Features
The Partnership between national people’s power And janatha Vimukthi peramuna must be emboldened
by Kumar David
[In the first half of this essay I ignore RW‘s pernicious attempt to scrap local and eventually general elections. In the second part I comment on the matter to the extent relevant to my conversation. There will be a flood of editorials and comments soon. It is too early to see how the matter will eventually go].
The National People’s Power (NPP) movement consists of an alliance of 29 left and social democratic parties, trade unions, minority organisations and grass-roots groups. It is about five years old. The JVP on the other hand is well known and its origins go back over 50 years. The structure and capability of the two are significantly different and they can complement each other to achieve shared objectives. For example, together they can aspire to form a social-democratic government, commit to the welfare of the masses, negotiate through the snares of international finance capital, promote human rights and create a unified nation by confronting and defeating racist and religious prejudices.
Stop! This is the fairy-tale and it won’t happen simply by dreaming; it requires dedication, intelligence, coordination and hard work. The two organisations have different and complementary roles. The NPP consists of well-educated persons with a grounding in many domains of professional expertise and in the last two years it has attracted a further tranche of intellectuals, liberals, lawyers, economists and other scholars to supplement the older cadre of Marxists and social-democrats. The strength of the JVP of course lies in its mass base, its ability to mobilise tens of thousands in the villages, towns, trade unions, campuses and on the streets. If the NPP and the JVP work together smoothly, it will be like a perfect match of hand and glove.
Don’t get euphoric! People say, newspaper columnists claim and commentators swear that there is an electoral landslide visible and the NPP-JVP-combo is going win the next general election. Balderdash! A programme has not even been written! What is the economic, social, debt-restructuring, investment, foreign trade and foreign policy programme of these worthies? No one knows because it has not even been drafted. Is the NPP sleeping? Yes, I said before that the NPP and JVP can, I repeat CAN, play excellent complementary roles. The NPP has the internal intellectual resources to write, debate and adopt a national programme, but I have yet even to hear of the convening of an NPP Conference. The JVP of course will participate (not bully its way) in the Conference and once the programme is adopted it is the JVP which will take it to the masses. But there is not much time to get on with it. When are these blighters going to wake up! Don’t call me impatient. All this has still to be done.
There is an even more important goal in the relationship than the NPP’s fitness to write a common programme and a JVP’s ability to carry it to the people. The presence of the NPP in a future government will embody a guarantee of (a) democracy and (b) minority rights. This reassurance is crucial. The NPP must assert its determination to uphold democracy as this will reassure the people that a return to the excesses of 1971 and 1989-91 will not be repeated. The people, especially Sinhalese people in villages and towns, need to be sure that the bad experiences and insurrectionary excesses associated with the unfortunate past of the JVP will not recur. A strong social democratic NPP with an authoritative influence in the alliance can provide such an assurance.
Similar considerations pertain to the JVP’s past record in respect of minority rights – Wijeweera’s fifth lecture, antagonism to plantation Tamils and the Somawansa-Sarath Silva experiences. If an NPP-JVP alliance were to face an election with fear lingering in the minds of the Sinhalese masses about freedoms and doubts in the minds of the Tamils and Muslims about minority concerns, the performance of the alliance at the elections will be diminished. To say it again in different words; the NPP must have the power to exercise control over the functioning of a future government on matters pertaining to democracy and minority rights. We don’t want to sleep walk into a nightmare, do we? The NPP needs to be a controlling partner alongside the JVP.
There are three ways in which things may evolve, apart from danger of militarisation. We must not for a moment take our eye off the military threat which can strike suddenly; Wickremasinghe and Rajapaksa have long histories of hostility to democracy and will willingly lend their support to military stratagems. Military regimes are the foulest and vilest of all forms of rule; the cruelty they inflict on citizens, women and political opponents is barbaric. We must not say that the military threat is minimal in Sri Lanka and lower our guard. It only takes one misstep to go down a fatal track. In this context RW’s efforts to prevent elections later this year becomes very disturbing. RW’s Uncle JR went so far as to threaten to impeach Samarakoon CJ when he was unable to bend him to his wishes. Be sure that RW will do all he can to
undermine the Elections Department and interfere with the courts in an attempt to prevent elections. He will not hesitate to send out troops to crush protesters demanding elections.
