Features
A seven-year stint on the Intelligence Sevices Division
Keeping tabs on estate unions led to stumbling on JVP activity
Excerpted from the Memoirs of Retired Senior DIG Kinglsey Wickremasuriya
C.R. Arndt was the Deputy Inspector-General of Police in charge of the Southern Range. He did his Annual Inspection of the Galle Division. I had to accompany him during these inspections. We took our tea and lunch with us. Sometimes the DIG would ask me to prepare a few sandwiches for him as well.
It was a pleasure to watch the DIG do his inspections. He was an inspiration. He adopted an entirely new approach to inspections against the traditional approach by many of the senior officers of the previous generation. It was a management approach against the ‘books & records” approach of the older generation.
He would test check and cross-check some of the selected records and books and come to his conclusion about the state of affairs at the police station in a matter of few hours and pronounce his findings as to whether the station is well managed or otherwise as against the method adopted by a majority of the inspecting officers to ensure that `books & records’ at the station are in order. I too followed his path thereafter, experimented with the new approach, and later produced a Handbook on Inspections for my guidance and the guidance of other inspecting officers.
Once when I visited Police HQ, I called on the DIG in his office. During the conversation, he remarked that one of these days he will have to hold up my increment. I was aghast and asked him what was wrong after having worked so hard. He responded that leaving all the hard work aside, I was delaying the Special Crime Reports (SCRs) due to him and insisted that he should get these reports within 72 hrs. of the incident. He would not accept excuses.
On my return, I bought a typewriter and started to learn to type myself so that I could send the SCR reports to reach him within the stipulated 72 hours and so on. Since that date, I learned that the reports due to the DIG must come before all else and to organize my time accordingly. The result was I was able to organize the work so much that I had free time to spare. During this spare time, I used to sit in the Magistrate’s Court and watch what the OICs were doing. That had a great impact on the court work of the District.
Occasionally we would party as well to take the rigors out of the work and keep up the esprit-d-corps.
Intelligence Services Division (ISD)
I bid adieu to Galle Division on being transferred to the Intelligence Division on October 1, 1969. This transfer originally was something on the cards when I was to be transferred from Badulla District in 1967. But it came two years later at the instance of Superintendent Ana Seneviratne who was the head of the ISD at the time.
It was during this period that there emerged a threat from the estate sector as the Ceylon Workers Congress (CWC) was mobilizing forces trying to assert itself in a manner that was threatening the security of the plantations.
The task of the ISD was to gather intelligence about persons and organizations posing threats to the national security of the country either by subversion or sabotage. This means keeping an eye on the entire government machinery so that the ISD is aware of all or any quarter from where the threat is coming. Of course, to do this ISD gets a mandate from the Head of State and it works according to the given charter. All methods used by the ISD, however, are subject to legal review.
There was some sort of training of the labor force going on in the estates, with funds from an NGO being spent in promoting this activity. I was assigned to monitor it and report. We established three units for this purpose, one at Pelmadulla, another at Nuwara Eliya, and the third at Bandarawela. I was operating from Bandarawela.
I was first tasked with the basics of establishing these units and attending to the preliminaries of setting up the network. It was in the course of this work that we accidentally came up with an organization (later to be known as Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna) that was holding secret meetings.
We at Bandarawela were one of the first to report the plans of the JVP to attack the Wellawaya Police Station. By then, Superintendent Lionel Senanayake had taken over from Mr. Ana Seneviratne with the change of Government from UNP.
He was not trained in intelligence work and was making errors when the Government appointed Mr. S.A. Dissanayake (former IG Police) as an Additional Secretary to the Ministry of Defense. On a decision made by the Security Council, ISD sent out units to several outstations after violence broke out in support of the operations on the ground.
I was sent with a team to Kurunegala to coordinate with OPS HQ at Kurunegala. I found temporary lodgings with a very helpful and kind family. Lionel Senanayake was soon replaced by Superintendent L.D.C. Herath an officer trained in intelligence work with Israeli Intelligence.
As I came into the Intelligence Division, I was sent for training to London to be trained by British Intelligence. The first course I attended was the Desk Officers’ Course. On my return, I learned that I had been well reported on by the British Intelligence Authorities. After training, I was asked to cover certain subjects for which I had several Desk Officers covering them.
With time I went for further training and attended advanced courses. Once I was in charge of training, and the Registry too came under me. This is one area I made my mark by establishing a training wing and bringing reforms into the Registry.
