Features
Good King Ranil and his options: Keep running or end the Executive Presidency
by Rajan Philips
PAKISTAN’S twisted political saga continues without the slightest deviation from a tired and predictable script. PTI chairman Imran Khan has been found guilty of “corrupt practices”, disqualified from representing the people of Pakistan, fined Rs100,000, and sentenced to three years in jail for good measure.
Dawn (Pakistan Daily), August 6 Editorial The only relevance to Sri Lanka in the citation above is how a “twisted political saga continues without the slightest deviation from a tired and predictable script.” Sri Lanka’s political saga is also twisted but in far less precarious and less intractable ways than in Pakistan. Put another way, Sri Lanka’s political saga is a muddling version of the more dangerous drama in Pakistan. And the muddling version, in my view, arises out of Ranil Wickremesinghe’s moves and maneuvers to be a candidate at the next presidential election. His obstinate objective is to become an elected president after quite fortuitously becoming a caretaker president. And why is that objectionable? Here is why.
After he was ousted from office in April 2022 through the chicanery of a no confidence motion in parliament, Imran Khan has been agitating for general elections to be held for the people to decide who should be running their government – elected representatives or ensconced army generals. After ignoring the election calls for over a year, the Shehbaz Sharif government has dissolved parliament (for new elections mandated to be held within 90 days) just three days after the Election Commission barred the former Prime Minister from running for office for the next five years. The five year disbarment is based on the ridiculous three year jail sentence that the lower courts have meted out to Imran Khan based on spurious charges of improper declaration of ceremonial gifts received from foreign dignitaries. So, Pakistan’s tragic political drama continues with the same old script and the same unhidden military hand, but with a different cast of actors.
Unlike in Pakistan, there is no military hand in Sri Lanka, hidden or not hidden, despite occasional speculations to the contrary. The stifling leviathan in Sri Lanka is the Executive Presidency, which over a period of 46 years has emaciated parliament and reduced a reasonably well-functioning administrative machinery to institutional dysfunctionality. There are two sides to Sri Lanka’s current crisis: A collapsed economy and a dysfunctional political and administrative system. It is the latter dysfunctionality that primarily caused the collapse of the economy. At least a partial reforming of the political and administrative systems is necessary if the economy is to be salvaged and put on a sustainable development path.
Reform Possibilities
My contention is that any and all possibilities of even a partial political reform are being destroyed by Ranil Wickremesinghe’s pre-occupation with becoming an elected president. Put another way, going ahead with the next presidential election, whenever it is due or prematurely called, and enabling Wickremesinghe to become an elected President will permanently entrench the current political deformities. That will also scupper all efforts toward saving the economy and growing it.
The situation will not be any different or the prospects for reform will not get any better even if Ranil Wickremesinghe were to be defeated in a presidential election and someone else were to become President. This will be so even if Anura Kumara Dissanayake were to become the next elected President of Sri Lanka. It is not because Mr. Dissanayake will not sincerely try to achieve political reform including the ending of the elected presidential system. It is because his efforts will be systemically frustrated. He will be frustrated by parliament; the majority of whose members will be hostile to any constitutional reform initiative that the JVP may sponsor. The hostility and sabotage will be there whether it is the current parliament or a future parliament with JVP having as many as forty times more MPs than it has today.
Historically, the very first election for a new President in 1982 featured a candidate who ran on the sole plank of dismantling the presidential system, restoring parliamentary government, and selflessly withdrawing from power. That was Colvin R de Silva, but his promises were resoundingly rejected, and he became ‘the prophet outcast’ at home, though not quite like in the circumstances of Leon Trotsky in post-revolutionary Russia.
In every presidential election from 1994 till 2015, the winning and losing candidates promised to abolish the presidential system but did nothing about it after the elections. The biggest betrayer was Maithripala Sirisena who won the election in 2015 as a common opposition candidate and unprecedentedly defeating an incumbent president. Sirisena’s co-conspirator was Ranil Wickremesinghe even though the two men were mutually estranged as political bedfellows.
