President as he has already done in the case of state lands coming under the Departments of Archaeology, Forest and Wild Life.
Though there is no transfer of decentralized powers to the Central Government with the participation of provincial councils in the formulation of national policies on matters within the Provincial List as stated by him, it will certainly result in transferring powers of the Central Government to the provincial councils not only on matters within the Provincial List, but also on matters in the National List.
When this process is completed, Provincial Councils will become fully autonomous bodies effectively exercising all the powers of the Government other than the powers mentioned in the Reserved List exercised by the Central Government.
That is the common dream of Mr. R. Sampanthan shared with the President.
From the speech of the President, one can get an idea about the strategy the President is going to adopt to ensure that he can muster the support of the majority of MPs in Parliament. He proposes to do things, which will, most probably, enable him to muster not only simple majority, but also two thirds majority in Parliament required for bringing about amendments to the Constitution, if the need arises. These are his proposals:
An advisory council to guide the Governors – consisting of Chairman of the Provincial Supervisory Committee, Chairman of the District Development Committee and MPs representing political parties within the Province.
Currently, there are 45 functioning Ministries in the Provincial Councils. Oversight committees can be established for these Ministries with parliamentarians who have no other responsibilities being appointed as their heads.
Let us see how the President’s strategy works to muster the majority support required to bring about revision of laws, including constitutional amendments:
In the present Govt there are 22 Cabinet Ministers and 38 State Ministers.
There will be 25 District Development Councils for the 25 Districts in the country. The Chairman of each District Development Committee will invariably be a Member of Parliament representing the District. These 25 Chairmen of District Development Committees will be entitled to additional perks as those of State Ministers. That was the practice in the District Development Committees functioned in President Jayewardene’s time.
In addition, they will be members of the Advisory Council set up to guide the Governors. All the MPs representing political parties within the Province will also be members of the Advisory Council.
45 Oversight committees will be established for the 45 Provincial Council Ministries with 45 parliamentarians who have no other responsibilities being appointed as their heads. They will be entitled to additional perks as the Heads of the Oversight Committees. This offer of the opportunity of being appointed as the Heads of the Oversight Committees will certainly lure more and more MPs to support these moves.
Moreover, as the real motive of bringing these reforms is hidden and undisclosed, the Chief Ministers and Members of the Provincial Councils in the other seven Provinces will undoubtedly bring pressure on their parties to support these moves. The President is well aware of this.
Following the revision of these laws concerning PCs and enactment of new laws, PC Elections Act to be amended.
Then the Northern and Eastern Provinces will be merged through a resolution passed by Parliament to that effect, the Provincial Council Elections will be held, and the North – East Provincial Council can start its march towards its final goal of establishing the State of Tamil Eelam with international support.
Unless the people see through this diabolical scheme and rise up openly against it compelling their political leaders and MPs to come forward to defeat it, that will open the gates for the ending of Sri Lanka as a unitary state.
Inevitable Outcome of Granting 13+ – Establishment of Separate State of Tamil Ealam with International Support
President Wickremesinghe talks of finding a final solution to the Tamil People’s problem acceptable to them, of providing a solution to the Tamil national problem satisfactory to the Tamil People, and addressing the grievances of the People in the North and the East for meaningful devolution of power. If President Wickremesinghe honestly thinks that he can bring about national unity, national reconciliation among Sinhala and Tamil communities by acceding to the demands of Tamil political parties, he must be living in a fool’s paradise.
It is common knowledge that the majority of Tamil people in Sri Lanka live not in the Northern and the Eastern Provinces, but in the other seven Provinces. Outside the North and the East, thousands of Tamil People live with the Sinhala People with amity and friendship, working in cooperation and understanding. There is no discord or racial clashes among them.
Thousands of Sinhala people visit Hindu Kovils during the Vel festival. They gather on road sides making offerings to Vel Perahera. During the Kataragama festival season thousands of Tamil Hindu pilgrims engage in their annual walk from the North to Kataragama across Sinhala areas. They are well received and treated by Sinhala People.
Hundreds of Sinhala Buddhist pilgrims visit Nagadeepa Temple. They well received by Tamil People. There is no discrimination. The main problem is lack of proper communication due to language barriers. If this barrier is overcome, it will not be difficult to bring about real national unity, harmony and national reconciliation among the Sinhala and Tamil People.
In this connection, I can cite my own experience of an effort that I made to bring this issue to the attention of Authorities as I think it is relevant. In 2003 and 2004, I conducted four orientation programmes for the Army and Police officers in Jaffna and Kankesanthurai Divisions on human rights and international humanitarian law at the request of UNHCR.