The ISD was making great strides under the leadership of Superintendent Cyril Herath. There was good coverage of political parties, trade unions, and suspected subversive elements including foreign intelligence services working in the country. So much so that we were able to get one diplomat declared persona non grata without the incident being publicized.
At times Mr. Herath would ask us to write a research paper on a given subject. I was asked to write a paper on the subject of “The Danger Posed by the TUF Against the Unity of Sri Lanka”. I produced a 29-page classified document dated January 13, 1976, where to quote from the paper, I predicted as follows:
“Even though the campaign of violence unleashed by the militant Tamil Youth immediately after the declaration of the Republican Constitution did not show a degree of sophistication in the methods adopted, this is no reason to be complacent that the methods will continue to be crude.
“Now that the Eelam Liberation Front is seeking active cooperation with other liberation movements, we would soon have a dangerous situation where we will have a fully trained guerrilla organization on our hands to deal with if no meaningful steps are taken to handle their problems realistically. The problem is bound to assume alarming proportions with increasing unemployment among the ranks of the Tamil youth and the widening communication gap between Sinhalese and the Tamils and the receding chances of redress abroad owing to language difficulties, all adding to the growing issues”
The prediction came true when several years afterward the LTTE initiated the 30-year long civil war. Had the authorities heeded the warning, this costly war could have been avoided.One of the major undertakings entrusted to the ISD during this period was the security operations of the Fifth Non-Aligned Summit Conference held in Sri Lanka in August 1976.1 was assigned the task of managing all security passes by the Director. Inspector-General Stanley Senanayake in his letter of July 20, 1977 commended me for the ‘excellent work done in connection with the Non-Aligned Summit held in Sri Lanka in August 1976 and for making a ‘significant contribution to the success of the Conference…’
The longest spell of seven years out of my career was spent serving the Intelligence Services Division. I was promoted to the rank of Superintendent of Police on April 2, 1972 and Senior Superintendent of Police on April 1, 1978 – time-based promotions – while attached to the ISD and was the most senior officer next to the Director / Intelligence.
On occasions when Director Cyril Herath was not available, I had the privilege of attending to his duties including representing him at the Security Council. The Security Council had weekly meetings and was chaired by the Secretary to the Ministry of Defense W.T. Jayasinghe. In addition, I also had the responsibility of sending Serial Reports to the Prime Minister, Secretary of Defense, and the IGP on important security developments. I could carry out these responsibilities with confidence and held the fort for the Director earning the respect of those concerned, in his absence.
With the change of Government after the General Election, the Director too changed. By that time, I had asked for a transfer out of the ISD in response to a statement made by Inspector-General Ana Seneviratne at a forum, that only those in the field will be considered for promotion.
The new Director, Edward Gunawardena, however, prevailed upon me to stay on the understanding that on his leaving the ISD I could take over from him. But I stood by my decision. So, I received transfer orders to go in charge of the Ratnapura Division with effect from December 15, 1977.
Features
From stabilisation to transformation without delay
At a symposium on reconciliation organised by the National Peace Council last week, more than 250 religious clergy, civic activists and political representatives from different communities gathered to discuss the country’s future. Speaking at the event, Minister Bimal Rathnayake explained the government’s approach to national reconciliation. He said the government viewed the country’s recovery in terms of a three stage process. The first stage was stabilisation, the second was development and the third was transformation. Reconciliation, he implied, would come in that final stage. The participation of Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa at the same symposium, and the constructive nature of his comments, strengthens that hope.
When the present NPP government took office in 2024, the country was emerging from one of the gravest crises in its post Independence history. The economic collapse of 2022 had led to shortages of fuel, food, medicines and electricity. Inflation soared, foreign reserves disappeared and long queues became part of daily life. The political upheaval that followed culminated in the resignation of former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa after mass public protests under the banner of the Aragalaya movement. The country was then governed by a leadership that spoke the language of reform and reconciliation but was widely perceived as lacking a direct popular mandate.
Sri Lanka’s past experience suggests that stabilisation and transformation cannot be treated as entirely separate stages. Postponing reconciliation until some future moment risks repeating the failures of the past. If transformation is endlessly delayed until a supposedly perfect moment arrives, there will always be new crises and new reasons for postponement. Minister Rathnayake’s contention that the government’s immediate priority has necessarily been stabilisation flows from the government’s awareness of the precarious situation the country is. Over the past two years, the government has succeeded to a significant extent in restoring economic and political stability. Inflation has reduced, shortages have ended and public institutions have regained a degree of functionality.