By the quirkiest of quirks, Ranil Wickremesinghe is now President, but rather than building alliances and support for reforming the presidency, Mr. Wickremesinghe is creating cabals among his own government MPs to advance his presidential candidacy. In normal times, such maneuverings could have been seen as Machiavellian brilliance. These are not normal times, and such machinations are hardly becoming of a man of Mr. Wickremesinghe’s age and the caretaker circumstances in which he was vaulted to power. There are two matters of concern here.
First, Mr. Wickremesinghe, in his current capacity as caretaker president, is squandering a rare and fortuitous opportunity to initiate and implement serious political reforms including the reform of the presidency. The somewhat ‘hung’ situation of the current parliament without a dominant party or alliance is an ideal opportunity for coalescing sufficient numbers of like minded MPs to support a positive reform agenda. The numbers (and members) are there in parliament for President Wickremesinghe to facilitate a two-third majority, constitutional-reform voting bloc if only he would jettison his usual machination habits and work with honesty and sincerity on a principled reform agenda.
The agenda can be limited to a few critical areas of reform: the presidency, the electoral system, provincial councils, and public service. Enough work has been done in each of these area for decades and there are enough people who could draft up the details of reform for the President and for parliament. If a referendum is needed it could be piggybacked on to a nationwide election – either local government, provincial council or parliamentary elections. Fundamentally, there should be no more presidential elections and the election of future Heads of State, after the current President, should not be directly by the people but through their representatives in parliament ,and potentially in the provincial councils.
There will have to be a sunset arrangement for President Wickremesinghe as part of such a reform agenda. If he were to play a crucial role, in good faith, in facilitating the reform process, there could be consensus among political parties to extend his time in office, but with reduced powers, under the new system of indirect election by the people’s representatives rather than directly by the people. An extended term in office for the caretaker president would also enable him to focus primarily on the economic crisis and to continue in his current role as the country’s economic ambassador and plenipotentiary. This is wishful thinking, but better than the baleful schemes that the President seems to be currently pursuing. The latter is the second matter of concern.
Ominous Ranil
There is an ominous side to Ranil Wickremesinghe. He has not been shy of exposing it after succeeding the runaway Gotabaya as caretaker president. At that time last year, Imran Khan was out of office in Pakistan and was leading countrywide agitations for a general election. He reportedly rejected the idea of emulating the aragalaya agitation that successfully brought down a Prime Minister and President in a matter of weeks and months. Perhaps, he made the right judgement call in the context of Pakistan, where confrontation with the military may have led to a nationwide bloodbath. Today, Imran Khan languishes in jail and is barred from contesting the upcoming general election.
In contrast, Ranil Wickremesinghe, who cannot ever lead a political protest, became the biggest beneficiary of Sri Lanka’s most consequential protest. He is now President and wants to hold no other election other than a presidential election as it is the only election that he (and his followers) can conceivably win. Rather than reforming the presidency, Mr. Wickremesinghe is acting to perpetuate it. Imran Khan rejected emulating the Sri Lankan aragalaya in Pakistan, but there is much in common between the political machinations of the Shehbaz Sharif government in Pakistan and the Wickremesinghe administration in Sri Lanka.
As part of his agitation for national elections, Imran Khan got the provincial governments led by his party (PTI) in Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa to dissolve their assemblies to force elections. But the Sharif government let the dissolved assemblies remain in limbo, ignoring the constitutional mandate for holding elections within 90 days of dissolution. The government rebuked the judiciary for ordering an election date, and made its own ruling that elections could not be held due to the prevailing economic crisis and security situation. Sounds familiar?
As soon as Imran Khan was illegitimately barred from contesting, it was time for dissolving parliament in Pakistan, economic crisis or not. Similarly in Sri Lanka, the treasury has no cash for conducting local elections, but it will find plenty of cash for a presidential election if and when Ranil Wickremesinghe decides to have one at the convenient time of his choosing. Should he be allowed to do so? And thereby not merely prolong but perpetuate a dysfunctional political system? Alternatively, could a reform project be launched, and the current caretaker presidency be brought to a desirable end? The country has options too.
