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Wijetunga calls a general election and my first time in Parliament

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Ronnie de Mel wooed back to the UNP

During my discussions with the President it became clear that he would like to have Ronnie de Mel in his Cabinet. Since they were together in the JRJ Cabinet he had great respect for the then Finance Minister. Ronnie had gone into hibernation during the Premadasa regime. There was not much love lost between the two because as Finance Minister Ronnie was constantly rejecting the former’s requests for more money to spend on social welfare measures which would have wrecked the fiscal discipline of his budget but enhanced the Prime Minister’s image.

There were many arguments in Cabinet about allocations for competing ministries and Premadasa’s famous wrath was visited on Ronnie who did not contest the Parliamentary election in 1989. He supported the DUNF but did not take membership. His wife Mallika however became a member and was an enthusiastic supporter of the party in the south. At Wijetunga’s request I appealed to Ronnie who after a spell in the UK had come back and was watching the evolving political situation with great interest.

I had several meetings with Ronnie at his home in Charles Drive and he agreed to join Wijetunga and the UNP since his “bete noir” Premadasa had left the scene. With Anura and Gamini on his side Wijetunga was trying to add to his winning streak by inducting Ronnie amid much appreciation from the party and the media as a unifier after the inter party conflicts which marked the earlier regime. He also recruited Rajitha Senaratne who had left Vijaya-Chandrika’s Mahajana Party after it decided to ally itself with the revitalized SLFP, now virtually led by its former chief CBK.

Again the question of creating a slot in the national list arose, this time for Ronnie. Again the sitting members were playing hard to get. However after much effort one was found who was willing to resign for both love and money. A house in Colombo and a substantial sum of money were the change agents and Ronnie took his place as Minister of Shipping in the Wijetunga Cabinet.

We at Lake House had all the inside information and we could scoop the other newspapers in hot political news. At this time I hit a home run as I was familiar with Ronnie’s life long habit of an early morning walk on Galle Face green. A few days before he crossed over I sent a Lake House photographer to take a shot of him walking briskly on the marina in Galle Face. We carried it on the front page and the whole country knew that some political shift was about to take place. However he could not function for a long time because Wijetunga went in prematurely for a general election. The lucky national list MP who “sacrificed” his seat for Ronnie laughed all the way to the Bank.

Member of Parliament
“Redress of grievances must precede
any grant of supplies”

— John Pym (1585 -1643)
I was at Mihintale participating in the annual Poson festival sponsored by Lake House when I got the news that the President had decided to dissolve Parliament and go for a Parliamentary election. When I asked him about it he told me to go discuss it with Tilak Marapone who had strongly supported that decision. I drove to Tilalk’s house at Nugegoda and he told me that there was no point in discussing it further as the draft gazette notification was already with the Government Printer.

We were now in the cusp of a general election. I was told that Wijetunga had decided against holding a Presidential election because Mrs. Bandaranaike would be his opponent. He was not sure of the support of the UNP Members of Parliament who had by now split into different camps after the induction of Gamini who, in spite of his valiant efforts to woo Ranil, was yet to win the approval of the Ranil camp. For instance Gamini told me that the Chief Minister of Central Province Dissanayaka had pledged to sabotage his election campaign as he had decided to leave Nuwara Eliya and contest the Kandy district which was the latter’s bailiwick

At the same time Hameed was unhappy that his place in the Kandy district was under threat from Gamini and me. He did not like my strength in Harispattuwa electorate where I had strong family connections. He was threatening Wijetunga that he would contest an electorate in Eastern province from the newly minted Muslim Congress which he was supporting surreptitiously. Simultaneously he was requesting me to shift to the adjoining Galagedera seat which had the smallest number of voters as compared to Harispattuwa electorate which had the highest number.

In his own interest he was aligned with Ranil and later became his mentor. Ranil reciprocated by making him the Chairman of the UNP under his watch. Another reason for Wijetunga’s hesitation in contesting the Presidency was that he had alienated the minorities. He had offended the Muslims in his speeches where he compared them to “creepers on the big tree of the Sinhala community”. He meant well thereby to show their interdependence but the media gave it a different spin and he was portrayed as a Sinhala racist.

