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Who is pouring oil on the flames in Sri Lanka?

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By Feng Guoquan

Sri Lanka is in a dire situation. Known as the “Pearl of the Indian Ocean,” the country is facing the worst economic crisis since independence in 1948. Western media has taken this opportunity to hype up the so-called Chinese debt trap, alleging that Sri Lanka is on the verge of economic collapse because it was unable to repay its large loans from China. They add that the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has brought a heavy burden to the Sri Lankan economy, and constantly pitting the Sri Lankan government and its people against China, while turning a blind eye to those who are really behind all this.

Caught fire by accumulated debt

There are many causes for Sri Lanka’s economic crisis, among which the foreign exchange crisis is the main factor. Since its independence, Sri Lanka has suffered from internal and external troubles. It has been carrying trade deficits and relying on loans for years. Due to the combined impact of a string of terrorist attacks in April 2019, the COVID-19 pandemic and the Russia-Ukraine conflict, the country’s pillar industries including tourism, overseas remittances, tea and garments have been hit hard and it has rapidly drained its reserves.

What’s worse, Sri Lanka introduced a low tax regime in late 2019, which caused the government a loss of more than $1.4 billion in revenue, further limiting its capability to purchase foreign exchange.

While foreign exchange earnings have plummeted, Sri Lanka’s import payments have continuously increased. Sri Lanka’s production materials and daily necessities are highly dependent on imports, and the armed conflict between Russia and Ukraine has triggered a surge in global commodity prices. Taking energy as an example, 60 percent of Sri Lanka’s electricity is generated from coal and oil, both of which need to be imported. The global oil price increased by six-fold from $18 a barrel in April 2020 to above $100 a barrel now.

At the beginning of 2021, the Sri Lankan government banned the import of chemical to prevent the outflow of foreign exchange, resulting in large-scale crop failures, and the government had to replenish food reserves from abroad, further exacerbating the shortage of foreign exchange.

Sri Lanka’s foreign exchange reserves have plummeted by about 70 percent in the past two years. Its reserves stand at around $1.9 billion at the end of March, while its foreign debt obligations for this year exceed $7 billion. On April 12, the Sri Lankan government officially announced the temporary suspension of foreign debt payments, defaulting on its $50.7 billion foreign debt. On May 19, the government announced that it had failed to repay a total of $78 million in debt, which marked the nation’s first sovereign debt default since it gained independence.

The U.S.-led West have been pouring oil on the flames after setting fire

Although Sri Lanka has been in debt for many years, it has previously maintained a good record of foreign debt repayment. The Russia-Ukraine conflict, which was caused by the U.S.-led Western intervention, had a very serious impact on Sri Lanka’s economy, which was already in bad shape, and leading to its default. It is the hegemony and the greed of capital of the U.S.-led West that are the root causes of the economic crisis faced by Sri Lanka and other developing countries.

The mounting sanctions imposed on Russia by the U.S.-led West have been pushing global food and energy prices to new heights, and there are also restrictions on Russian financial and aviation sectors. The food prices surged in Sri Lanka due to soaring prices of wheat and corn triggered by the Russia-Ukraine conflict.

Sri Lanka exports about $150 million of tea and other commodities to Russia annually. However, as more and more Russian banks are banned from the SWIFT network, Sri Lanka was unable to obtain foreign exchange by exporting to Russia. In January this year, Russia was Sri Lanka’s largest source of tourists, but in March, the state-run national carrier of Sri Lanka suspended its flights to Russia due to the Western sanctions.

In terms of debt structure, most of Sri Lanka’s debts are in the form of international sovereign bonds, and the Asian Development Bank and Japan are its main lenders. According to the Central Bank of Sri Lanka data, as of October 2021, Sri Lanka’s international sovereign bonds reached $11.82 billion, accounting for 34.1 percent of total external debt. In terms of bilateral loans, Japan and India ranked first and second, with $3.54 billion (10.2 percent) and $790 million (2.3 percent) respectively, higher than China.