Features
Ranking public services with AI — A roadmap to reviving institutions like SriLankan Airlines
Efficacy measures an organisation’s capacity to achieve its mission and intended outcomes under planned or optimal conditions. It differs from efficiency, which focuses on achieving objectives with minimal resources, and effectiveness, which evaluates results in real-world conditions. Today, modern AI tools, using publicly available data, enable objective assessment of the efficacy of Sri Lanka’s government institutions.
Among key public bodies, the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka emerges as the most efficacious, outperforming the Department of Inland Revenue, Sri Lanka Customs, the Election Commission, and Parliament. In the financial and regulatory sector, the Central Bank of Sri Lanka (CBSL) ranks highest, ahead of the Securities and Exchange Commission, the Public Utilities Commission, the Telecommunications Regulatory Commission, the Insurance Regulatory Commission, and the Sri Lanka Standards Institution.
Among state-owned enterprises, the Sri Lanka Ports Authority (SLPA) leads in efficacy, followed by Bank of Ceylon and People’s Bank. Other institutions assessed included the State Pharmaceuticals Corporation, the National Water Supply and Drainage Board, the Ceylon Electricity Board, the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation, and the Sri Lanka Transport Board. At the lower end of the spectrum were Lanka Sathosa and Sri Lankan Airlines, highlighting a critical challenge for the national economy.
Sri Lankan Airlines, consistently ranked at the bottom, has long been a financial drain. Despite successive governments’ reform attempts, sustainable solutions remain elusive.
Globally, the most profitable airlines operate as highly integrated, technology-enabled ecosystems rather than as fragmented departments. Operations, finance, fleet management, route planning, engineering, marketing, and customer service are closely coordinated, sharing real-time data to maximise efficiency, safety, and profitability.
The challenge for Sri Lankan Airlines is structural. Its operations are fragmented, overly hierarchical, and poorly aligned. Simply replacing the CEO or senior leadership will not address these deep-seated weaknesses. What the airline needs is a cohesive, integrated organisational ecosystem that leverages technology for cross-functional planning and real-time decision-making.
The government must urgently consider restructuring Sri Lankan Airlines to encourage:
=Joint planning across operational divisions
=Data-driven, evidence-based decision-making
=Continuous cross-functional consultation
=Collaborative strategic decisions on route rationalisation, fleet renewal, partnerships, and cost management, rather than exclusive top-down mandates
Sustainable reform requires systemic change. Without modernised organisational structures, stronger accountability, and aligned incentives across divisions, financial recovery will remain out of reach. An integrated, performance-oriented model offers the most realistic path to operational efficiency and long-term viability.
Reforming loss-making institutions like Sri Lankan Airlines is not merely a matter of leadership change — it is a structural overhaul essential to ensuring these entities contribute productively to the national economy rather than remain perpetual burdens.
By Chula Goonasekera – Citizen Analyst
Features
Why Pi Day?
International Day of Mathematics falls tomorrow
The approximate value of Pi (π) is 3.14 in mathematics. Therefore, the day 14 March is celebrated as the Pi Day. In 2019, UNESCO proclaimed 14 March as the International Day of Mathematics.
Ancient Babylonians and Egyptians figured out that the circumference of a circle is slightly more than three times its diameter. But they could not come up with an exact value for this ratio although they knew that it is a constant. This constant was later named as π which is a letter in the Greek alphabet.
It was the Greek mathematician Archimedes (250 BC) who was able to find an upper bound and a lower bound for this constant. He drew a circle of diameter one unit and drew hexagons inside and outside the circle such that the sides of each hexagon touch the sides of the circle. In mathematics the circle passing through all vertices of a polygon is called a ‘circumcircle’ and the largest circle that fits inside a polygon tangent to all its sides is called an ‘incircle’. The total length of the smaller hexagon then becomes the lower bound of π and the length of the hexagon outside the circle is the upper bound. He realised that by increasing the number of sides of the polygon can make the bounds get closer to the value of Pi and increased the number of sides to 12,24,48 and 60. He argued that by increasing the number of sides will ultimately result in obtaining the original circle, thereby laying the foundation for the theory of limits. He ended up with the lower bound as 22/7 and the upper bound 223/71. He could not continue his research as his hometown Syracuse was invaded by Romans and was killed by one of the soldiers. His last words were ‘do not disturb my circles’, perhaps a reference to his continuing efforts to find the value of π to a greater accuracy.
