News
Who is pouring oil on the flames in Sri Lanka?
By Feng Guoquan
Sri Lanka is in a dire situation. Known as the “Pearl of the Indian Ocean,” the country is facing the worst economic crisis since independence in 1948. Western media has taken this opportunity to hype up the so-called Chinese debt trap, alleging that Sri Lanka is on the verge of economic collapse because it was unable to repay its large loans from China. They add that the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has brought a heavy burden to the Sri Lankan economy, and constantly pitting the Sri Lankan government and its people against China, while turning a blind eye to those who are really behind all this.
Caught fire by accumulated debt
There are many causes for Sri Lanka’s economic crisis, among which the foreign exchange crisis is the main factor. Since its independence, Sri Lanka has suffered from internal and external troubles. It has been carrying trade deficits and relying on loans for years. Due to the combined impact of a string of terrorist attacks in April 2019, the COVID-19 pandemic and the Russia-Ukraine conflict, the country’s pillar industries including tourism, overseas remittances, tea and garments have been hit hard and it has rapidly drained its reserves.
What’s worse, Sri Lanka introduced a low tax regime in late 2019, which caused the government a loss of more than $1.4 billion in revenue, further limiting its capability to purchase foreign exchange.
While foreign exchange earnings have plummeted, Sri Lanka’s import payments have continuously increased. Sri Lanka’s production materials and daily necessities are highly dependent on imports, and the armed conflict between Russia and Ukraine has triggered a surge in global commodity prices. Taking energy as an example, 60 percent of Sri Lanka’s electricity is generated from coal and oil, both of which need to be imported. The global oil price increased by six-fold from $18 a barrel in April 2020 to above $100 a barrel now.
At the beginning of 2021, the Sri Lankan government banned the import of chemical to prevent the outflow of foreign exchange, resulting in large-scale crop failures, and the government had to replenish food reserves from abroad, further exacerbating the shortage of foreign exchange.
Sri Lanka’s foreign exchange reserves have plummeted by about 70 percent in the past two years. Its reserves stand at around $1.9 billion at the end of March, while its foreign debt obligations for this year exceed $7 billion. On April 12, the Sri Lankan government officially announced the temporary suspension of foreign debt payments, defaulting on its $50.7 billion foreign debt. On May 19, the government announced that it had failed to repay a total of $78 million in debt, which marked the nation’s first sovereign debt default since it gained independence.
The U.S.-led West have been pouring oil on the flames after setting fire
Although Sri Lanka has been in debt for many years, it has previously maintained a good record of foreign debt repayment. The Russia-Ukraine conflict, which was caused by the U.S.-led Western intervention, had a very serious impact on Sri Lanka’s economy, which was already in bad shape, and leading to its default. It is the hegemony and the greed of capital of the U.S.-led West that are the root causes of the economic crisis faced by Sri Lanka and other developing countries.
The mounting sanctions imposed on Russia by the U.S.-led West have been pushing global food and energy prices to new heights, and there are also restrictions on Russian financial and aviation sectors. The food prices surged in Sri Lanka due to soaring prices of wheat and corn triggered by the Russia-Ukraine conflict.
Sri Lanka exports about $150 million of tea and other commodities to Russia annually. However, as more and more Russian banks are banned from the SWIFT network, Sri Lanka was unable to obtain foreign exchange by exporting to Russia. In January this year, Russia was Sri Lanka’s largest source of tourists, but in March, the state-run national carrier of Sri Lanka suspended its flights to Russia due to the Western sanctions.
In terms of debt structure, most of Sri Lanka’s debts are in the form of international sovereign bonds, and the Asian Development Bank and Japan are its main lenders. According to the Central Bank of Sri Lanka data, as of October 2021, Sri Lanka’s international sovereign bonds reached $11.82 billion, accounting for 34.1 percent of total external debt. In terms of bilateral loans, Japan and India ranked first and second, with $3.54 billion (10.2 percent) and $790 million (2.3 percent) respectively, higher than China.
China’s bilateral loans to Sri Lanka are not the largest. Even with financial market loans (Exim Bank of China) included, it only accounts for 10 percent, and most of the loan interest rates are much lower than the capital markets, among which over 60 percent are concessional loans, and the remaining 40 percent are interest-free loans. So Sri Lanka’s debt repayment problems have very little to do with Chinese loans.
In fact, Sri Lanka is not the only country that suffers from the economic crisis. The Federal Reserve and other major central banks have raised interest rates to quell inflation, which drives up borrowing costs and may bring debt crisis to many developing countries. Turmoil triggered by rising food and energy prices is already gripping countries like Egypt, Tunisia and Peru. Scarcities of food, energy and finance put more than 70 countries at risk of following Sri Lanka into default, says United Nations, according to a recent report by the Wall Street Journal.
The trap of so-called Chinese debt trap
In recent years, governments and media of the U.S.-led West have tied the concept of the “debt trap” to China as a weapon to tarnish China’s reputation and the Belt and Road Initiative in order to counter China’s promotion of BRI, maintain their political and economic hegemony, and prevent the developing countries from participating in the BRI.