Guaranteed Changes
On the other hand, the country’s development continues to face challenges due to adverse global conditions, including disruptions caused by conflict in the Middle East and extreme weather events that have affected tourism, trade and the cost of living. The danger is that reconciliation may be indefinitely postponed in the name of stabilisation. This danger can be reduced if the government works proactively with the opposition and civil society to commence practical measures of transformation now rather than later. The participation of Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa at the symposium, and the constructive nature of his comments, has strengthened the sense that bipartisan engagement on reconciliation may now be possible.
The urgency of transformation came through strongly in the presentations made by representatives of the Sri Lanka Tamil and Malaiyaha Tamil communities. ITAK parliamentarian S.Shritharan spoke of the frustration caused by unresolved post war issues in the north and east. He referred to disputes regarding land occupied during the war years, including controversies linked to Buddhist temples and state sponsored settlement activity in areas claimed by local communities. He also pointed to the continuing large scale presence of the security forces in the north and east nearly two decades after the end of the war. These grievances have remained central to Tamil political discourse since the end of the armed conflict in 2009. Families displaced by war continue to seek the return of ancestral lands. Civil society organisations in the north have repeatedly called for greater civilian control over local administration and a reduction in military involvement in civilian life.
Academic research and practical work on the ground have shown that reconciliation cannot be separated from questions of dignity, equality and justice. Former minister Mano Ganesan, leader of the Democratic People’s Front, focused on the longstanding problems faced by the Malaiyaha Tamil community. He spoke passionately about continuing housing shortages, landlessness and economic marginalisation, issues that have persisted since Independence. He also highlighted the devastating impact of recent extreme weather events on estate communities that remain socially and economically vulnerable. The condition of the Malaiyaha Tamil community remains one of the enduring social justice issues in Sri Lanka.
After Independence in 1948, a large proportion of them were denied citizenship and voting rights through legislation that rendered them stateless. Though citizenship rights were eventually restored, the social and economic consequences of exclusion continue to be felt generations later.
Many families still lack secure housing and land ownership despite their immense contribution to the country’s plantation economy. Minister Rathnayake’s responses to both these concerns were politically significant. He argued that recent political developments, including the declining influence of narrow ethnic politics across communities, indicated a major shift in public attitudes. According to him, the political ground has changed in ways that make it increasingly difficult for politicians who rely primarily on ethnic division and communal insecurity to retain public support.
Inter-Connected
There is evidence to support the assessment about the changing political grounding which sees future prospects in the resolution of long standing problems. . The economic collapse of 2022 affected all communities alike and generated a new politics centred on governance, anti corruption, accountability and economic justice. The Aragalaya protests brought together Sinhalese, Tamils and Muslims in a common demand for political change. Although ethnic grievances have not disappeared, the crisis created space for a broader understanding that the country’s future depends on cooperation rather than division. Opposition Leader Premadasa’s comments at the symposium reflected this changing political climate. He emphasised that national reconciliation could not be separated from economic justice and the need to address disparities between regions and social classes.v He also mentioned the need for civil society organisations to take this message to the community. This wider understanding of reconciliation is important because ethnic inequality and economic inequality have often reinforced each other in Sri Lanka’s history.
Academic studies have identified the denial of citizenship rights after Independence as a historic injustice that set back the Malaiyaha community for decades. The challenge now is to ensure that transformation becomes part of the stabilisation and development process itself. Practical first steps are both possible and necessary. The release of civilian lands still under state control, greater devolution of administrative authority, reduction of military involvement in civilian affairs, language equality in public administration and accelerated housing and land ownership programmes in the plantation sector are all measures that can begin immediately without waiting for a final stage of transformation.
The government’s recent commitment that provincial council elections will finally be held this year is therefore significant. These elections have been repeatedly postponed by successive governments. Holding them would not solve the ethnic conflict by itself. But it would signal a willingness to restore democratic institutions and share power in a meaningful way.
Sri Lanka has repeatedly postponed difficult reforms in the hope that a more convenient political moment would eventually arrive. But opportunities are invariably created and fought for instead of being provided as a gift by a benevolent government.
The present moment, shaped by the economic crisis and public demand for accountable government, offers a rare opportunity to move simultaneously towards stability, development and reconciliation. Provincial council elections can be the first meaningful step. But they must not be the last.
by Jehan Perera
Features
Researchers to shape new environmental policy framework
In a significant move aimed at steering Sri Lanka’s environmental governance towards a more science-based and evidence-driven path, the Ministry of Environment has initiated a new collaborative mechanism to integrate leading researchers into national policy formulation and conservation planning.