Archimedes can be considered as the father of geometry. His contributions revolutionised geometry and his methods anticipated integral calculus. He invented the pulley and the hydraulic screw for drawing water from a well. He also discovered the law of hydrostatics. He formulated the law of levers which states that a smaller weight placed farther from a pivot can balance a much heavier weight closer to it. He famously said “Give me a lever long enough and a place to stand and I will move the earth”.
Mathematicians have found many expressions for π as a sum of infinite series that converge to its value. One such famous series is the Leibniz Series found in 1674 by the German mathematician Gottfried Leibniz, which is given below.
π = 4 ( 1 – 1/3 + 1/5 – 1/7 + 1/9 – ………….)
The Indian mathematical genius Ramanujan came up with a magnificent formula in 1910. The short form of the formula is as follows.
π = 9801/(1103 √8)
For practical applications an approximation is sufficient. Even NASA uses only the approximation 3.141592653589793 for its interplanetary navigation calculations.
It is not just an interesting and curious number. It is used for calculations in navigation, encryption, space exploration, video game development and even in medicine. As π is fundamental to spherical geometry, it is at the heart of positioning systems in GPS navigations. It also contributes significantly to cybersecurity. As it is an irrational number it is an excellent foundation for generating randomness required in encryption and securing communications. In the medical field, it helps to calculate blood flow rates and pressure differentials. In diagnostic tools such as CT scans and MRI, pi is an important component in mathematical algorithms and signal processing techniques.
This elegant, never-ending number demonstrates how mathematics transforms into practical applications that shape our world. The possibilities of what it can do are infinite as the number itself. It has become a symbol of beauty and complexity in mathematics. “It matters little who first arrives at an idea, rather what is significant is how far that idea can go.” said Sophie Germain.
Mathematics fans are intrigued by this irrational number and attempt to calculate it as far as they can. In March 2022, Emma Haruka Iwao of Japan calculated it to 100 trillion decimal places in Google Cloud. It had taken 157 days. The Guinness World Record for reciting the number from memory is held by Rajveer Meena of India for 70000 decimal places over 10 hours.
Happy Pi Day!
The author is a senior examiner of the International Baccalaureate in the UK and an educational consultant at the Overseas School of Colombo.
by R N A de Silva
Features
Sheer rise of Realpolitik making the world see the brink
The recent humanly costly torpedoing of an Iranian naval vessel in Sri Lanka’s Exclusive Economic Zone by a US submarine has raised a number of issues of great importance to international political discourse and law that call for elucidation. It is best that enlightened commentary is brought to bear in such discussions because at present misleading and uninformed speculation on questions arising from the incident are being aired by particularly jingoistic politicians of Sri Lanka’s South which could prove deleterious.
As matters stand, there seems to be no credible evidence that the Indian state was aware of the impending torpedoing of the Iranian vessel but these acerbic-tongued politicians of Sri Lanka’s South would have the local public believe that the tragedy was triggered with India’s connivance. Likewise, India is accused of ‘embroiling’ Sri Lanka in the incident on account of seemingly having prior knowledge of it and not warning Sri Lanka about the impending disaster.
It is plain that a process is once again afoot to raise anti-India hysteria in Sri Lanka. An obligation is cast on the Sri Lankan government to ensure that incendiary speculation of the above kind is defeated and India-Sri Lanka relations are prevented from being in any way harmed. Proactive measures are needed by the Sri Lankan government and well meaning quarters to ensure that public discourse in such matters have a factual and rational basis. ‘Knowledge gaps’ could prove hazardous.