China’s bilateral loans to Sri Lanka are not the largest. Even with financial market loans (Exim Bank of China) included, it only accounts for 10 percent, and most of the loan interest rates are much lower than the capital markets, among which over 60 percent are concessional loans, and the remaining 40 percent are interest-free loans. So Sri Lanka’s debt repayment problems have very little to do with Chinese loans.

In fact, Sri Lanka is not the only country that suffers from the economic crisis. The Federal Reserve and other major central banks have raised interest rates to quell inflation, which drives up borrowing costs and may bring debt crisis to many developing countries. Turmoil triggered by rising food and energy prices is already gripping countries like Egypt, Tunisia and Peru. Scarcities of food, energy and finance put more than 70 countries at risk of following Sri Lanka into default, says United Nations, according to a recent report by the Wall Street Journal.

The trap of so-called Chinese debt trap

In recent years, governments and media of the U.S.-led West have tied the concept of the “debt trap” to China as a weapon to tarnish China’s reputation and the Belt and Road Initiative in order to counter China’s promotion of BRI, maintain their political and economic hegemony, and prevent the developing countries from participating in the BRI.

The Hambantota Port is a most cited case by the U.S.-led West in hyping up the “Chinese debt trap.” It is falsely claimed that China used the port to drag Sri Lanka deep in debt and would transform it into a military base in the future. But the fact is that the Hambantota Port added $1.12 billion of foreign exchange reserves for Sri Lanka to repay some short-term foreign debts. What’s more, the Hambantota Port is difficult to use as a military base due to water depth limitations, and the Sri Lankan government has explicitly prohibited the use of the Hambantota Port as a foreign military base.

On the contrary, India has recently partially acquired the Trincomalee Port situated on the eastern coast of Sri Lanka, which is a large natural port from a military point of view and used to be a strategic oil terminal for the British army during World War II. Because the United States intended to build an “economic corridor” and highway from Trincomalee to Colombo through the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC), which is obviously for military purposes, the United States, India and other countries have played deaf and dumb.

As a close neighbor of Sri Lanka, China has been sincerely helping Sri Lanka develop its economy. Instead of causing any crisis, China has over the years provided selfless help and firm support to Sri Lanka in socio-economic development. Especially since the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, China and Sri Lanka have supported each other and pulled through together, writing a new chapter of China-Sri Lanka friendship. Chinese Premier Li Keqiang noted that China empathizes with Sri Lanka for its difficulties and challenges, and China is ready to provide much-needed livelihood assistance for Sri Lanka within its capacity.

The Sri Lankan government has explicitly refuted the myth of “Chinese debt trap” time and time again. Recently, Ranil Wickremesinghe, Sri Lanka prime minister and leader of the United National Party, expressed his gratitude to China for assisting Sri Lanka in overcoming difficulties in all aspects and stressed that the government will continue to attach great importance to developing ties with China and push forward BRI projects in the country, accelerate the development of the Colombo Port City, Hambantota Port and other major cooperation projects, make every effort to protect the safety of Chinese institutions and personnel in Sri Lanka.

The international community, especially the developing countries, need to be wary of the trap of “Chinese debt trap” set by the U.S.-led West

which is a systematic move orchestrated by the U.S. to obstruct the BRI. Countries should endeavor to safeguard their national security and development interests, strengthen international cooperation, including those under the BRI, increase their representation and voice in global economic governance, and promote the establishment of a more just and reasonable international economic order. For developing countries including China, underdevelopment is the biggest trap, and the political, economic, military, and cultural hegemony of the U.S.-led West is the real trap.

(Writer Feng Guoquan is a commentator on international affairs. The article was first published by The People’s Daily, in Chinese, on June 11, 2022. The article reflects the author’s views, and not necessarily those of CGTN (China Global Television Network.)