The first of the three other ways in which events may drift is a wave of religious and racist extremism led by near-fascist contingents of the clergy marching in lock-step with mobilisation against 13A. Rajan Philips in his last column says: “Anura Kumara Dissanayake owes it to the people to explain his position on devolution and on 13A even if he does not agree with the President’s timing and approach to implementing 13A”. RP is perfectly correct but I consider race-riots the least likely of the three options.
The second possibility is that the IMF, the Western powers and international finance may reach out to stabilise the RW presidency. We do read that conditions are being stipulated, that the IMF is not fully satisfied and so on. But if the chips are down and it comes to a choice between throwing RW a life-line or countenancing an NPP/JVP electoral victory it would be naïve to think that the IMF and global capitalism will hesitate to extend a helping hand to RW by strengthening his economic prospects over the next 24 months. India too wants investment opportunities and the Trinco oil farm and is favourably inclined to stabilising RW. It seems that the IMF and Western Powers are inclined to give Sri Lanka a break; that is an opportunity to come out of the quagmire without imposing horrendous burdens. Recent electricity price increases show that this may not be possible.
I have argued previously this column that the West, India and possibly China are NOT willing to let the Sri Lankan economy collapse, and more important, are unlikely to let the country flop into anarchy. As one of the few surviving post-colonial democracies this they find impermissible. Giant India is another story as a democracy while Malaysia, Indonesia and South Korea are off-again on-again democracies. However, if RW goes ahead with his plans to prevent elections and uses the military to crush opposition, the West will be in a dilemma. Maybe class interests will prevail over concerns about democracy.
This has multifaceted implications. Stabilising the Sri Lankan economy over the next say 18-24 months will, in the first instance, be favourable to the Ranil Wickremesinghe Presidency. The downside to this is that RW has an anti-democratic past; it is not without reason that he is known as Batalanda Ranil and he cannot be trusted to be sympathetic to democratic freedoms. Recently he sent his military goons to crush Aragalaya activists who were asleep. I am aware of the cock-eyed demands of some Aragalaya activists such as the Frontline Socialists who demand that their programmes be accepted by the government even if they fail to win a single seat in Parliament! What planet do such loonies come from? But you do not send your gorilla troops to batter and bash young people who are fast asleep!! And the Internet is replete with images of Ranil’s lecherous breast-squeezing cops.
The third option of course is what I have discussed at length in the first portion of this article, an NPP/JVP election victory. I will not repeat any of it but only emphasise that to win the election the NPP programme must underline guarantees of democracy for the Sinhala people and assurances of protection of minority rights to satisfy the Tamils and Muslims. In power the balance of power between the partners in an NPP/JVP government must ensure that these guarantees are retained.
I will draw attention to one final matter before signing off. We live in a much-changed world and the NPP has a vital lesson on democracy to pick up from Brazil’s President Lula. He declared in 2018 “we cannot grow up until the people themselves grow up”. He was referring to his own base, his cadres and those who rallied behind him. The struggle to overcome narrow mindedness, disrespect for democracy and human rights and the protection of all the peoples of Brazil’s much variegated population has to begin at home; it has to begin within the ranks of the Partido dos Trabalhadores (Worker’s Party) a Social-Democratic/Socialist party. The NPP must ponder this and fearlessly defy extremists and religious and racial fanatics close to its and the JVP’s base.
by Kaushalya Perera
Time has, by and large, stood still in the business of academic staff recruitment to state universities. Qualifications have proliferated and evolved to be more interdisciplinary, but our selection processes and evaluation criteria are unchanged since at least the late 1990s. But before I delve into the problems, I will describe the existing processes and schemes of recruitment. The discussion is limited to UGC-governed state universities (and does not include recruitment to medical and engineering sectors) though the problems may be relevant to other higher education institutions (HEIs).
How recruitment happens currently in SL state universities
Academic ranks in Sri Lankan state universities can be divided into three tiers (subdivisions are not discussed).
* Lecturer (Probationary)
– recruited with a four-year undergraduate degree. A tiny step higher is the Lecturer (Unconfirmed), recruited with a postgraduate degree but no teaching experience.
* A Senior Lecturer can be recruited with certain postgraduate qualifications and some number of years of teaching and research.
* Above this is the professor (of four types), which can be left out of this discussion since only one of those (Chair Professor) is by application.
State universities cannot hire permanent academic staff as and when they wish. Prior to advertising a vacancy, approval to recruit is obtained through a mind-numbing and time-consuming process (months!) ending at the Department of Management Services. The call for applications must list all ranks up to Senior Lecturer. All eligible candidates for Probationary to Senior Lecturer are interviewed, e.g., if a Department wants someone with a doctoral degree, they must still advertise for and interview candidates for all ranks, not only candidates with a doctoral degree. In the evaluation criteria, the first degree is more important than the doctoral degree (more on this strange phenomenon later). All of this is only possible when universities are not under a ‘hiring freeze’, which governments declare regularly and generally lasts several years.
