by Dr Laksiri Fernando
Why oppose the Colombo Port City or the Bill? Some may oppose because it is a Rajapaksa initiative. If it were a UNP or a SJB one, it would have been perfectly acceptable to them! Quite strangely, even the JVP leaders might be thinking in that direction. The role of the Opposition in a democratic society is completely misunderstood or turned upside down.
Some others may oppose because, arguably, it is against the country’s or people’s sovereignty. This may appear a reasonable assumption at least on the surface. However, the argument mainly comes from those who neglect or go against ‘sovereignty’ usually on behalf of foreign sources or forces.
If there are inconsistencies between the Bill and the constitution, that should be left to the Supreme Court to decide, while expressing one’s views is perfectly acceptable. Our constitution is 43 years old with contradictory 20 Amendments back and forth. Therefore, obviously there can be inconsistencies. Or even otherwise, there can be inconsistencies based on the so far accepted notions of democracy.
There are others who oppose the Port City or the Bill because of its China connection. They are basically, ultranationalists or Western aliened so-called liberals. This amalgamation is utterly strange. Among them are some hopeless leftists as well. Although they verbally talk about socialism (at least rarely), their primary contemporary concerns are purely constitutional law or political neoliberalism. Imbibed in Western cultural notions, they perhaps have some antipathy towards Chinese culture, language or even the people.
On 8 April, the Bill was presented to Parliament after the approval by the Cabinet and gazetted on 24 March. Within seven days it was challenged by 19 petitioners before the Supreme Court, and the government side has also submitted 13 petitions in support of the Bill. Soon we will have the Supreme Court verdict.
This 74 page gazette is prized only Rs. 112.00, less than half a dollar in the black market. The reason why I make this digression is to emphasize the need to rationalize the state sector, and in this case the Government Printers. Those who buy copies of gazettes are not the poor people, but the lawyers, members of parliament, businessmen and administrators. They can undoubtedly afford a higher price to cover the costs.
In the ongoing debates on the question of the Colombo Port City, while politics seem to dominate economics, in my opinion, it should be the other way around. This does not mean that politics always should follow economics, but it should be a major concern in particularly in a developing country like Sri Lanka.
Sri Lanka is still a lower-middle-income country with a per capita GDP of around $ 4,000. The population is nearly 21.8 million and the size of the economy is around $ 87 billion GDP. This is before the pandemic. Sri Lankan economy has contracted by 3.6 percent in 2020. We are now smaller in size, other than facing considerable difficulties in day-to-day life. During the bad days of the Covid-19 pandemic the revenue contracted, and the expenditure expanded with the fiscal deficit increasing. The public debt increased to 109.7 percent of the GDP, accumulating the delayed payments into it. There were concessions given to the businesses, like in many other countries, including tax moratoriums on debt payments.
There were some praises from the World Bank on fiscal and other economic policies of the country. “An improved trade balance and strong remittance inflows narrowed the current account deficit. A sharp drop in imports in 2020 more than offset the decline in exports,” they said. Imports dropped with some measures to restrict some nonessentials. Some of the ‘open, open, and open policies’ were changed on a pragmatic basis. There was no much grumble from the people. Of course, the financial inflows were insufficient to meet external liabilities. The external reserves dropped. Last month, however, through a currency swap with the People’s Bank of China worth $ 1.5 billion the external reserves are again strengthened.
Sri Lanka is now again facing a third wave of the Covid pandemic and the people and the political parties should be able to cooperate in resolving the attended problems before the situation gets worse and worse.
The Concept of the Port City
A Colombo port city is not completely a new concept. Colombo Fort was in fact a port city. However, the new concept came in 2011 with the building of the Colombo South Port. The reclamation of land around 660 acres for this purpose was given to the China Harbour Engineering Company (CHEC) and the work was completed by early 2018 for a cost of $15 billion. This is not a small amount. Therefore, the project should be cost effective, if not immediately, in the medium term.
Both last two governments had commitments for the project with differences. The idea of the last government (2015-2020) was to consider it a part of the Megapolis and the city area as an International Financial Centre. It was considered as part of the Colombo District with all the attached legal conditions. The present project and the presented Bill probably have gone back to the initial idea while expanding on it. Thus, the Port City is a special area with a special administration for broad economic purposes.