It did not help when the Sinhala extremists began to praise him for his sectarianism which marked him out from JR and Premadasa. Wijetunga and Ranil did not bother to cultivate Ashraff as Premadasa had done and this had many serious consequences for the UNP later on. On the other hand Chandrika became the favourite of the minorities and was able to gather votes from a constituency which had earlier voted against the SLFP. Neelan Tiruchelvam told me that S. Nadesan, the famous progressive Tamil lawyer, told him that only CBK could solve the ethnic issue to the satisfaction of both communities. Neelan was a cheerleader for Chandrika. Since I maintained my links with ICES, I saw the enthusiasm with which Neelan and the ICES lobbied for CBK.

Galagedara

With the declaration of a general election, I resigned from Lake House and entered the fray from the Kandy district. Since I had won the Provincial Council election handsomely and President Wijetunga supported me, I easily won nomination which usually is a very high bar for a newcomer. Naturally this disappointed the standing UNP organizer of the Galagedera electorate who played “a cat and mouse game” against me during the election campaign often encouraged by my own party rivals. However he had many opponents in the electorate including the Chairman of the Galagedera Pradeshiya Sabha named Kulasuriya, who backed me to the hilt.

I also had the advantage of launching a good advertising campaign designed by GW Surendra who had been a campaign advisor to President Premadasa. He coined the phrase “Pirisudu Sarath” [Honest Sarath] which became the campaign slogan. I later found that it even embarrassed Gamini’s managers. But my main rival was not the SLFP but Hameed who was challenged by me in his bailiwick of Harispattuwa. I found this early in the campaign when I discovered that my name had been eliminated as a speaker at our main inaugural public meeting in Kandy. But I managed to appeal to Wijetunga who was presiding and he decided that I too should speak.

Again on nomination day Hameed, who was the district leader, had decided that we should leave for the Kachcheri from our office in Trincomalee street. He had brought a Mercedes Benz car to take him and Gamini to the Kachcheri while we were to follow on foot thereby giving a clear signal to party supporters as to who were the big guns in the party. But I managed to persuade Gamini for all of us to march together to the Kachcheri and the full team made a good impression in town while Hameed followed in his Benz car without making the splash that he had planned to make. But that did not deter my rivals from trying to break up my relationship with Gamini which was jeopardizing their own re-election chances.
In the first few weeks our campaign meetings were well coordinated. Our “whistle stop” meetings were well attended and many were impressed by my campaign though, due to lack of experience, I did not have a good campaign manager and tended to personally micro manage the proceedings with only the help of my daughter Varuni who was at that time an undergraduate in the law faculty of Colombo Campus. On the other hand veterans like Hameed and Gamini had experienced managers who could orchestrate their efforts in a district wide campaign.

While the campaign was in midstream I was doing so well that Gamini’s managers began to pit their boss against me. I was shocked that several people who had worked together with me to promote Gamini were now working overtime to alienate him from me saying that I will be a threat to him in the future. I was not invited for forthcoming “whistle stop” meetings in other electorates and Lucky Jayawardene who was likely to siphon some of my votes was invited to take my place.

Their agents were sent to my office to lure my supporters from Nugawela to their offices for indoctrination about their candidates. I was disappointed about this behaviour but went about with my campaigning which was now entering the final weeks. On the other hand Wickreme Weerasooria, Srima Dissanayake and Mayantha who were oblivious to these undercurrents continued to encourage me.
The electoral pattern in Kandy district is such that the final result is a seven-five representation. The winner gets seven seats while the loser gets five. In this instance the UNP got seven members elected to Parliament while the SLFP won five. We were lucky because the SLFP under CBK had won by a large number of aggregate votes nationally though according to the PR system in place the number of elected MPs were almost even. The balance hung on the decision of minority MPs, particularly of Ashraff’s party-the Muslim Congress.