Problem type 1
– Archaic processes and evaluation criteria
Twenty-five years ago, as a probationary lecturer with a first degree, I was a typical hire. We would be recruited, work some years and obtain postgraduate degrees (ideally using the privilege of paid study leave to attend a reputed university in the first world). State universities are primarily undergraduate teaching spaces, and when doctoral degrees were scarce, hiring probationary lecturers may have been a practical solution. The path to a higher degree was through the academic job. Now, due to availability of candidates with postgraduate qualifications and the problems of retaining academics who find foreign postgraduate opportunities, preference for candidates applying with a postgraduate qualification is growing. The evaluation scheme, however, prioritises the first degree over the candidate’s postgraduate education. Were I to apply to a Faculty of Education, despite a PhD on language teaching and research in education, I may not even be interviewed since my undergraduate degree is not in education. The ‘first degree first’ phenomenon shows that universities essentially ignore the intellectual development of a person beyond their early twenties. It also ignores the breadth of disciplines and their overlap with other fields.
This can be helped (not solved) by a simple fix, which can also reduce brain drain: give precedence to the doctoral degree in the required field, regardless of the candidate’s first degree, effected by a UGC circular. The suggestion is not fool-proof. It is a first step, and offered with the understanding that any selection process, however well the evaluation criteria are articulated, will be beset by multiple issues, including that of bias. Like other Sri Lankan institutions, universities, too, have tribal tendencies, surfacing in the form of a preference for one’s own alumni. Nevertheless, there are other problems that are, arguably, more pressing as I discuss next. In relation to the evaluation criteria, a problem is the narrow interpretation of any regulation, e.g., deciding the degree’s suitability based on the title rather than considering courses in the transcript. Despite rhetoric promoting internationalising and inter-disciplinarity, decision-making administrative and academic bodies have very literal expectations of candidates’ qualifications, e.g., a candidate with knowledge of digital literacy should show this through the title of the degree!
Problem type 2 – The mess of badly regulated higher education
A direct consequence of the contemporary expansion of higher education is a large number of applicants with myriad qualifications. The diversity of degree programmes cited makes the responsibility of selecting a suitable candidate for the job a challenging but very important one. After all, the job is for life – it is very difficult to fire a permanent employer in the state sector.
Widely varying undergraduate degree programmes.
At present, Sri Lankan undergraduates bring qualifications (at times more than one) from multiple types of higher education institutions: a degree from a UGC-affiliated state university, a state university external to the UGC, a state institution that is not a university, a foreign university, or a private HEI aka ‘private university’. It could be a degree received by attending on-site, in Sri Lanka or abroad. It could be from a private HEI’s affiliated foreign university or an external degree from a state university or an online only degree from a private HEI that is ‘UGC-approved’ or ‘Ministry of Education approved’, i.e., never studied in a university setting. Needless to say, the diversity (and their differences in quality) are dizzying. Unfortunately, under the evaluation scheme all degrees ‘recognised’ by the UGC are assigned the same marks. The same goes for the candidates’ merits or distinctions, first classes, etc., regardless of how difficult or easy the degree programme may be and even when capabilities, exposure, input, etc are obviously different.
Similar issues are faced when we consider postgraduate qualifications, though to a lesser degree. In my discipline(s), at least, a postgraduate degree obtained on-site from a first-world university is preferable to one from a local university (which usually have weekend or evening classes similar to part-time study) or online from a foreign university. Elitist this may be, but even the best local postgraduate degrees cannot provide the experience and intellectual growth gained by being in a university that gives you access to six million books and teaching and supervision by internationally-recognised scholars. Unfortunately, in the evaluation schemes for recruitment, the worst postgraduate qualification you know of will receive the same marks as one from NUS, Harvard or Leiden.
The problem is clear but what about a solution?
Recruitment to state universities needs to change to meet contemporary needs. We need evaluation criteria that allows us to get rid of the dross as well as a more sophisticated institutional understanding of using them. Recruitment is key if we want our institutions (and our country) to progress. I reiterate here the recommendations proposed in ‘Considerations for Higher Education Reform’ circulated previously by Kuppi Collective:
* Change bond regulations to be more just, in order to retain better qualified academics.