There is a new book published recently edited by Chulannee Attanayake, with 15 contributors, local and foreign, titled “Maritime Sri Lanka: Historical and Contemporary Perspectives.” The book advocates the idea that Sri Lanka is not just a South Asian country but an Indian Ocean country. It goes on saying,
“The idea of being an Indian Ocean state is reflected in how Sri Lanka wants to promote itself as the centre of the Indian Ocean. Soon after the end of the conflict, the then government of Sri Lanka emphasized its interest in making Sri Lanka the naval, air and commercial hub in the Indian Ocean. The manifesto Mahinda Rajapaksa presented for the election held soon after the end of the war emphasized on using the country’s strategic geographical location in transforming Sri Lanka into a naval, aviation, commercial, energy and knowledge hub to serve as a link between the East and the West.”
The idea of a link between the East and the West has further merit in philosophical, social, and conceptual sense as well, although that aspect is not discussed in this article. Apart from that the Editor says, “The Sirisena-Wickremesighe government that came to power in 2015 continued the same ideology,” correct or not. She also quotes the former Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mangala Samaraweera saying “reclaiming our Indian Ocean identity helps us and others unlock the tremendous opportunities for attracting FDI, accessing markets and developing the tourism industry.”
The three main objectives of the proposed Bill are (1) to establish the Colombo Port City (CPC) formally, (2) to create a Special Economic Zone (SEZ) within it, and (3) to set up an Economic Commission (EC) to manage it, appointed by the President. It is important that the Bill derives its authority and purpose through the ‘Directive Principles of State Policy’ enshrined in the Constitution as an obligation of the State to ensure the rapid development of the country through public and private entrepreneurial activities.
The Special Economic Zone is defined in the Bill as “an international business and services hub with specialized infrastructure and other facilities within such Zone, for the promotion and facilitation of economic activity including international trade, shipping logistic operations, offshore banking and financial services, information technology and business process outsourcing, corporate headquarters operations, regional distribution operations, tourism, and other ancillary services.”
The Economic Commission is empowered “with the administration, regulation and control of, all matters connected with businesses and other operations, in and from the Area of Authority” of the Colombo Port City which is also the Special Economic Zone.
The above may appear quite uncontroversial. But the devil must be in the details. These are the details that must be interpreted and determined by the Supreme Court.
The Colombo Port City is not going to be an isolated economic zone. It is related to the ‘Belt and Road Initiative’ (BRI) initiated by China. That is the strength, and in some people’s opinion the unacceptability. The people and the parliamentarians must make a choice between the declining West (particularly the US) and the rising East (particularly China) in supporting or opposing this initiative. In my opinion, there is nothing wrong in ‘The Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka’ having an alliance with ‘The ‘People’s Republic of China.’ Before all that, the country may have to get the Covid pandemic decisively under control.
Foreign policy dilemmas increase for the big and small
‘No responsible American President can remain silent when basic human rights are violated.’ This pronouncement by US President Joe Biden should be interpreted as meaning that the supporting of human rights everywhere will be a fundamental focus of US foreign policy. Accordingly, not only the cause of the Armenians of old but the situation of the Muslim Uyghurs of China will be principal concerns for the Biden administration.
However, the challenge before the US would be take this policy stance to its logical conclusion. For example, the murder of Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi was one of the most heinous crimes to be committed by a state in recent times but what does the Biden administration intend to do by way of ensuring that the criminals and collaborators of the crime are brought to justice? In other words, how tough will the US get with the Saudi rulers?
Likewise, what course of action would the US take to alleviate the alleged repression being meted out to the Uyghurs of China? How does it intend to take the Chinese state to task? Equally importantly, what will the US do to make light the lot of Russian opposition leader Alexei Navalny? These are among the most urgent posers facing the US in the global human rights context.
Worse dilemmas await the US in Africa. Reports indicate that that the IS and the Taliban have begun to infiltrate West Africa in a major way, since they have been compelled to vacate the Middle East, specially Syria and Iraq. West African countries, such as, Mali, Burkina Faso, Nigeria and Mauritania are already facing the IS/Taliban blight. The latter or their proxies are in the process heaping horrendous suffering on the civilian populations concerned. How is the US intending to alleviate the cruelties being visited on these population groups. Their rights are of the first importance. If the US intends to project itself as a defender of rights everywhere, what policy program does it have in store for Africa in this connection?