The MPs elected from the UNP were as follows; Gamini Dissanayake (199,207 votes), Lucky Jayawardene (66,340), Cader (66,136), Hameed (61,906), Tissa Attanayake (60,531), Sarath Amunugama (53,997) and a representative of Thondaman’s party. The SLFP elected Anuruddha Ratwatte, DM Jayaratne, Lakshman Kiriella, Kuruppuaaratchi and Weerawardene. Many seniors of both parties were not returned.

It was clear that but for the sabotage by Gamini’s handlers I would have got the second slot instead of Lucky Jayawardene. This was made clear in that in subsequent elections he was not even returned till many years later. Though disappointed I could take heart from the fact that I was elected to Parliament after beating many veterans who had been Ministers under Premadasa.

I also vowed to set up an independent power base which would help in the future without depending on the goodwill of friends who could be swayed by their campaign managers at election time. This approach helped me because I was returned in every subsequent election. After elections and helping Gamini to win the UNP leadership by beating Ranil and thereby establishing my “bona fides”, I remonstrated with Gamini about the election tactics of his agents. He apologized and said that he was helpless because all the strength of Ranil’s camp had been deployed to undercut him and he needed to gather the support of the other candidates, particularly Lucky Jayawardene, to ensure his survival. He arranged a family lunch with his wife with all his children present to make amends and restore our old friendship. As leader of the Opposition he went out of his way to make me, a newcomer to Parliament, at home.

(Excerpted from vol. 3 of the Sarath Amunugama autbiography) ✍️



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Rethinking post-disaster urban planning: Lessons from Peradeniya

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University of Peradeniya

A recent discussion by former Environment Minister, Eng. Patali Champika Ranawaka on the Derana 360 programme has reignited an important national conversation on how Sri Lanka plans, builds and rebuilds in the face of recurring disasters.

His observations, delivered with characteristic clarity and logic, went beyond the immediate causes of recent calamities and focused sharply on long-term solutions—particularly the urgent need for smarter land use and vertical housing development.

Ranawaka’s proposal to introduce multistoried housing schemes in the Gannoruwa area, as a way of reducing pressure on environmentally sensitive and disaster-prone zones, resonated strongly with urban planners and environmentalists alike.

It also echoed ideas that have been quietly discussed within academic and conservation circles for years but rarely translated into policy.

One such voice is that of Professor Siril Wijesundara, Research Professor at the National Institute of Fundamental Studies (NIFS) and former Director General of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Peradeniya, who believes that disasters are often “less acts of nature and more outcomes of poor planning.”

Professor Siril Wijesundara

“What we repeatedly see in Sri Lanka is not merely natural disasters, but planning failures,” Professor Wijesundara told The Island.

“Floods, landslides and environmental degradation are intensified because we continue to build horizontally, encroaching on wetlands, forest margins and river reservations, instead of thinking vertically and strategically.”

The former Director General notes that the University of Peradeniya itself offers a compelling case study of both the problem and the solution. The main campus, already densely built and ecologically sensitive, continues to absorb new faculties, hostels and administrative buildings, placing immense pressure on green spaces and drainage systems.

“The Peradeniya campus was designed with landscape harmony in mind,” he said. “But over time, ad-hoc construction has compromised that vision. If development continues in the same manner, the campus will lose not only its aesthetic value but also its ecological resilience.”

Professor Wijesundara supports the idea of reorganising the Rajawatte area—located away from the congested core of the university—as a future development zone. Rather than expanding inward and fragmenting remaining open spaces, he argues that Rajawatte can be planned as a well-designed extension, integrating academic, residential and service infrastructure in a controlled manner.

Crucially, he stresses that such reorganisation must go hand in hand with social responsibility, particularly towards minor staff currently living in the Rajawatte area.

“These workers are the backbone of the university. Any development plan must ensure their dignity and wellbeing,” he said. “Providing them with modern, safe and affordable multistoried housing—especially near the railway line close to the old USO premises—would be both humane and practical.”