* Update the schemes of recruitment to reflect present-day realities of inter-disciplinary and multi-disciplinary training in order to recruit suitably qualified candidates.
* Ensure recruitment processes are made transparent by university administrations.
Kaushalya Perera is a senior lecturer at the University of Colombo.
(Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies.)
This week, too, the spotlight is on an outfit that has gained popularity, mainly through social media.
Last week we had MISTER Band in our scene, and on 10th February, Yellow Beatz – both social media favourites.
Talento is a seven-piece band that plays all types of music, from the ‘60s to the modern tracks of today.
The band has reached many heights, since its inception in 2012, and has gained recognition as a leading wedding and dance band in the scene here.
The members that makeup the outfit have a solid musical background, which comes through years of hard work and dedication
Their portfolio of music contains a mix of both western and eastern songs and are carefully selected, they say, to match the requirements of the intended audience, occasion, or event.
Although the baila is a specialty, which is inherent to this group, that originates from Moratuwa, their repertoire is made up of a vast collection of love, classic, oldies and modern-day hits.
The musicians, who make up Talento, are:
Prabuddha Geetharuchi:
Geilee Fonseka: Dynamic and charismatic vocalist
Prabuddha Geetharuchi: The main man behind the band Talento
(Vocalist/ Frontman). He is an avid music enthusiast and was mentored by a lot of famous musicians, and trainers, since he was a child. Growing up with them influenced him to take on western songs, as well as other music styles. A Peterite, he is the main man behind the band Talento and is a versatile singer/entertainer who never fails to get the crowd going.
Geilee Fonseka (Vocals):
A dynamic and charismatic vocalist whose vibrant stage presence, and powerful voice, bring a fresh spark to every performance. Young, energetic, and musically refined, she is an artiste who effortlessly blends passion with precision – captivating audiences from the very first note. Blessed with an immense vocal range, Geilee is a truly versatile singer, confidently delivering Western and Eastern music across multiple languages and genres.
Chandana Perera (Drummer):
His expertise and exceptional skills have earned him recognition as one of the finest acoustic drummers in Sri Lanka. With over 40 tours under his belt, Chandana has demonstrated his dedication and passion for music, embodying the essential role of a drummer as the heartbeat of any band.
Harsha Soysa:
(Bassist/Vocalist). He a chorister of the western choir of St. Sebastian’s College, Moratuwa, who began his musical education under famous voice trainers, as well as bass guitar trainers in Sri Lanka. He has also performed at events overseas. He acts as the second singer of the band
Udara Jayakody:
(Keyboardist). He is also a qualified pianist, adding technical flavour to Talento’s music. His singing and harmonising skills are an extra asset to the band. From his childhood he has been a part of a number of orchestras as a pianist. He has also previously performed with several famous western bands.
Aruna Madushanka:
(Saxophonist). His proficiciency in playing various instruments, including the saxophone, soprano saxophone, and western flute, showcases his versatility as a musician, and his musical repertoire is further enhanced by his remarkable singing ability.
Prashan Pramuditha:
(Lead guitar). He has the ability to play different styles, both oriental and western music, and he also creates unique tones and patterns with the guitar..
The JJ Twins, the Sri Lankan musical duo, performing in the Maldives, and known for blending R&B, Hip Hop, and Sri Lankan rhythms, thereby creating a unique sound, have come out with a brand-new single ‘Me Mawathe.’
In fact, it’s a very special milestone for the twin brothers, Julian and Jason Prins, as ‘Me Mawathe’ is their first ever Sinhala song!
‘Me Mawathe’ showcases a fresh new sound, while staying true to the signature harmony and emotion that their fans love.
This heartfelt track captures the beauty of love, journey, and connection, brought to life through powerful vocals and captivating melodies.
It marks an exciting new chapter for the JJ Twins as they expand their musical journey and connect with audiences in a whole new way.
Their recent album, ‘CONCLUDED,’ explores themes of love, heartbreak, and healing, and include hits like ‘Can’t Get You Off My Mind’ and ‘You Left Me Here to Die’ which showcase their emotional intensity.
Readers could stay connected and follow JJ Twins on social media for exclusive updates, behind-the-scenes moments, and upcoming releases:
Instagram: http://instagram.com/jjtwinsofficial
TikTok: http://tiktok.com/@jjtwinsmusic
Facebook: http://facebook.com/jjtwinssingers
YouTube: http://youtube.com/jjtwins
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