It does not follow from the foregoing that issues of a kindred kind would not be confronting the US in other continents. For example, not all is well in Asia in the rights context. With the possible exception of India, very serious problems relating to democratic development bedevil most Asian states, including, of course, Sri Lanka. The task before any country laying claims to democratic credentials is to further the rights of its citizens while ensuring that they are recipients of equitable growth. As a foremost champion of fundamental rights globally, it would be up to the US to help foster democratic development in the countries concerned. And it would need to do so with an even hand. It cannot be selective in this undertaking of the first importance.
The US would also from now on need to think long and deep before involving itself militarily in a conflict-ridden Southern country. Right now it is up against a policy dilemma in Afghanistan. It is in the process of pulling out of the country after 20 years but it is leaving behind a country with veritably no future. It is leaving Afghanistan at the mercy of the Taliban once again and the commentator is right in saying that the US did not achieve much by way of bringing relief to the Afghan people.
However, the Biden administration has done somewhat well in other areas of state concern by launching a $1.9 trillion national economic and social resuscitation program, which, if effectively implemented could help the US people in a major way. The administration is also living up to the people’s hopes by getting under way an anti-Covid-19 vaccination program for senior US citizens. These ventures smack of social democracy to a degree.
The smaller countries of South Asia in particular ought to be facing their fair share of foreign policy quandaries in the wake of some of these developments. India, the number one power of the region, is in the throes of a major health crisis deriving from the pandemic but it is expected to rebound economically in an exceptional way and dominate the regional economic landscape sooner rather than later.
For example, the ADB predicts India will recover from an 8% contraction in fiscal 2020 and grow by 11% and 7% this year and next year. South Asia is expected to experience a 9.5% overall economic expansion this year but it is India that will be the chief contributor to this growth. A major factor in India’s economic fortunes will be the US’ stimulus package that will make available to India a major export market.
For the smaller states of South Asia, such as Sri Lanka, the above situation poses major foreign policy implications. While conducting cordial and fruitful relations with China is of major importance for them, they would need to ensure that their relations with India remain unruffled. This is on account of their dependence on India in a number of areas of national importance. Since India is the predominant economic power in the region, these smaller states would do well to ensure that their economic links with India continue without interruption. In fact, they may need to upgrade their economic ties with India, considering the huge economic presence of the latter. A pragmatic foreign policy is called for since our biggest neighbour’s presence just cannot be ignored.
The Sri Lankan state has reiterated its commitment to an ‘independent foreign policy’ and this is the way to go but Sri Lanka would be committing a major policy mistake by tying itself to China too closely in the military field. This would send ‘the wrong signal’ to India which is likely to be highly sensitive to the goings-on in its neighbourhood which, for it, have major security implications. A pragmatic course is best.
In terms of pragmatism, the Maldives are forging ahead, may be, in a more exceptional manner than her neighbours. Recently, she forged closer security cooperation with the US and for the Maldives this was the right way to go because the move served her national interest. And for any state, the national interest ought to be of supreme importance.
A Sri Lankan centre for infective disease control and prevention
The need of the hour:
BY Dr B. J. C. Perera
MBBS(Cey), DCH(Cey), DCH(Eng), MD(Paed), MRCP(UK), FRCP(Edin), FRCP(Lon), FRCPCH(UK), FSLCPaed, FCCP, Hony FRCPCH(UK), Hony. FCGP(SL)
Specialist Consultant Paediatrician and Honorary Senior Fellow, Postgraduate Institute of Medicine, University of Colombo, Sri Lanka.
On 01st July 1946, the Communicable Disease Center (CDC) of the United States of America opened its doors and occupied one floor of a small building in Atlanta, Georgia. Its primary mission was simple, yet highly challenging. It was to prevent malaria from spreading across the nation. Armed with a budget of only 10 million US dollars, and fewer than 400 employees, the agency’s early tasks included obtaining enough trucks, sprayers, and shovels necessary to wage war on mosquitoes.