According to Professor Wijesundara, housing complexes built near existing transport corridors would reduce daily commuting stress, minimise traffic within the campus, and free up valuable land for planned academic use.

More importantly, vertical housing would significantly reduce the university’s physical footprint.

Drawing parallels with Ranawaka’s Gannoruwa proposal, he emphasised that vertical development is no longer optional for Sri Lanka.

“We are a small island with a growing population and shrinking safe land,” he warned.

“If we continue to spread out instead of building up, disasters will become more frequent and more deadly. Vertical housing, when done properly, is environmentally sound, economically efficient and socially just.”

Peradeniya University flooded

The veteran botanist also highlighted the often-ignored link between disaster vulnerability and the destruction of green buffers.

“Every time we clear a lowland, a wetland or a forest patch for construction, we remove nature’s shock absorbers,” he said.

“The Royal Botanic Gardens has survived floods for over a century precisely because surrounding landscapes once absorbed excess water. Urban planning must learn from such ecological wisdom.”

Professor Wijesundara believes that universities, as centres of knowledge, should lead by example.

“If an institution like Peradeniya cannot demonstrate sustainable planning, how can we expect cities to do so?” he asked. “This is an opportunity to show that development and conservation are not enemies, but partners.”

As climate-induced disasters intensify across the country, voices like his—and proposals such as those articulated by Patali Champika Ranawaka—underscore a simple but urgent truth: Sri Lanka’s future safety depends not only on disaster response, but on how and where we build today.

The challenge now lies with policymakers and planners to move beyond television studio discussions and academic warnings, and translate these ideas into concrete, people-centred action.

By Ifham Nizam ✍️

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Superstition – Major barrier to learning and social advancement

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At the initial stage of my six-year involvement in uplifting society through skill-based initiatives, particularly by promoting handicraft work and teaching students to think creatively and independently, my efforts were partially jeopardized by deep-rooted superstition and resistance to rational learning.

Superstitions exerted a deeply adverse impact by encouraging unquestioned belief, fear, and blind conformity instead of reasoning and evidence-based understanding. In society, superstition often sustains harmful practices, social discrimination, exploitation by self-styled godmen, and resistance to scientific or social reforms, thereby weakening rational decision-making and slowing progress. When such beliefs penetrate the educational environment, students gradually lose the habit of asking “why” and “how,” accepting explanations based on fate, omens, or divine intervention rather than observation and logic.

Initially, learners became hesitant to challenge me despite my wrong interpretation of any law, less capable of evaluating information critically, and more vulnerable to misinformation and pseudoscience. As a result, genuine efforts towards social upliftment were obstructed, and the transformative power of education, which could empower individuals economically and intellectually, was weakened by fear-driven beliefs that stood in direct opposition to progress and rational thought. In many communities, illnesses are still attributed to evil spirits or curses rather than treated as medical conditions. I have witnessed educated people postponing important decisions, marriages, journeys, even hospital admissions, because an astrologer predicted an “inauspicious” time, showing how fear governs rational minds.

While teaching students science and mathematics, I have clearly observed how superstition acts as a hidden barrier to learning, critical thinking, and intellectual confidence. Many students come to the classroom already conditioned to believe that success or failure depends on luck, planetary positions, or divine favour rather than effort, practice, and understanding, which directly contradicts the scientific spirit. I have seen students hesitate to perform experiments or solve numerical problems on certain “inauspicious” days.

In mathematics, some students label themselves as “weak by birth”, which creates fear and anxiety even before attempting a problem, turning a subject of logic into a source of emotional stress. In science classes, explanations based on natural laws sometimes clash with supernatural beliefs, and students struggle to accept evidence because it challenges what they were taught at home or in society. This conflict confuses young minds and prevents them from fully trusting experimentation, data, and proof.

