Editorial
Why electors dislike the elected
There is no doubt that many cynics among us thought that the ministers’ gesture of foregoing a month’s salary in the context of the present covid and economic emergencies was a move paving the way to hit salary earners, both in government and the private sector, with a 50 percent pay cut. This had been suggested a few days earlier by Tourism and Aviation Minister Prasanna Ranatunga in a letter he wrote President Gotabaya Rajapaksa. There is no gainsaying that the current pandemic which compelled a lockdown, has placed particularly daily wage earners, eking out a precarious hand to mouth existence, in a terrible predicament. Nobody can or will deny the government’s obligation to support them as best as possible. It also true that salary earners, particularly in the government sector, have much of their workload reduced by the ‘work from home’ formula that now prevails. So why pay them for work they do not do?
The present lockdown, which may or may not end as announced at the end of this month, was forced on the government as result of massive pressure exerted by health professionals, trade unions, very influential sections of opinion maker and a cross-section of the larger population. Even shop owners countrywide, hard-pressed as they are by current circumstances, spontaneously pulled down their shutters. There was undoubtedly an element of self-interest in such action. What’s the point in keeping shops open when there are few or no customers? But their widely publicized action no doubt played a not inconsiderable part in compelling the government to bite the bullet. And now comes that salary cut suggestion.
Our opening remark on the cynical viewpoint of many that the ‘sacrifice,’ if we may call it that, of a section of the political hierarchy, stems from the near universal dislike our politicians, and indeed politicians in many other parts of the world, have earned from the very electors who placed them in office. This enabled them to enjoy lifestyles that were never theirs in previous avatars. Home was never so good to this political class and a few of them have publicly admitted that they are hated by their electors. Of course such candid admissions were made in self-defence. There was one panjandrum who talked of making do with what he regarded as a basic vehicle while his official car was under repair after an accident. Another ‘we are hated’ remark was triggered by the common criticism of subsidized sumptuous meals enjoyed by MPs in the parliament restaurant. Undoubtedly there has been much disinformation on this subject with figures conjured by dividing the total food bill of the legislature by the number of MPs who sit in it. This is a ridiculous calculation as it is not only MPs but also staff, on-duty police, press and others who also eat in parliament.
It must be said in fairness that President Gotabaya Rajapaksa is not a conspicuous consumer. He lives in his private home and does not ride about in lengthy motorcades as many of his predecessors were wont to do; and some of his ministers still do. In this regard, he is undoubtedly a puduma satha or strange animal. Given our very short memories, most of us have long forgotten how ‘Temple Trees,’ the prime minister’s official residence, was appropriated by a former president for his own use. That worthy probably acquired a taste for the place having had it in his previous position of prime minister. Though he didn’t live there, or at President’s House, he found it useful for other purposes. Right now former President Maithripala Sirisena who continues to live in government housing he occupied as Head of State/Government is defending himself saying that accommodation for former presidents are provided for by law; moreover, his predecessors and in one instance a widow, enjoys such facilities. But he neglects to mention that the premises he continues to occupy was created by joining two large government bungalows in a prime location so that he had the space needed for performing his duties as president. Those responsibilities no longer apply to him.
Among other reasons for electors’ dislike of the elected is that many senior politicians have buttered their bread on both sides holding high office in both UNP and anti UNP-governments. This has become all too common and it is time that some analyst publishes a list of these worthies. But we don’t expect any of them to blush or desist from such sharp practices in the future. The fault, of course lies mostly with the party hierarchies on either side of the fence. We wager there will be no course correction. The merry merry-go-round will keep spinning. That’s human nature.
Kumar told you so
It is said that among the most self-satisfied expressions in human speech are those four words “I told you so.” We indulge in using them to remind our readers that our regular columnist, Kumar David, who’s trenchant and often provocative remarks has in an extraordinarily prescient essay on Afghanistan published today, has predicted events as they are rolling out in that troubled country. David wrote his column before the Kabul airport bombs and we recommend that our readers digest his remarkable crystal gazing of the emerging short term. He predicted internal strife within the Taliban and Afghanistan and expressed his conviction that ISIS is a breakaway group and is now Taliban’s sworn enemy. He believes that things are likely to get worse, not better.
Editorial
Fuelling discontent and protest
Saturday 3rd October, 2026
Private fuel bowser owners were up in arms, yesterday, claiming that they were incurring huge losses because the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation (CPC) had not increased commissions for fuel distribution. Unless the CPC responded favourably to their demand for a substantial increase in commissions, they would be left with no alternative but to stop fuel distribution completely with immediate effect, they warned, noting that the CPC had promised to announce its final decision yesterday.