Dr. Laksiri Fernando of Colombo University, S. G. Puchihewa and Nimal Punchihewa, former President of the Elections Commission, participated with me in conducting these programs. We were staying in Jaffna Social Centre and they had got down three young girls to prepare food for us. I talked to them and they told us that they were jobless graduates from Sabaragamuwa University, as they had no jobs they were engaging in that type of work and that there were many others like them.
(To be concluded)
Features
International Women’s Day spurs re-visit of unresolved issues

‘Bread and Peace’. This was a stirring demand taken up by Russia’s working women, we are told, in 1917; the year the world’s first proletarian revolution shook Russia and ushered in historic changes to the international political order. The demand continues to be profoundly important for the world to date.
International Women’s Day (IWD) is continuing to be celebrated the world over, come March, but in Sri Lanka very little progress has been achieved over the years by way of women’s empowerment, despite Sri Lanka being a signatory to the UN Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) and other pieces of global and local legislation that promise a better lot for women.
The lingering problems in this connection were disturbingly underscored recently by the rape-assault on a female doctor within her consultation chamber at a prominent hospital in Sri Lanka’s North Central Province; to cite just one recent instance of women’s unresolved vulnerability and powerlessness.
The Bandaranaike Centre for International Studies, Colombo (BCIS) came to the forefront in taking up the above and other questions of relevance to women at a forum conducted at its auditorium on March 7th, in view of IWD. The program was organized by the library team at the BCIS, under the guidance of the BCIS Executive Director Priyanthi Fernando.
It was heartening to note that the event was widely attended by schoolchildren on the invitation of the BCIS, besides members of the public, considering that the awareness among the young needs to be consistently heightened and broadened on the principal issue of gender justice. Hopefully, going forward, the young would champion the cause of women’s rights having gained by the insights which have been surfaced by forums such as that conducted by the BCIS.
The panelists at the BCIS forum comprised Kumudini Samuel of the Women and Media Collective, a local organization which is in the forefront of taking up women’s issues, and Raaya Gomez, an Attorney-at-Law, engaged in women’s rights advocacy. Together they gave the audience much to think about on what needs to be done in the field of gender justice and linked questions.
The currently raging wars and conflicts worldwide ought to underscore as never before, the yet to be substantively addressed vulnerability of women and children and the absolute need for their consistent empowerment. It is plain to see that in the Gaza, for example, it is women and children who are put through the most horrendous suffering.
Yet, women are the sole care-givers and veritable bread winners of their families in particularly times of turmoil. Their suffering and labour go unappreciated and unquantified and this has been so right through history. Conventional economics makes no mention of the contribution of women towards a country’s GDP through their unrecorded labour and, among other things, this glaring wrong needs to be righted.
While pointing to the need for ‘Bread and Peace’ and their continuing relevance, Kumudini Samuel made an elaborate presentation on the women’s struggle for justice and equality in Sri Lanka over the decades. Besides being the first country to endow women with the right to vote in South Asia, Sri Lanka has been in the forefront of the struggle for the achievement of women’s rights in the world. Solid proof of this was given by Ms. Samuel via her presentation.

Schoolchildren at the knowledge-sharing session.
The presenter did right by pointing to the seventies and eighties decades in Sri Lanka as being particularly notable from the viewpoint of women’s advocacy for justice. For those were decades when the country’s economy was unprecedentedly opened or liberalized, thus opening the floodgates to women’s increasing exploitation and disempowerment by the ‘captains of business’ in the Free Trade Zones and other locations where labour rights tend to be neglected.
Besides, those decades witnessed the explosive emergence of the North-East war and the JVP’s 1987-’89 uprising, for example, which led to power abuse by the state and atrocities by militant organizations, requiring women’s organizations to take up the cause of ethnic peace and connected questions, such as vast scale killings and disappearances.
However, the presenter was clear on the point that currently Sri Lanka is lagging behind badly on the matter of women’s empowerment. For example, women’s representation currently in local councils, provincial councils and parliament is appallingly negligible. In the case of parliament, in 2024 women’s representation was just 9.8 %. Besides, one in four local women have experienced sexual and physical violence since the age of fifteen. All such issues and more are proof of women’s enduring powerlessness.
Raaya Gomez, among other things, dealt at some length on how Sri Lanka is at present interacting with and responding to international bodies, such as CEDAW, that are charged with monitoring the country’s adherence to international conventions laying out the state’s obligations and duties towards women.