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Discussion on Sri Lanka Customs’ contribution for National Export Development Plan

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A discussion on the modernisation initiatives required within the Sri Lanka Customs and measures to encourage exporters in support of implementing the National Export Development Plan (NEDP) 2026–2030 was held on Wednesday (17)  morning at the Presidential Secretariat under the patronage of Secretary to the President, Dr. Nandika Sanath Kumanayake.

The meeting, organised by the Revenue Administration Reform and Modernization Bureau established under the Presidential Secretariat, focused extensively on the modernisation measures required within Sri Lanka Customs to facilitate the expansion of exports.

During the discussion, the Secretary to the President instructed Sri Lanka Customs to enhance the capacity, facilities and modernisation of the Export Facilitation Centre, where export containers are inspected, in order to create a more efficient and exporter-friendly environment.

Attention was also drawn to developing a programme aimed at encouraging exporters across the country to enter the export sector. The Secretary to the President further emphasised the need to review the Temporary Import for Export Processing (TIEP) scheme currently operated by the Customs Industrial Facilitation Division and to introduce a programme to support small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) that have not yet engaged in export activities.

The meeting also explored the possibility of decentralising customs operations to support the expansion of the export sector, with particular attention given to establishing a Customs Export Centre in Jaffna.

Discussions were also held on removing barriers affecting exports conducted through e-commerce platforms. It was decided to hold further discussions with the Department of Posts on measures that could be taken jointly to streamline these processes.

Participants also discussed introducing digital systems to expedite document processing, thereby reducing both, time and costs, as well as implementing a risk-based assessment mechanism that would provide greater facilitation for low-risk exporters.

It was further decided that Sri Lanka Customs, the Sri Lanka Export Development Board (EDB) and other relevant institutions would meet monthly under the leadership of the Revenue Administration, Reforms and Modernisation Bureau of the Presidential Secretariat to review progress, identify challenges faced by exporters and discuss appropriate solutions.

The National Export Development Plan has been formulated in line with the national vision, “A Thriving Nation – A Beautiful Life”, with the objective of enhancing Sri Lanka’s export competitiveness and achieving an ambitious yet realistic export revenue target of USD 36 billion by 2030.

Director General of Customs Wimal Liyanagama, Chairman of the Sri Lanka Export Development Board (EDB) Mangala Wijesinghe, Additional Directors General of Sri Lanka Customs T. Loganathan and L.K.S.D.K. Arewatta, Director of the Sri Lanka Export Development Board Dr. Sanjeewa Rathnasekara, Director of the Revenue Administration, Reforms and Modernisation Bureau of the Presidential Secretariat W.L.C. Thilakasiri and senior officials from Sri Lanka Customs and the Sri Lanka Export Development Board were also present.

[PMD]

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Military held land: Govt. trying to maintain balance between security and civilian needs

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Deputy Defence Minister Maj. Gen. Jayasekera receiving a field briefing during a recent visit to the Jaffna peninsula (pic courtesy MoD).

The NPP government is trying to maintain a balance between continuing demands for releasing north-east land held by the military and post-war security requirements, says Deputy Defence Minister Major General Aruna Jayasekera (Retd), who has undertaken a series of visits to the northern and eastern provinces in the recent past to explore ways and means of releasing the land, without compromising national security requirements.

Since the armed forces brought the war to a successful conclusion in May, 2009, releasing of both privately- and state-owned land began cautiously in October, 2009, and by now over 90 percent of both categories have been released. At the height of the war, before the launch of Eelam War IV, in August 2006, Jaffna peninsula had the largest concentration of troops assigned to four Divisions.

In the first week of June, Deputy Minister Jayasekera visited the Trincomalee District to ascertain the situation. The Defence Ministry said that the Deputy Minister had assessed the current status of such lands and received briefings from senior military officers and relevant officials on security and administrative aspects regarding the properties.

Following the field inspection, the Deputy Minister chaired a meeting at the Governor’s Secretariat Office where the discussion focused on what the Defence Ministry called a balanced and practical approach to address land-related issues, protect the livelihoods of the people, and ensure that national security requirements were properly managed.