The Hambantota Port is a most cited case by the U.S.-led West in hyping up the “Chinese debt trap.” It is falsely claimed that China used the port to drag Sri Lanka deep in debt and would transform it into a military base in the future. But the fact is that the Hambantota Port added $1.12 billion of foreign exchange reserves for Sri Lanka to repay some short-term foreign debts. What’s more, the Hambantota Port is difficult to use as a military base due to water depth limitations, and the Sri Lankan government has explicitly prohibited the use of the Hambantota Port as a foreign military base.
On the contrary, India has recently partially acquired the Trincomalee Port situated on the eastern coast of Sri Lanka, which is a large natural port from a military point of view and used to be a strategic oil terminal for the British army during World War II. Because the United States intended to build an “economic corridor” and highway from Trincomalee to Colombo through the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC), which is obviously for military purposes, the United States, India and other countries have played deaf and dumb.
As a close neighbor of Sri Lanka, China has been sincerely helping Sri Lanka develop its economy. Instead of causing any crisis, China has over the years provided selfless help and firm support to Sri Lanka in socio-economic development. Especially since the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, China and Sri Lanka have supported each other and pulled through together, writing a new chapter of China-Sri Lanka friendship. Chinese Premier Li Keqiang noted that China empathizes with Sri Lanka for its difficulties and challenges, and China is ready to provide much-needed livelihood assistance for Sri Lanka within its capacity.
The Sri Lankan government has explicitly refuted the myth of “Chinese debt trap” time and time again. Recently, Ranil Wickremesinghe, Sri Lanka prime minister and leader of the United National Party, expressed his gratitude to China for assisting Sri Lanka in overcoming difficulties in all aspects and stressed that the government will continue to attach great importance to developing ties with China and push forward BRI projects in the country, accelerate the development of the Colombo Port City, Hambantota Port and other major cooperation projects, make every effort to protect the safety of Chinese institutions and personnel in Sri Lanka.
The international community, especially the developing countries, need to be wary of the trap of “Chinese debt trap” set by the U.S.-led West
,which is a systematic move orchestrated by the U.S. to obstruct the BRI. Countries should endeavor to safeguard their national security and development interests, strengthen international cooperation, including those under the BRI, increase their representation and voice in global economic governance, and promote the establishment of a more just and reasonable international economic order. For developing countries including China, underdevelopment is the biggest trap, and the political, economic, military, and cultural hegemony of the U.S.-led West is the real trap.
(Writer Feng Guoquan is a commentator on international affairs. The article was first published by The People’s Daily, in Chinese, on June 11, 2022. The article reflects the author’s views, and not necessarily those of CGTN (China Global Television Network.)
News
Removing monk’s robes matter for Sangha to decide: Mahanayake Theras
The Mahanayaka Theras of all Nikayas have protested against Bodu Bala Sena (BBS) General Secretary Ven. Galagodaaththe Gnanasara Thera, who is serving a prison sentence for contempt of court, being produced before court in civilian attire.
In a letter to the Commissioner General of Prisons, the Mahanayaka Theras have said they were surprised and concerned by the decision to remove the monk’s robes.
The letter has been signed by Most Ven. Thibbotuwawe Sri Siddhartha Sumangala Thera of the Malwatu Chapter, Most Ven. Warakagoda Sri Gnanarathana Thera of the Asgiri Chapter, Most Ven. Karagoda-Uyangoda Maithri Murthi Thera of the Amarapura Maha Nikaya and Most Ven. Makulawe Sri Wimala Thera of the Ramanna Maha Nikaya.
The Mahanayaka Theras have said they respect the Constitution and the judicial process, but maintained that removing a monk’s robes or ending his status as a member of the Buddhist Order is a matter that should be decided by the Maha Sangha.
They have said the relevant Sangha Council has not determined that Ven. Gnanasara Thera committed a Parajika offence or any other offence warranting his removal from the Buddhist Order.
The Mahanayaka Theras have also referred to Regulation 550 of the Prison Standing Orders, which they say stipulates that convicted prisoners should not be taken to court in prison uniform and should be allowed to wear the type of clothing they normally wore before their conviction. In the case of a Buddhist monk, they have said, this means his monastic robes.
They also referred to the United Nations Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners, which provide for prisoners taken outside prison to be allowed to wear their own clothing or other unobtrusive clothing.
The Mahanayaka Theras have requested the Commissioner General of Prisons to allow Ven. Gnanasara Thera to wear his robes when appearing in court and to maintain his status as a monk while he remains in prison.
Prisons authorities have said that the clothing decision was made under prison regulations, and the Prisons Department has stated that prisoners serving sentences of more than three years are required to wear prison-issued clothing when produced before court.