Worse still, superstition nurtures dependency; students wait for miracles instead of practising problem-solving, revision, and conceptual clarity. Over time, this mindset damages curiosity, reduces confidence, and limits innovation, making science and mathematics appear difficult, frightening, or irrelevant. Many science teachers themselves do not sufficiently emphasise the need to question or ignore such irrational beliefs and often remain limited to textbook facts and exam-oriented learning, leaving little space to challenge superstition directly. When teachers avoid discussing superstition, they unintentionally reinforce the idea that scientific reasoning and superstitious beliefs can coexist.

To overcome superstition and effectively impose critical thinking among students, I have inculcated the process to create a classroom culture where questioning was encouraged and fear of being “wrong” was removed. Students were taught how to think, not what to think, by consistently using the scientific method—observation, hypothesis, experimentation, evidence, and conclusion—in both science and mathematics lessons. I have deliberately challenged superstitious beliefs through simple demonstrations and hands-on experiments that allow students to see cause-and-effect relationships for themselves, helping them replace belief with proof.

Many so-called “tantrik shows” that appear supernatural can be clearly explained and exposed through basic scientific principles, making them powerful tools to fight superstition among students. For example, acts where a tantrik places a hand or tongue briefly in fire without injury rely on short contact time, moisture on the skin, or low heat transfer from alcohol-based flames rather than divine power.

“Miracles” like ash or oil repeatedly appearing from hands or idols involve concealment or simple physical and chemical tricks. When these tricks are demonstrated openly in classrooms or science programmes and followed by clear scientific explanations, students quickly realise how easily perception can be deceived and why evidence, experimentation, and critical questioning are far more reliable than blind belief.

Linking concepts to daily life, such as explaining probability to counter ideas of luck, or biology to explain illness instead of supernatural causes, makes rational explanations relatable and convincing.

Another unique example that I faced in my life is presented here. About 10 years ago, when I entered my new house but did not organise traditional rituals that many consider essential for peace and prosperity as my relatives believed that without them prosperity would be blocked.  Later on, I could not utilise the entire space of my newly purchased house for earning money, largely because I chose not to perform certain rituals.

While this decision may have limited my financial gains to some extent, I do not consider it a failure in the true sense. I feel deeply satisfied that my son and daughter have received proper education and are now well settled in their employment, which, to me, is a far greater achievement than any ritual-driven expectation of wealth. My belief has always been that a house should not merely be a source of income or superstition-bound anxiety, but a space with social purpose.

Instead of rituals, I strongly feel that the unused portion of my house should be devoted to running tutorials for poor and underprivileged students, where knowledge, critical thinking, and self-reliance can be nurtured. This conviction gives me inner peace and reinforces my faith that education and service to society are more meaningful measures of success than material profit alone.

Though I have succeeded to some extent, this success has not been complete due to the persistent influence of superstition.

by Dr Debapriya Mukherjee
Former Senior Scientist
Central Pollution Control Board, India ✍️

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Race hate and the need to re-visit the ‘Clash of Civilizations’

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Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese: ‘No to race hate’

Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese has done very well to speak-up against and outlaw race hate in the immediate aftermath of the recent cold-blooded gunning down of several civilians on Australia’s Bondi Beach. The perpetrators of the violence are believed to be ardent practitioners of religious and race hate and it is commendable that the Australian authorities have lost no time in clearly and unambiguously stating their opposition to the dastardly crimes in question.

The Australian Prime Minister is on record as stating in this connection: ‘ New laws will target those who spread hate, division and radicalization. The Home Affairs Minister will also be given new powers to cancel or refuse visas for those who spread hate and a new taskforce will be set up to ensure the education system prevents, tackles and properly responds to antisemitism.’

It is this promptness and single-mindedness to defeat race hate and other forms of identity-based animosities that are expected of democratic governments in particular world wide. For example, is Sri Lanka’s NPP government willing to follow the Australian example? To put the record straight, no past governments of Sri Lanka initiated concrete measures to stamp out the evil of race hate as well but the present Sri Lankan government which has pledged to end ethnic animosities needs to think and act vastly differently. Democratic and progressive opinion in Sri Lanka is waiting expectantly for the NPP government’ s positive response; ideally based on the Australian precedent to end race hate.

