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What does ‘FULL IMPLEMENTATION of 13A’ mean?

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by Neville Ladduwahetty

The consensus at the recently concluded meeting of the Sri Lankan Party Leaders, chaired by the President, was for the “Full Implementation of 13A” (the 13th Amendment to the Constitution of Sri Lanka). However, none of the Party Leaders spelt out what precisely was meant by the phrase “Full Implementation of 13A”.

The general opinion is that “Full Implementation of 13A” means the implementation of all the provisions specified in the 13th Amendment (13A). Since all provisions in 13A, except for Land and Police powers, have already been implemented, it must then follow that the “Full implementation of 13A” would be completed with devolving Land and Police powers as provided in the 13th Amendment of the Constitution which was certified on November 14, 1987.

BACKGROUND to 13A

The 13A was not a self-determined arrangement for sharing power between the Centre and the Periphery of Sri Lanka. It was a structural arrangement unilaterally imposed on the Peoples of Sri Lanka by India, following the Indo-Lanka Accord. Furthermore, 13A as an arrangement for Sri Lanka is based and crafted to suit the political, geographical, cultural and structural formation of the State of India, which essentially is a Parliamentary system that functions as a quasi-federal State. Sri Lanka on the other hand, is based on a Unitary Presidential System. Consequently, 13A is totally unsuited for Sri Lanka. Notwithstanding this fact, since the 13A is the only Centre/Periphery arrangement that currently exists, it is in Sri Lanka’s interest to make it work as best as possible, in a suitably modified form, to fit its existing Presidential system of government.

LAND POWERS

The prevailing understanding relating to Land powers was that it was a devolved subject, until the Supreme Court ruled otherwise as per the determination presented below.Extracts of the judgment by a Supreme Court Panel of 3 Judges relating to State Land, are presented below for the benefit of those who are unaware of this judgment. The determination of the Supreme Court was that “State Land shall continue to vest in the Republic”. See details below.

S.C. Appeal No. 21/13

Before: Mohan Pieris, P.C., C.J., Sripavan, J., Wanasundera, P.C., J.

Judgment written by: Sripavan, J.

Relevant extracts of the judgment are:

“It must be noted that the demarcation between the Centre and the Provinces with regard to “State Land” must be clearly identified…. As far as possible, an attempt must be made to reconcile entries in Lists I, II, III of the Constitution and the Court must avoid attributing any conflict between the powers of the Centre and the Provinces”

“On an examination of the Provincial List, it would appear at item 18 as follows: “Land – Land that is to say, rights in or over land, land tenure, transfer and alienation of land, land use, land settlement and land improvement, to the extent set out in Appendix II” (emphasis as in judgment)Appendix II sets out as follows:

Land and Land Settlement

“State Land shall continue to vest in the Republic and may be disposed of in accordance with Article 33 (d) and written law governing this matter…” (Ibid) Thus, it is important to bear in mind that “land” is a Provincial Council subject only to the extent set out in Appendix II. This Appendix imposes the restriction on the land powers given to Provincial Councils. The Constitutional limitations imposed by the legislature show that in the exercise of its legislative powers, no exclusive power is vested in the Provincial Councils with regard to the subject of “land”.

“According to 1.2 (in Appendix II) it is important to note that a Provincial Council can utilize “State Land” only upon it being made available to it by the government. It therefore implies that a Provincial Council cannot appropriate to itself without the Government making “State Land” available to such Council. Such “State Land” can be made available by the Government only in respect of a provincial Council subject. The only power cast upon the Provincial Council is to administer, control and utilize such “State Land” in accordance with the laws passed by Parliament and the statutes made by the Provincial Council.”

“In view of foregoing analysis, and considering the true nature and character of the legislative powers given to Provincial Councils one could safely conclude that “Provincial Councils can only make statutes to administer, control and utilize State Land, if such State Land is made available to the Provincial Council by the Government for a Provincial Council subject.”

POLICE POWERS

Appendix 1 – Law and Order of 13A Paragraph 11 states: “All Police Officers serving in units of the National Division and Provincial Divisions in any Province shall function under the direction and control of the D.I.G. of such Province”.

Paragraph 11: 1 states: “The D.I.G. of the Province shall be responsible to and under the control of the Chief Minister thereof in respect of the maintenance of public order in the Province and the exercise of police powers in the Province as set out in this schedule”.