It later advanced, slightly changed its name, and transformed itself into the much-acclaimed and reputed Centres for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC). It became a unique agency with an exceptional mission. They work 24/7 to protect the safety, health and security of America from threats there and around the world. Highest standards of science are maintained in this institution. CDC is the nation’s leading science-based, data-driven, service organization that protects the public’s health. For more than 70 years, they have put science into action to help children stay healthy so they can grow and learn, to help families, businesses, and communities fight disease and stay strong and to protect the health of the general public. Their are a bold promise to the nation, and even the world. With this strategic framework, CDC commits to save American lives by securing global health and America’s preparedness, eliminating disease, and ending epidemics. In a landmark move, the CDC even established a Central Asia regional office at the U.S. Consulate in Kazakhstan in 1995 and have been involved in public health initiatives in that region.
More recently, the European Centre for Disease Prevention and Control (ECDC), was established. It is an agency of the European Union, aimed at strengthening Europe’s defences against infectious diseases. The core functions cover a wide spectrum of activities such as surveillance, epidemic intelligence, response, scientific advice, microbiology, preparedness, public health training, international relations, health communication, and the scientific journal Eurosurveillance.
Still later on, the African CDC (ACDC) was born. It strengthens the capacity and capability of Africa’s public health institutions, as well as partnerships, to detect and respond quickly and effectively to disease threats and outbreaks, based on data-driven interventions and programmes.
All these organisations are autonomous, independent, and are confidently dedicated to hold science to be sacred. They play a major role in advocacy and work in a committed advisory capacity. With the cataclysmic effects of the current coronavirus pandemic COVID-19, the contributions made by these institutions are priceless. What is quite important is that they are able to provide specific recommendations based on the latest scientific information available for countries and nations in their regions, even taking into account the many considerations that are explicit and even unique to their regions. All these organisations have been provided with optimal facilities and human resources. The real value of their contribution is related to just one phenomenon: AUTONOMY.
Well…, isn’t it the time for us to start a Sri Lankan Centre for Infective Disease Control and Prevention (SLCIDC)? It should be formulated as an agency constantly striving, day in and day out, to safeguard the health of the public. Science and unbending commitment to evaluation of research on a given topic should be their operating mantra. It would work as a completely apolitical organisation and what we can recommend is that it would be directly under the President of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka, unswervingly reporting to and accountable to the President. It would consist of medical doctors, scientists and researchers but no politicians of any sort, no non-medical or non-scientist persons, no hangers on and no business persons. All appointments to the SLCIDC will be made by the President of the country, perhaps in consultation with medical professional organisations.
The prime duty of the SLCIDC would be to assess the on-going situation of any infective issue that has any effect on the health of the public. The organisation will undertake in-depth examination and assessment of a given situation caused by an infective organism. They need to have all relevant data from within the country as well as from outside the country. There will not be any vacillation of the opinions expressed by them and their considered views should not be coloured by any consideration apart from science and research done locally and worldwide. Their considered opinion would be conveyed directly to the President of the country. They are free to issue statements to keep the public informed about the results of their deliberations.
We believe that it would be a step in the right direction; perhaps even a giant step for our nation, not only during the current coronavirus pandemic but also on any major problems of an infective nature that might occur in the future.
This writer wishes to acknowledge a colleague, a Consultant Physician, who first mooted this idea during a friendly conversation.
Kudurai Madiri Pona
The big jumbo has come from the French land and as the French themselves say it is ‘annus mirabillis’ the miracle year, finally, and finally the wait is over. The world will now see the Big- Bus that we all waited for so long to see. As the years roll by, none would talk of delays regarding the delays on delivery dates and how late the bird flew in. These would be like words written on a blackboard, erased forever. But the aeroplane will grace the sky and, perhaps rewrite all the records of commercial aviation when the mega-miracle A380 dominates the international air-routes.
Singapore Airlines went into the record books as the launch customer. Some of my old friends from SIA would fly the A380. Perhaps, Luke would, too, and this story is about him. Luke of yesteryear and how he first flew as a cadet and how young Luke and I went romping the skies in our own special way, writing a few new lines in the flight training manual.