Meanwhile, there could be no doubt that Sri Lanka’s sovereignty was violated by the US because the sinking of the Iranian vessel took place in Sri Lanka’s Exclusive Economic Zone. While there is no international decrying of the incident, and this is to be regretted, Sri Lanka’s helplessness and small player status would enable the US to ‘get away with it’.
Could anything be done by the international community to hold the US to account over the act of lawlessness in question? None is the answer at present. This is because in the current ‘Global Disorder’ major powers could commit the gravest international irregularities with impunity. As the threadbare cliché declares, ‘Might is Right’….. or so it seems.
Unfortunately, the UN could only merely verbally denounce any violations of International Law by the world’s foremost powers. It cannot use countervailing force against violators of the law, for example, on account of the divided nature of the UN Security Council, whose permanent members have shown incapability of seeing eye-to-eye on grave matters relating to International Law and order over the decades.
The foregoing considerations could force the conclusion on uncritical sections that Political Realism or Realpolitik has won out in the end. A basic premise of the school of thought known as Political Realism is that power or force wielded by states and international actors determine the shape, direction and substance of international relations. This school stands in marked contrast to political idealists who essentially proclaim that moral norms and values determine the nature of local and international politics.
While, British political scientist Thomas Hobbes, for instance, was a proponent of Political Realism, political idealism has its roots in the teachings of Socrates, Plato and latterly Friedrich Hegel of Germany, to name just few such notables.
On the face of it, therefore, there is no getting way from the conclusion that coercive force is the deciding factor in international politics. If this were not so, US President Donald Trump in collaboration with Israeli Rightist Premier Benjamin Natanyahu could not have wielded the ‘big stick’, so to speak, on Iran, killed its Supreme Head of State, terrorized the Iranian public and gone ‘scot-free’. That is, currently, the US’ impunity seems to be limitless.
Moreover, the evidence is that the Western bloc is reuniting in the face of Iran’s threats to stymie the flow of oil from West Asia to the rest of the world. The recent G7 summit witnessed a coming together of the foremost powers of the global North to ensure that the West does not suffer grave negative consequences from any future blocking of western oil supplies.
Meanwhile, Israel is having a ‘free run’ of the Middle East, so to speak, picking out perceived adversarial powers, such as Lebanon, and militarily neutralizing them; once again with impunity. On the other hand, Iran has been bringing under assault, with no questions asked, Gulf states that are seen as allying with the US and Israel. West Asia is facing a compounded crisis and International Law seems to be helplessly silent.
Wittingly or unwittingly, matters at the heart of International Law and peace are being obfuscated by some pro-Trump administration commentators meanwhile. For example, retired US Navy Captain Brent Sadler has cited Article 51 of the UN Charter, which provides for the right to self or collective self-defence of UN member states in the face of armed attacks, as justifying the US sinking of the Iranian vessel (See page 2 of The Island of March 10, 2026). But the Article makes it clear that such measures could be resorted to by UN members only ‘ if an armed attack occurs’ against them and under no other circumstances. But no such thing happened in the incident in question and the US acted under a sheer threat perception.
Clearly, the US has violated the Article through its action and has once again demonstrated its tendency to arbitrarily use military might. The general drift of Sadler’s thinking is that in the face of pressing national priorities, obligations of a state under International Law could be side-stepped. This is a sure recipe for international anarchy because in such a policy environment states could pursue their national interests, irrespective of their merits, disregarding in the process their obligations towards the international community.
Moreover, Article 51 repeatedly reiterates the authority of the UN Security Council and the obligation of those states that act in self-defence to report to the Council and be guided by it. Sadler, therefore, could be said to have cited the Article very selectively, whereas, right along member states’ commitments to the UNSC are stressed.
However, it is beyond doubt that international anarchy has strengthened its grip over the world. While the US set destabilizing precedents after the crumbling of the Cold War that paved the way for the current anarchic situation, Russia further aggravated these degenerative trends through its invasion of Ukraine. Stepping back from anarchy has thus emerged as the prime challenge for the world community.
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