This means that the D.I.G. of the Province who is responsible for exercising of “Public Order and the exercise of Police powers” within the Province, is “responsible to and under the control of the Chief Minister” who, as the Head of the Board of Ministers is primarily responsible for making “statutes applicable to the Province”, and is therefore, part of the Legislature of the Province. This arrangement is totally unacceptable because it tempts political interference in matters relating to the maintenance of public order. Therefore, this provision should be amended so that Police could maintain public order independently. Since any attempt to derogate the powers of the Chief Minister would be strongly resisted, despite it being noteworthy, such an amendment would require a special majority of 2/3 of the Parliament voting in its favour. Since it is not prudent to venture on such an exercise at this time, it is best not to devolve powers relating to Law and Order.

A further reason not to devolve Police powers is on account of the prevailing security situation in the country. The lawlessness prevailing in the country is tied up with external threats arising from both drug and human trafficking in which not only Sri Lankans but also foreign nationals, are involved. Furthermore, the Indian Security Agencies have repeatedly warned of activities relating to the revival of the LTTE. In the background of such developments, it would be foolhardy to not give the Provincial Police a free hand to act independently, as it involves National Security, in matters relating to Law and Order in the Provinces. Clearly, devolving Police powers to Provinces at this point in time would compromise the National Security situation in the country.

Realizing the need for the Provincial Police to be free to act independently, India for instance, has made sure that the authority over a State police is held by the State’s Home Department led by a chief or principal secretary, who essentially is an Administrative Officer. How the provisions in 13A relating to Police powers came to be so different from that in India, notwithstanding the fact that the Executive power of the Governor and the powers of the Provincial Council are nearly identical to powers in Indian States, is indeed a mystery.

CURRENT STATUS of 13A

The current status of 13A is that all powers constitutionally provided under the 13th Amendment are devolved to the Provinces except for Land and Police powers. Land power is a reserved subject and therefore, cannot be devolved as determined by the Supreme Court cited above. Police power should not be devolved as currently provided in 13A because of the law and order situation in the country at this time. The current situation is therefore that all possible power under 13A has already been devolved, which means 13A is fully implemented.

If that is in fact the case, why are Provincial Councils often described as white elephants and that the return on the cost of maintaining them does not warrant them being retained. If the reason is the lack of devolved power, any revisions would amount to a new Constitutional Amendment that at a minimum would require a 2/3 majority. This is unlikely in view of the prevailing negative attitude about the effectiveness of Provincial Councils. Therefore, the more realistic approach is to seriously investigate the effectiveness of the existing organizational structure and introduce the needed reforms to make the operation of Provincial Councils more effective.

Explaining the current situation, a Report titled “(PROVINCIAL COUNCILS: OPERATIONAL EXPERIENCE OF DEVOLUTION (1996, p. 17) states: “The position of the Divisional Secretary is more awkward despite being placed under the direct authority of the Ministry of Home Affairs. Further, the administrative supervision of the Divisional Secretaries has been assigned to the District Secretaries, who have no direct link with the PC (Provincial Council) system. Thus the Divisional Secretary is a government official and is directly responsible for the implementation of central functions. However, the Divisional Secretary is also made responsible for provincial subjects and functions under delegation from the Governor. As a result, the Divisional Secretary has to service the interests of both the government and the PC”.

“There is no doubt that the resulting dual situation affects the performance of Provincial subjects and functions of PCs. Some PCs have attempted to use Pradeshiya Sabhas as an alternative Divisional level structure for the Divisional administration. If such tendencies continue, it is likely that the Divisional Secretariat and the Pradeshiya Sabha would enter into new areas of conflict of interest” (Ibid).

What is evident from the foregoing is the absence of a clear structural arrangement at the Provincial level; a fact that tends to cause the exercise of Devolved Powers to vary from province to province. On the other hand, clear administrative arrangements exist and have always existed at the District and lower levels. Therefore, devolving power to the District and lower levels makes significantly more sense than what currently exists.

Since it is unlikely that the political establishment at any level would resist any attempts to divest power even if is to the benefit of the People, the more realistic option is to reform the existing Center/Periphery relationship from an organizational and management perspective to make devolution work more effectively.

CONCLUSION

The 13th Amendment was certified on November 14, 1987. This means 13A has existed for nearly 34 years in its original form. It did not take long for the People to realize the ineffectiveness of devolving power to the Provinces under structural organizational arrangements formulated for such powers to operate. Even during the colonial period, the Province as the unit of administration was soon abandoned in preference for the smaller unit of the District as a more effective unit of administration.

Despite this background, the political establishment has persistently insisted that the primary unit of devolution should be the Province and they keep on attributing the insufficiency of the scope of the devolved powers as the primary cause for the ineffectiveness of the Provincial Council system. It is indeed tragic that it has not dawned on them that however much power is devolved, if it operates within the framework of a flawed organizational structure, it would continue to be ineffective.