Meanwhile, it is apt to remember that inasmuch as those forces of terrorism that target white communities world wide need to be put down their counterpart forces among extremist whites need to be defeated as well. There could be no double standards on this divisive question of quashing race and religious hate, among democratic governments.

The question is invariably bound up with the matter of expeditiously and swiftly advancing democratic development in divided societies. To the extent to which a body politic is genuinely democratized, to the same degree would identity based animosities be effectively managed and even resolved once and for all. To the extent to which a society is deprived of democratic governance, correctly understood, to the same extent would it experience unmanageable identity-bred violence.

This has been Sri Lanka’s situation and generally it could be stated that it is to the degree to which Sri Lankan citizens are genuinely constitutionally empowered that the issue of race hate in their midst would prove manageable. Accordingly, democratic development is the pressing need.

While the dramatic blood-letting on Bondi Beach ought to have driven home to observers and commentators of world politics that the international community is yet to make any concrete progress in the direction of laying the basis for an end to identity-based extremism, the event should also impress on all concerned quarters that continued failure to address the matters at hand could prove fatal. The fact of the matter is that identity-based extremism is very much alive and well and that it could strike devastatingly at a time and place of its choosing.

It is yet premature for the commentator to agree with US political scientist Samuel P. Huntingdon that a ‘Clash of Civilizations’ is upon the world but events such as the Bondi Beach terror and the continuing abduction of scores of school girls by IS-related outfits, for instance, in Northern Africa are concrete evidence of the continuing pervasive presence of identity-based extremism in the global South.

As a matter of great interest it needs mentioning that the crumbling of the Cold War in the West in the early nineties of the last century and the explosive emergence of identity-based violence world wide around that time essentially impelled Huntingdon to propound the hypothesis that the world was seeing the emergence of a ‘Clash of Civilizations’. Basically, the latter phrase implied that the Cold War was replaced by a West versus militant religious fundamentalism division or polarity world wide. Instead of the USSR and its satellites, the West, led by the US, had to now do battle with religion and race-based militant extremism, particularly ‘Islamic fundamentalist violence’ .

Things, of course, came to a head in this regard when the 9/11 calamity centred in New York occurred. The event seemed to be startling proof that the world was indeed faced with a ‘Clash of Civilizations’ that was not easily resolvable. It was a case of ‘Islamic militant fundamentalism’ facing the great bulwark, so to speak, of ‘ Western Civilization’ epitomized by the US and leaving it almost helpless.

However, it was too early to write off the US’ capability to respond, although it did not do so by the best means. Instead, it replied with military interventions, for example, in Iraq and Afghanistan, which moves have only earned for the religious fundamentalists more and more recruits.

Yet, it is too early to speak in terms of a ‘Clash of Civilizations’. Such a phenomenon could be spoken of if only the entirety of the Islamic world took up arms against the West. Clearly, this is not so because the majority of the adherents of Islam are peaceably inclined and want to coexist harmoniously with the rest of the world.

However, it is not too late for the US to stop religious fundamentalism in its tracks. It, for instance, could implement concrete measures to end the blood-letting in the Middle East. Of the first importance is to end the suffering of the Palestinians by keeping a tight leash on the Israeli Right and by making good its boast of rebuilding the Gaza swiftly.

Besides, the US needs to make it a priority aim to foster democratic development worldwide in collaboration with the rest of the West. Military expenditure and the arms race should be considered of secondary importance and the process of distributing development assistance in the South brought to the forefront of its global development agenda, if there is one.

If the fire-breathing religious demagogue’s influence is to be blunted worldwide, then, it is development, understood to mean equitable growth, that needs to be fostered and consolidated by the democratic world. In other words, the priority ought to be the empowerment of individuals and communities. Nothing short of the latter measures would help in ushering a more peaceful world.

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