Luke was from Johor Baru, in Malaysia. His roots were in South India where years ago his grandfather had done a Robinson Crusoe and ended up in the Malayan Peninsula. Luke was named after one of the four Gospel scribes. Luke really isn’t his name. It is a pseudonym, I use just to give him some anonymity. Not much protection, but one is to three are playable odds. Like in Rumple stiltskin the manikin, you are welcome to guess the name.
We first flew to Seoul. He, straight out of flying College, and yours truly, as old as the hills, driving the ‘Jumbo’ classic, the lovable 747. The first thing I noticed about him was his socks, black and white diamond shapes, a mini version of the flags they swing at Grand Prix finals – if Luke swung his feet, a Ferrari would pass underneath. That we sorted out the first day itself. In Seoul,he went shopping and the next day he was Zorro, waist to toe, black as a crow.
His flying credentials were all there, somewhat mixed up between what they teach in modern flying schools and how to apply the ‘ivory tower’ jargon to cope with the big 747. As for raw handling of the aeroplane, all his skills were intact, only they were in bits and pieces and spread in places like an Irida Pola (Sunday Fair). They had to be streamlined, the wet market needed to be modified to a ‘Seven-Eleven’ – that was my job.
The next round we went flying to Europe, his first run to the unknown, like Gagarin in his Sputnik, young Luke flew to Rome. The flying was same as before, a bit mixed up amidst the hundreds of aero dynamical paraphernalia that spelled out from the encyclopaedic collection of books that he had to study.
That’s when I decided to change the tide.
‘Luke my friend,” I said to him in a fatherly fashion.
‘You and I are from similar fields, you from Kerala and me from Sri Lanka. These Min Drag Curves and VFEs and WAT limits and VLEs are too much for us. Just remember when you pull the stick back, the houses will become smaller and when you push the stick down, the houses will become bigger, that’s climbing and descending this monster,” I explained the simple theory of flight.
“As for landing my friend, Kudurai Madiri Pona, just ride it like a horse.”
That was it. We flew, over Europe and he flew like a Trojan, bravely battling the weather and the overcrowded skies. Every time he came in to land it was pure and simple Kudurai Madiri Pona and the big jumbo responded and touched down on the concrete as smooth as a honeymoon lover.
On the way back, we flew via Colombo, that’s my home ground. I requested the radar controller to give Luke a very short ‘four-mile’ final. They know me well here and the controller said “No problem, Captain.”
I was depicting what we did in the Old Hong Kong Airport or what we do in the Canarsi Approach in New York; both, most demanding. A ‘four-mile’ final is a challenge for anyone. I was throwing him in at the deep end and I had no doubt Luke could manage. He came in tight and right, like Hopalong Cassidy and rode the horse straight and beautiful to do a perfect landing. Gone was the Kampong kid and his ‘Irida Pola’ flying, this was Takashimaya and Robinsons rolled into one, everything was in place, nice and shining and professional to the tee.
That was our little story, Luke the ‘jockey’ and me. Sometimes in the field of training, the script needs a little changing. New acts to be introduced to suit the stage. That is the essence of teaching, different hurdles for different horses. It wasn’t for Luke to learn what I knew, more so, it was for me to know who he was and what he could cope with. That part was difficult to find in the flying training manual, and so was Kudurai Madiri Pona.
The world has gotten older and young Luke now wears four stripes and flies in command of Boeing Triple Sevens, fly-by-wire and multiple computers. I met him a few times, flew as his passenger, too, with great pride. “Captain Luke is in command,” the stewardess announced, and silently and gratefully I said, ‘Amen’.
I saw him walking down the aisle, looking for me. Same old Luke in his flat and uncombed Julius Ceaser hairstyle. He came to my seat and grinned and shook my hand and lightly lifted his trouser leg and said,
“Captain, the socks are black and it is still Kudurai Madiri Pona.“
I am sure Luke will fly in command of the gigantic A380 one day. That’s a certainty. It would be the zenith for any pilot. Luke is ready, that I know. He is competent, polished and professional and will wear socks as black as midnight. It’s nice that he remembers his beginnings. That’s what flying is all about, that’s what life is all about.
Kudurai Madiri Pona
– ride it like a horse. Some flying lesson.
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