News
NDB fraud Rs 60mn more than reported
The Committee on Public Finance has said that the actual losses suffered by the NDB bank are much more than what was initially reported. When compared with the initial disclosure made by NDB on 6 April 2026, the reported amount of the fraud had increased by Rs. 0.4 billion, from Rs. 13.2 billion to Rs. 13.6 billion, the committee said.
When compared with the amount disclosed by NDB on 26 June 2026, based on the interim report dated 22 June 2026, the additional amount of fraud is Rs. 60 million.
The has committee issued the following statement: The Committee on Public Finance recently summoned officials of the Central Bank of Sri Lanka to Parliament to inquire into the financial irregularities identified at NDB Bank and the final audit report relating to the matter.
The Committee meeting, chaired by Member of Parliament Dr. Harsha de Silva, discussed irregularities identified in NDB Bank’s financial statements, shortcomings in the audit process, and the relevant audit reports.
The meeting was attended by Deputy Ministers Chathuranga Abeysinghe, Dr. Kaushalya Ariyaratne, and Nishantha Jayaweera, as well as Members of Parliament Attorney-at-Law Rauff Hakeem, Ravi Karunanayake, Ajith Agalakada, Nimal Palihena, Wijesiri Basnayake, M.K.M. Aslam, Champika Hettiarachchi, and Attorney-at-Law Lakmali Hemachandra.
The Committee also focused on the findings of the investigation conducted by the Sri Lanka Accounting and Auditing Standards Monitoring Board (SLAAMB), as well as the findings revealed through the investigation conducted by Deloitte Touche Tohmatsu India LLP. In particular, the Committee inquired into the failure of the external auditors to identify irregularities in NDB Bank’s financial statements.
The accountability of senior management with regard to corporate governance and risk management in relation to the financial irregularities was also discussed.
As a significant proportion of NDB Bank’s shares are held by institutions representing public and state funds, the Committee also considered the potential impact of such financial irregularities on public funds and the general public.
The Committee also discussed the progress made by LankaPay in establishing a centralized fraud monitoring system to prevent fraud within the financial system. The need to strengthen fraud monitoring systems at the individual bank level to monitor transactions carried out within each bank was also emphasized.
Accordingly, the following observations are included in the final audit report concerning the financial irregularities at NDB Bank:
1. The audit covers the period from 1 April 2016 to 31 March 2026. The audit report specifically identifies the financial impact arising from fraudulent transactions amounting to Rs. 13,639,664,684 (Rs. 13.6 billion).
2. According to the disclosure made on 29 September 2026, the financial impact arising from the fraudulent transactions is as follows:
· Rs. 1.5 billion for the period prior to 1 January 2025;
· Rs. 9.6 billion during 2025; and
· Rs. 2.5 billion for the quarter ended 31 March 2026.
3. Compared with the initial disclosure made by NDB on 6 April 2026, the reported amount of the fraud has increased by Rs. 0.4 billion, from Rs. 13.2 billion to Rs. 13.6 billion. Compared with the amount disclosed by NDB on 26 June 2026, based on the interim report dated 22 June 2026, the additional amount of fraud is Rs. 60 million.
4. The final audit report has also confirmed the previous disclosures that no customer accounts were affected as a result of the fraud incident.
5. The report has identified several governance failures at NDB relating to the processing of CEFT transactions, user-level activities within the Core Banking System, and the management of user credentials and access information. In addition, shortcomings have been identified in several operational areas, including transaction monitoring, daily account reconciliation, financial compliance, internal audit, branch network management, and operational risk management.
The audit report has made comprehensive recommendations to strengthen the control mechanisms, governance structures, and processes relating to the above-mentioned activities of the bank.
News
President orders review of laws on treatment of imprisoned monks
President Anura Kumara Dissanayake has ordered the formation of a committee to review the laws and regulations on how Buddhist monks serving prison sentences are treated, including the procedures that apply when they are taken out of prison.
He revealed this at a special meeting with Maha Sangha representatives held yesterday (8) at the Presidential Secretariat. The meeting was called after concerns were raised over how Ven. Galagoda Aththe Gnanasara Thera was treated when he was taken from prison to court.
The committee will recommend amendments to existing laws and, where needed, new prison standing orders and regulations. Its members will be drawn from the Attorney General’s Department, the Ministries of Justice, Public Administration, and Buddha Sasana, Religious and Cultural Affairs, and the Department of Prisons, including the Commissioner General of Prisons. It has been given two weeks to review the current legal provisions and submit its recommendations. The President added that any changes specific to Buddhist monks would be made in consultation with the Maha Sangha.
Outlining the legal background, the President said prison administration was governed by the Prisons Ordinance of 1877, along with the regulations and standing orders issued under it. That framework mostly addressed prisoners in general, he said, and had few provisions dealing specifically with Buddhist monks.
The meeting was attended by senior Maha Sangha members representing the Siyam, Amarapura and Ramanna Nikayas, along with Minister of Buddhasasana, Religious and Cultural Affairs Hiniduma Sunil Senevi and Minister of Justice Harshana Nanayakkara.
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