This year, we were told, the Sri Lankan government submitted 11 reports to CEDAW in Geneva on issues raised by the latter with the state. Prominent among these issues are continuing language-related difficulties faced by minority group Lankan women. Also coming to the fore is the matter of online harassment of women, now on the ascendant, and the growing need for state intervention to rectify these ills.
It was pointed out by the presenter that overall what needs to be fulfilled by Sri Lanka is the implementation of measures that contribute towards the substantive equality of women. In other words, social conditions that lead to the vulnerability and disempowerment of women need to be effectively managed.
Moreover, it was pointed out by Gomez that civil society in Sri Lanka comes by the opportunity to intervene for women’s empowerment very substantively when issues relating to the Lankan state’s obligations under CEDAW are taken up in Geneva, usually in February.
Accordingly, some Lankan civil society organizations were present at this year’s CEDAW sessions and they presented to the body 11 ‘shadow reports’ in response to those which were submitted by the state. In their documents these civil society groups highlighted outstanding issues relating to women and pointed out as to how the Lankan state could improve its track record on this score. All in all, civil society responses amount to putting the record straight to the international community on how successful or unsuccessful the state is in adhering to its commitments under CEDAW.
Thus, the BCIS forum helped considerably in throwing much needed light on the situation of Lankan women. Evidently, the state is yet to accelerate the women’s empowerment process. Governments of Sri Lanka and their wider publics should ideally come to the realization that empowered women are really an asset to the country; they contribute immeasurably towards national growth by availing of their rights and by adding to wealth creation as empowered, equal citizens.
Features
Richard de Zoysa at 67

by Prof. Rajiva Wijesinha
Today would have been Richard de Zoysa’s 67th birthday. That almost seems a contradiction in terms, for one could not, in those distant days of his exuberant youth, have thought of him as ever getting old. His death, when he was not quite 32, has fixed him forever, in the minds of those who knew and loved him, as exuding youthful energy.
It was 35 years ago that he was abducted and killed, and I fear his memory had begun to fade in the public mind. So we have to be thankful to Asoka Handagama and Swarna Mallawarachchi for bringing him to life again through the film about his mother. This was I think more because of Swarna, for I still recall her coming to see me way back in 2014 – August 28th it was, for my father was dying, though he was still mindful enough to ask me how my actress was after I had left him that afternoon to speak to her downstairs – to talk about her plans for a film about Manorani.
His friends have in general criticised the film, and I too wonder as to why she and the Director did not talk to more of his friends before they embarked on the enterprise. But perhaps recreating actual situations was not their purpose, or rather was not his, and that is understandable when one has a particular vision of one’s subject matter.
After listening to and reading the responses of his friends, I am not too keen to see the film, though I suspect I will do so at some stage. Certainly, I can understand the anger at what is seen as the portrayal of a drunkard, for this Manorani never to my knowledge was. But I think it’s absurd to claim there was never alcohol in the house, for there was, and Manorani did join in with us to have a drink, though she never drank to excess. Richard and I did, I fear, though not at his house, more at mine or at his regular haunt, the Art Centre Club.
I am sorry too that the ending of the film suggests that the murder was the responsibility of just its perpetrators, for there is no doubt that it was planned higher up. I myself have always thought it was Ranjan Wijeratne, who was primarily responsible, though I have no doubt that Premadasa also had been told – indeed Manorani told me that he had turned on Ranjan and asked why he had not been told who exactly Richard was.
But all that is hearsay, and it is not likely that we shall ever be able to find out exactly what happened. And otherwise it seems to me from what I have read, and in particular from one still I have seen (reproduced here), illustrating the bond between Richard and his mother, the film captures two vital factors, the extraordinary closeness of mother and son, and the overwhelming grief that Manorani felt over his death.
Despite this she fought for justice, and she also made it clear that she fought for justice not only for her son, but for all those whose loved ones had suffered in the reign of terror unleashed by JR’s government, which continued in Premadasa’s first fifteen months.
I have been surprised, when I was interviewed by journalists, in print and the electronic media, that none of them remembered Ananda Sunil, who had been taken away by policemen eight years earlier, when JR issued orders that his destructive referendum had to be won at all costs. Manorani told me she had met Ananda Sunil’s widow, who had complained, but had then gone silent, because it seemed the lives of her children had been threatened.
Manorani told me that she was comparatively lucky. She had seen her son’s body, which brought some closure, which the other women had not obtained. She had no other children, and she cared nothing for any threats against her own life for, as she said repeatedly, her life had lost its meaning with Zoysa’s death and she had no desire to live on.