The initiative was discussed at a high-level meeting chaired by Dr. Dammika Patabendi at the Ministry of Environment on Tuesday, where top environmental scientists, wildlife experts and researchers were invited to contribute towards what officials described as a “strategic transition” in the country’s environmental management framework.
The discussions focused on strengthening the scientific basis of environmental conservation programmes and national policy decisions while creating a more research-friendly environment for academics and field scientists engaged in biodiversity and ecological studies.
Particular attention was paid to long-standing concerns raised by researchers regarding procedural and operational difficulties encountered when conducting studies in collaboration with the Department of Wildlife Conservation and the Forest Department.
Minister Patabendi stressed the need for environmental policies to be guided by credible scientific data rather than ad hoc administrative decisions, ministry sources said.
Among the key proposals discussed was the establishment of a streamlined mechanism that would reduce bureaucratic obstacles faced by researchers in obtaining approvals, accessing field sites and sharing scientific findings with state institutions.
The Minister highlighted the importance of building stronger partnerships between policymakers and the scientific community at a time when Sri Lanka is grappling with escalating environmental challenges including deforestation, biodiversity loss, human-elephant conflict, climate-related disasters and ecosystem degradation.
Environmentalists attending the meeting had also highlighted the urgent necessity of incorporating empirical research into national decision-making processes to ensure long-term ecological sustainability and better resource management.
The meeting brought together several of Sri Lanka’s leading environmental researchers and academics including Rohan Pethiyagoda, Saminda Fernando, Sewwandi Jayakody, Samantha Gunasekara, Dinidu Devapura, Himesh Jayasinghe, Manoj Prasanna, Mendis Wickramasinghe and Suranjan Karunarathna.
Director General of Wildlife Conservation Ranjan Marasinghe also participated in the deliberations.
Officials said the proposed framework is expected to pave the way for a more transparent, data-oriented and scientifically credible environmental governance structure capable of addressing emerging conservation challenges more effectively.
The government expects the new mechanism to support the implementation of practical and scientifically robust programmes aimed at safeguarding Sri Lanka’s ecological future while enhancing cooperation between state agencies and the country’s growing community of environmental researchers.
By Ifham Nizam
Features
Back home … for a special occasion
Niluk Uswaththa, of Seven Notes fame, based in Dubai, surprised many when he and his wife Apeksha, turned up in Colombo, last week … unannounced.
Yes, they had a purpose in their surprise visit … to wish Apeksha’s mum for her birthday, which was on Monday, 18th May, and what a surprise it turned out to be!
In an exclusive chit-chat with The Island, Niluk said that the scene in Dubai is improving and Seven Notes do have work coming their way.
Since the members of Seven Notes are all employed (doing day jobs), they operate only on Saturdays and Sundays.

Niluk: Didn’t come prepared to perform, but obliged
friends in Galle
In fact, to get to Colombo for the birthday surprise (on Monday, 18th May), the band had to skip their 17th May, Sunday gig.
“Although it’s a short vacation, my wife and I are enjoying the setup here,” said Niluk, adding that they spent two days in Galle and that their next destination is Anuradhapura.”
Niluk didn’t come prepared to perform, but he obliged the crowd present, at a friend’s birthday celebrations, in Galle, singing and playing guitar.
They are scheduled to leave for their home, in Dubai, in the first week of June.
Seven Notes is an outfit made up of Sri Lankans and the band has been around for almost nine years.
Niluk came into their scene nearly seven years ago.
“When I went to Dubai, I had offers coming my way but it was Seven Notes that impressed me because of their acoustic style.”
The Dubai’s entertainment scene is showing clear signs of bouncing back and even levelling up in the next few months.

Niluk and Apeksha: Enjoying their short vacation
After a slowdown earlier this year due to regional tensions, shows and festivals are back on the calendar, and organisers say late 2026 could be the busiest concert season in years.
Time Out Dubai says “the 2026 concert calendar is filling up nicely” and “the city is ready to party once again” after some reschedules.
Dubai Summer Surprises in July brings retail activations, comedy nights, and indoor art exhibitions.
Organisers point to a backlog of postponed events that are being rescheduled for late 2026 and early 2027.
Yes, Dubai is calm on the surface but on alert. Life is mostly normal in the city, but there’s a “balancing act” as people watch for escalation.
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