The Ceylon Petroleum Private Tanker Owners’ Association (CPPTOA), which is leading the fuel bowser owners’ struggle, said yesterday that it expected their commission to be raised at least to 20%, as the cost of fuel distribution had increased sharply. A meeting between the CPPTOA representatives and the CPC officials was going on at the time of writing.
It defies comprehension why the CPC lets the grass grow under its feet without addressing issues that have the potential to cripple fuel distribution. The CPPTOA had been protesting for weeks, but the CPC ignored fuel distributors’ demand. It may have expected the problem to go away with the passage of time. Everything possible must be done to prevent pumps from running dry at filling stations, causing hardships to the public and adversely impacting the economy.
The CPC should have taken immediate action at the first sign of trouble and invited the CPPTOA to talks instead of waiting until the eleventh hour. Prudence demands that a game of chicken be averted in a crucial sector like petroleum distribution.
Issues that could cripple the petroleum sector are best sorted out at the negotiating table, which is the ideal place for bargaining. We are not in a position to say whether it is fair for the CPPTOA to demand a 20% commission, but the fuel distributors’ grievances should be addressed and the CPC ought to hold talks with them and negotiate solutions as and when issues crop up. Flexibility is a prerequisite for resolving trade union problems. Intransigence and brinkmanship only aggravate such issues, much to the detriment of the country’s interests. If bowser operators stopped distributing fuel for a couple of days, perish the thought, it would take a considerable time to replenish supplies thereafter, and fuel queues would reappear. Disruptions to fuel distribution could have a domino effect on virtually every other sector of the economy.
The fragile economy, which is recovering from an unprecedented crisis, cannot take any more shocks, and the patience of the public is manifestly wearing thin. Petroleum sector trade unions have claimed that the CPC is selling fuel from older stocks at higher prices, while fuel distributors have called upon the government to scrap the loss-recovery levy immediately, arguing that the CPC’s legacy debt has now been fully repaid. These are the issues the Opposition should take up in Parliament instead of making loud noises that signify nothing.
One can only hope that the CPC and the CPPTOA will resolve the commission issue through negotiations, and the CPC will act more responsibly in the future without trying to wish away trade union issues that could cripple the petroleum sector.
Editorial
Colombo Port drug bust: The plot thickens
Friday 2nd October, 2026
An inquiry conducted by the Police Special Investigation Unit (SIU) into some allegations concerning the circumstances that surrounded the 31 August drug detection at the Colombo Port has revealed that there may have been dereliction of duty on the part of Senior Deputy Inspector General of Police (SDIG) Ranmal Kodituwakku and several other officers, according to media reports. The plot thickens.
Acting on information reportedly received from the US Drug Enforcement Administration, the Central Crime Investigation Bureau (CCIB) searched a shipping container, bound for Cameroon, at the Colombo Port, and detected a large quantity of crystal methamphetamine weighing about 471 kg. The intelligence that led to the drug detection had been conveyed to SDIG Kodithuwakku, who was overseeing the CCIB. It was reported that the officers of the CCIB had obtained a search warrant from a Magistrate before opening the container, with the help of some personnel from the Police Narcotics Bureau and Sri Lanka Customs. Now, there is another version of how the drug detection was made.
SIU is reported to have found that both SDIG Kodithuwakku and the Police Narcotics Bureau received information about the drug consignment, on 14 August, but no action was taken immediately. On 22 August, a sub Inspector of the CCIB also received the same information. He subsequently took action and on 31 August, the container was opened in the presence of the Customs officers. The SIU investigators are reported to have found that some officers of the Police Narcotics Bureau were also present at the scene, but the initial detection of the drug consignment was carried out primarily by officers of the CCIB. SIU has recommended that in addition to the internal inquiry a criminal investigation should be conducted, according to media reports. But was the opening of the container strategically delayed, as has been claimed in some quarters? There have been numerous such instances around the world. The SIU investigators therefore ought not to rush to conclusions before establishing whether the delay, if any, formed part of a deliberate investigative strategy.
It has been reported that French Customs found 139 kg of cocaine in a shipping container at Marseille last year but instead of seizing the drug consignment immediately, it resorted to a controlled delivery of the big box to Barcelona, where a stevedore, two recipients and a transporter were arrested.
In 2023, after detecting 240 kg of methamphetamine in a 40-foot-container, Hong Kong Customs arranged for an international controlled delivery to Australia, where the box was bound for, and several arrests were made there. In May 1985, U.S. Customs allowed a drug-laden shipping container arriving at Port Newark to proceed under surveillance in a controlled-delivery operation in order to identify the people who would take delivery of it.