I am thankful then that the film was made, and I hope it serves to renew Richard’s memory, and Manorani’s, and to draw attention to his extraordinary life, and hers both before and after his death. And I cannot be critical about the fact that so much about his life was left out, for a film about his mother’s response to his death could not go back to the past.
But it surprised me that the journalists did not know about his own past, his genius as an actor, his skill as a writer. All of them interviewed me for ages, for they were fascinated at what he had achieved in other spheres in his short life. Even though not much of this appeared in what they published or showed, I hope enough emerged for those interested in Richard to find out more about his life, and to read some of his poetry.
A few months after he died – I had been away and came back only six months later – I published a collection of his poetry, and then a few years later, having found more, republished them with two essays, one about our friendship, one about the political background to his death. And the last issue of the New Lankan Review, which he and I had begun together in 1983 in the tutory we had set up after we were both sacked from S. Thomas’, was dedicated to him. It included a striking poem by Jean Arasanayagam who captured movingly the contrast between his genius and the dull viciousness of his killers.
After those initial memorials to his life and his impact, I started working on a novel based on our friendship. I worked on this when I had a stint at the Rockefeller Centre in Bellagio in 1999, but I was not satisfied, and I worked on it for a few years more, before finally publishing the book in 2005. It was called The Limits of Love and formed the last book in my Terrorist Trilogy, the first book of which, Acts of Faith, had been written with his support, after the July 1983 riots. That was translated into Italian, as Atti di Fedi, and came out in 2006 in Milan.
The Limits of Love
did not receive much publicity, and soon afterwards I was asked to head the Peace Secretariat, and after that I wrote no more fiction. But when Godage & Bros had published several of my non-fiction works in the period after I was excluded from public life, I asked them to republish Acts of Faith, which they did, and that still remains in print. They also republished in 2020 Servants, my novel that won the Gratiaen Prize for 1995.
I thought then that it would be a good idea to republish The Limits of Love, and was delighted that Neptune agreed to do this, after the success of my latest political history, Ranil Wickremesinghe and the emasculation of the United National Party. I thought initially of bringing the book out on the anniversary of Richard’s death, but I had lost my soft copy and reproducing the text took some time. And today being Poya I could not launch the book on his birthday.
It will be launched on March 31st, when Channa Daswatte will be free to speak, for I recalled that 20 years ago my aunt Ena told me that he had admired the book. I think he understood it, which may not have been the case with some of Richard’s friends and relations, for this too is fiction, and the Richard’s character shares traits of others, including myself. The narrator, the Rajiv’s character, I should add is not myself, though there are similarities. He is developed from a character who appeared in both Acts of Faith and Days of Despair, though under another name in those books. Rajiv in the latter is an Indian Prime Minister, though that novel, written after the Indo-Lanka Accord, is too emotional to be easily read.
Manorani hardly figures in The Limits of Love. A Ranjan Wijesinghe does, and also a Ronnie Gooneratne, but of more interest doubtless will be Ranil and Anil, two rival Ministers under President Dicky, both of whom die towards the end of the book. Neither, I should add, bears the slightest resemblance to Ranil Wickremesinghe. His acolytes may try to trace elements of him in one or other of the characters, for I remember being told that Lalith Athulathmudali’s reaction to Acts of Faith was indignation that he had not appeared in it.
Fiction has, I hope, the capacity to bring history to life, and the book should be read as fiction. Doubtless there will be criticism of the characterisation, and of course efforts to relate this to real people, but I hope this will not detract from the spirit of the story, and the depiction of the subtlety of political motives as well as relationships.
The novel is intended to heighten understanding of a strange period in our history, when society was much less fragmented than it is today, when links between people were based on blood as much as on shared interests. But I hope that in addition it will raise awareness of the character of the ebullient hero who was abducted and killed 35 years ago.
The film has roused interest in his life, though through a focus on his death. The novel will I hope heighten awareness of his brilliance and the range of his activity in all too short a life.
Features
SL Navy helping save kidneys

By Admiral Ravindra C Wijegunaratne
WV, RWP& Bar, RSP, VSV, USP,
NI (M) (Pakistan), ndc, psn, Bsc (Hons) (War Studies) (Karachi) MPhil (Madras)
Former Navy Commander and Former Chief of Defense Staff
Former Chairman, Trincomalee Petroleum Terminals Ltd
Former Managing Director Ceylon Petroleum Corporation
Former High Commissioner to Pakistan
Navy’s efforts to eradicate Chronic Kidney Disease (CKD) from North Central and North Western Provinces:
• Navy’s homegrown technology provides more than Ten million litres of clean drinking / cooking water to the public free of charge.