Jayasekera, with a career spanning well over three decades, retired in November, 2019, after having last served as the Eastern Commander for about a year.

During his June visit, the Deputy Minister visited various security forces establishments, including the 22 Infantry Division.

A senior retired military official said that those who had been demanding that all security forces held land, both state- and privately-owned, be released, have conveniently forgotten that this was made possible due to the eradication of the LTTE.

The Deputy Defence Minister conducted a series of field visits in the Jaffna and Wanni regions to assess the security situation and operational commitments. According to the Defence Ministry, the Deputy Minister addressed senior tri forces personnel at the Security Forces Headquarters – Jaffna (SFHQ-J) and the Security Forces Headquarters – Wanni (SFHQ-Wanni).

The Deputy Minister chaired civil-military coordination meetings in the Mannar and Jaffna districts to the ongoing land ownership issues, fostering socio economic growth, and streamlining local infrastructure layout in close cooperation with the regional administrative mechanism. The Ministry said that the Deputy Minister inspected agricultural zones, private residences and public common areas, presently placed within the operational infrastructure of the Sri Lanka Navy across several locations, in Mullikulam, Silawathura, Talaimannar, Wankalapadu, and Pallimune.

Members of Parliament for the Vanni Electoral District, Selvam Adaikalanathan, Kader Masthan, Thurairasa Ravikaran and the District Secretary for Mannar were also present at the meeting where matters related to socio economic grievances, local infrastructure demands, and land rights of the local residents were central topic in the agenda.

The Deputy Minister of Defence chaired a second meeting at the Governor’s Office in Jaffna where the main focus was existing land issues in the districts of Vavuniya, Mannar, Mullaitivu, Kilinochchi, and Jaffna.

The Jaffna proceedings were co-chaired by the Minister of Fisheries, Aquatic and Ocean Resources and Chairman of the District Coordinating Committee for the Jaffna and Kilinochchi Districts Ramalingam Chandrasekar and Deputy Minister of Co-operative Development Upali Samarasinghe.

The Defence Ministry said that stability depended on striking an optimal balance between prioritising national security obligations and resolving outstanding issues related to both state owned and privately used lands. “We are implementing a transparent mechanism to swiftly transition designated lands back into the hands of local communities for housing, fishing, and agriculture.”

The participation of the Commander of the Army and the Commander of the Navy underscored the importance of the discussions held in the north.

In the Mannar region the focus was on lands, presently used by the Navy, in the areas of Mullikulam, Silawathura, Talaimannar, Wankalapadu, and Pallimunai.

Authoritative sources said that since the end of the war, the military had given up held areas and what remained occupied were essential for security purposes. The depletion of the area under direct control should be examined taking into consideration gradual overall reduction of combined security forces strength over the years. At the end of the war, the Army had approximately 205,000 officers and men, both regular and volunteer. That figure has been reduced to 150,000 to 160,000. In line with the government thinking the Army strength would be brought down to 100,000 by 2030, a plan first announced by President Ranil Wickremesinghe.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

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Yoshitha granted bail, travel ban imposed

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Ex-Navy officer Yoshitha Rajapaksa, second son of former President Mahinda Rajapaksa, being taken to the Colombo Chief Magistrate's court yesterday.

Colombo Chief Magistrate Lahiru de Silva yesterday granted bail to Yoshitha Rajapaksa, second son of former President Mahinda Rajapaksa, on three sureties of Rs. 5 million each, and imposed an overseas travel ban.

The Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption (CIABOC) arrested Yoshitha yesterday morning when he called over to make a statement regarding an ongoing investigation into his recruitment to the Sri Lanka Navy and training at the UK Royal Naval Academy.

CIABOC said that the arrest had been made in connection with an investigation into the 2006 recruitment of cadet officers to the executive branch of the Sri Lanka Navy.

It has been alleged that individuals were recruited without meeting the required qualifications and state funds were used outside established procedures for their training at the Royal Naval Academy in the UK.

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