Police investigations have not always inspired public confidence in this country. There have been many instances where they conducted investigations hurriedly and arrived at the wrong conclusions. In 2015, the CID arrested two suspects, including a schoolboy, over the abduction, rape and murder of a little girl in Kotadeniyawa. It was later found that the perpetrator was someone else. Another striking example is the arrest of two former LTTE cadres after the execution-style killing of two policemen in Vavunathivu in 2018. But after the Easter Sunday terror attacks the following year, the CID found that the two policemen had been murdered by the National Thowheed Jamaath, which carried out the 2019 carnage.
So, one can argue that there is nothing inherently implausible about the claim that the opening of the container carrying narcotics at the Colombo Port was postponed in a bid to catch all those responsible for the illegal operation. Only a thorough probe will reveal whether this method was actually adopted in the case of the port drug bust.
Editorial
Drug busting, transfers and trust deficit
Thursday 1st Octobber, 2026
Media reports about a Police Headquarters decision to transfer Senior Deputy Inspector General of Police (SDIG) Ranmal Kodithuwakku, who oversees the Central Crime Investigation Bureau (CCIB), and several other senior police officers involved in uncovering a massive drug haul recently have raised many an eyebrow. The Police Department is reported to have sought the National Police Commission’s approval for their transfers, citing organisational/service requirements. The news about the proposed transfers has come while an inquiry is underway into the recent seizure of a large quantity of crystal methamphetamine (Ice) at the Colombo Port. Kodithuwakku has already made a statement to the Criminal Investigation Department in connection with that inquiry. The sequence of events is noteworthy.
On 31 August 2026, the police, acting on intelligence passed by the US Drug Enforcement Administration, searched a shipping container at the Colombo Port and seized a large quantity of crystal methamphetamine weighing about 471 kg. The intelligence had been received by SDIG Kodithuwakku. Officers of the CCIB had obtained a search warrant from a Magistrate before opening the container, together with some officers of the Police Narcotics Bureau and Sri Lanka Customs. The drugs were concealed among towels or body wipes.
The Police Special Investigation Unit lost no time in commencing the inquiry under discussion into alleged shortcomings, omissions and possible lapses in the handling of the drug investigation. However, it is generally believed that those who carry out successful operations of this nature deserve praise and rewards. The challenge for the police therefore is to prove that the ongoing inquiry and controversial transfers are not aimed at taking the gloss off the successful anti-narcotics operation.
Police have also claimed that the internal inquiry will not interfere with the main criminal investigation being conducted by the CCIB. However, it may be recalled that the leaders of the incumbent administration accused the SLPP government of having disrupted investigations into the Easter Sunday terror attacks and other major cases by transferring the then CID Director SSP Shani Abeysekera in late 2019. So, how can the police top brass convince the public that the transfers of SDIG Kodituwakku and others will not adversely impact the ongoing probe into the port drug haul?
One can argue that the reasons given by the police for the inquiry and the transfers in question are not plausible, for it is widely believed that whenever senior officers conduct investigations or operations that are not to the liking of their superiors or politicians in power, they face inquiries and transfers. The National Police Commission is also widely perceived as a rubber stamp for the Executive. It is therefore hardly surprising that the media and the discerning public do not readily accept the explanations offered by the Police Spokesman and his superiors about internal inquiries and lightning transfers. There is a huge trust deficit.
Meanwhile, one may recall that nobody was transferred over the Colombo Port container scandal. As many as 323 red-flagged freight containers were released from the Colombo Port without mandatory Customs inspections, in January 2025, and what those big boxes carried is anybody’s guess. The Customs made a shameful attempt to defend the indefensible, and its Spokesman who trotted out lame excuses in a bid to mislead the media and the public became the Customs Chief and received a top position at the Presidential Secretariat after his retirement.
Sri Lankans are familiar with the local folk-story character, King Kekille, who invariably let wrongdoers off and punished the innocent in cases brought before him. Going by the way Sri Lankan politicians have been handling crucial issues under successive governments, one wonders whether King Kekille actually lived in this country and whether the present-day rulers are his descendants. Kekille once punished a goldsmith over a defect in a newly built wall around his palace. When questioned by the king, the mason who built the wall claimed that he had been distracted, during construction work, by a good-looking woman, who passed the worksite several times a day. The woman, summoned by the king, said she had been forced to visit the goldsmith frequently as he had not finished making her jewellery. So, the king shifted the blame to the goldsmith and punished him.
One need hardly be surprised even if those who smuggled drugs into the country through the Colombo Port walk free while the police officers who conducted the successful operation find themselves in the dock. Anything is possible in this country. The onus is on the police top brass to provide a credible justification for the controversial internal inquiry and transfers ordered by them.
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