• Small project Navy started on 22nd December 2015 providing great results today.
• 1086 Reverse Osmosis (RO) Water purification plants installed to date – each plant producing 10,000 litres of clean drinking water – better quantity than bottled water.
• Project continued for 10 years under seven Navy Commanders highlights the importance of “INSTITUTIONALIZING” a worthy project.
What you see on the map of Sri Lanka (Map 1) are RO water purification plants installed by SLN.SLN is famous for its improvisations and innovations in fighting LTTE terrorists out at sea. The Research and Development Institute of SLN started to use its knowledge and expertise for “Nation Building” when conflict was over in May 2009. On request of the Navy Commander, R and D unit of SLN, under able command of Commander (then) MCP Dissanayake, an Indian trained Marine Engineer, embarked on a programme to build a low- cost RO plant.
The Chronic Kidney Disease was spreading in North Central Province like a “wildfire “in 2015, mainly due to consumption of contaminated water. To curb the situation, providing clean drinking and cooking water to the public was the need of the hour.
The Navy had a non-public fund known as “Naval Social Responsibility Fund “(NSR) started by former Navy Commander Admiral DWAS Dissanayake in 2010, to which all officers and sailors contributed thirty rupees (Rs 30) each month. This money was used to manufacture another project- manufacturing medicine infusion pumps for Thalassemia patients. Thalassemia Medicine Infusion pumps manufactured by SLN R and D Unit. With an appropriately 50,000 strong Navy, this fund used to gain approximately Rupees 1.5 million each month- sufficient funds to start RO water purification plant project.
Studies on the spreading of CKD, it was very clear of danger to the people of North central and North Western provinces, especially among farmers, in this rice producing province. The detailed studies on this deadly disease by a team led by Medical experts produced the above map (see Map 2) indicating clear and present danger. Humble farmers in “the Rice Bowl” of Sri Lanka become victims of CDK and suffer for years with frequent Dialysis Treatments at hospitals and becoming very weak and unable to work in their fields.
- Map 1
- Map 2
The Navy took ten years to complete the project, under seven Navy Commanders, namely Admiral Ravi Wijegunaratne, Admiral Travis Sinniah, Admiral Sirimevan Ranasinghe, Admiral Piyal De Silva, Admiral Nishantha Ulugethenna, Admiral Priyantha Perera, present Navy Commander Kanchana Banagoda. Total cost of the project was approximately Rs. 1.260 million. Main contributors to the project were the Presidential Task Force to Eradicate CDK (under the then President Mithripala Sirisena), Naval Social Responsibility Fund, MTV Gammedda, individual local and foreign donors and various organisations. Their contributions are for a very worthy cause to save the lives of innocent people.
The Navy’s untiring effort showed the World what they are capable of. The Navy is a silent force. What they do out at sea has seen only a few. This great effort by the Navy was also noticed by few but appreciated by humble people who are benefited every day to be away from deadly CKD. The Reverse Osmosis process required power. Each plant consumes approximately Rs 11,500 worth power from the main grid monthly. This amount brought down to an affordable Rs 250 per month electricity bill by fixing solar panels to RO plant building roofs. Another project to fix medical RO plants to hospitals having Dialysis machines. SLN produced fifty medical RO plants and distributed them among hospitals with Dialysis Machines. Cost for each unit was Rs 1.5 million, where an imported plant would have cost 13 million rupees each. Commodore (E) MCP Dissanayake won the prize for the best research paper in KDU international Research Conference 2021 for his research paper to enhance RO plant recovery from 50% to 75%. He will start this modification to RO plants soon making them more efficient. Clean drinking water is precious for mankind.

Thalassemia Medicine Infusion pumps manufactured by SLN R and D Unit
The Navy has realised it very well. In our history, King Dutugemunu (regained from 161 BC to 137 BC), united the country after 40 years and developed agriculture and Buddhism. But King Dutugemunu was never considered a god or deified. However, King Mahasen (277 to 304 AD) who built more than 16 major tanks was considered a god after building the Minneriya tank.
The people of the North Central Province are grateful to the Navy for providing them with clean drinking and cooking water free of charge daily. That gratitude is for saving them and their children from deadly CKD.
Well done Our Navy! Bravo Zulu!
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