Another issue of serious concern is that no think-tank, research institution or an institution in this country that specializes in management, has been motivated enough to address the cause or causes for the ineffectiveness of the Provincial Council system. In the absence of such knowledge the impulse would be focus on what additional powers to devolve because that is all the political establishment is interested in, not realizing that even additional powers have to operate within a flawed organizational framework that has proved to be dysfunctional.

Therefore, even at this late stage, the call by the Government should be to engage an institution that specializes in management, or any other, to study the existing structural framework under which devolved powers provided under 13A operate, and recommend how the Provincial Council system could be made more effective as a service to the People, because at the end of the day it is the People who are the beneficiaries of a more effective Center/Periphery relationship..



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The Silent Invasion: Unchecked spread of oil palm in Sri Lanka

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Invasive fast growing palm trees in the Kalu Ganga basin. Pictures courtesy Rajika Gamage

Sri Lanka’s agricultural landscape is witnessing a silent yet profound transformation with the rapid expansion of oil palm plantations. Once introduced as a commercial crop, the oil palm (Elaeis guineensis) is now at the center of a heated debate, with environmentalists and scientists warning of its devastating ecological consequences.

Speaking to The Island research scientist Rajika Gamage, said: “The spread of oil palm in Sri Lanka is not just a concern for biodiversity, but also for water resources, soil stability, and even local economies that rely on traditional crops.”

A Brief History of Oil Palm Cultivation

Oil palm, originally from West and Central Africa, was first cultivated for commercial purposes in Java in 1948 by Dutch colonists. It reached Malaysia and Indonesia by 1910, where its lucrative potential drove large-scale plantations.

According to Gamage, in Sri Lanka, the first significant oil palm plantation was established in 1968 at Nakiyadeniya Estate by European planters, initially covering a mere 0.5 hectares. Today, oil palm cultivation is predominantly concentrated in Galle, Matara, and Kalutara districts, with smaller plantations in Colombo, Rathnapura, and Kegalle.

Over the decades, he says the commercial viability of oil palm has prompted its expansion, often at the cost of native forests and traditional agricultural lands. Government incentives and private investments have further accelerated the spread of plantations, despite growing concerns over their environmental and social impacts.

Economic Boon or Environmental Curse?

Supporters of oil palm industry argue that it is the most efficient crop for vegetable oil production, yielding more oil per hectare than any other alternative. Sri Lanka currently imports a significant amount of palm oil, and expanding local production is seen as a way to reduce dependence on imports and boost local industries. However, Gamage highlights the hidden costs: “Oil palm plantations deplete water sources, contribute to soil erosion, and threaten native flora and fauna. These are long-term damages that far outweigh the short-term economic benefits.”

One of the primary environmental concerns is the aggressive water consumption of oil palm, which leads to the depletion of underground aquifers. This is particularly evident in areas such as Kalu River and Kelani River wetlands, where native ecosystems are being severely affected. Additionally, soil degradation caused by extensive monoculture farming results in loss of fertility and increased vulnerability to landslides in hilly regions.

Furthermore, studies show that oil palm plantations disrupt the natural habitats of endemic species. “Unlike rubber and coconut, oil palm does not support Sri Lanka’s rich biodiversity. It alters the soil composition and prevents the regeneration of native plant species,” Gamage explains. The loss of forest cover also exacerbates human-wildlife conflicts, as displaced animals venture into human settlements in search of food and shelter.

Rajika Gamage

A Threat to Indigenous Agriculture and Culture

Beyond environmental concerns, oil palm is also threatening traditional crops like kitul (Caryota urens) and palmyrah (Borassus flabellifer), both of which hold economic and cultural significance. “These native palms have sustained rural livelihoods for centuries,” says Gamage. “Their gradual replacement by oil palm could lead to economic instability for small-scale farmers.”

Kitul tapping, an age-old tradition in Sri Lanka, provides a source of income for thousands of families, particularly in rural areas. The syrup extracted from kitul is used in local cuisine and traditional medicine. Similarly, palmyrah has deep roots in Sri Lankan culture, particularly in the Northern and Eastern provinces, where its products contribute to food security and local industries.

The rise of oil palm plantations has led to the clearing of lands that once supported the traditional crops. With large-scale commercial investments driving oil palm expansion, small-scale farmers are finding it increasingly difficult to sustain their livelihoods. Gamage warns, “If we allow oil palm to replace our native palms, we risk losing not just biodiversity, but also a vital part of our cultural heritage.”

The Global Perspective: Lessons from Other Nations

Sri Lanka is not the first country to grapple with the consequences of oil palm expansion. Malaysia and Indonesia, the world’s leading producers of palm oil, have faced severe deforestation, biodiversity loss, and socio-economic conflicts due to unchecked plantation growth.

In Indonesia, for example, vast tracts of rainforest have been cleared for palm oil production, leading to habitat destruction for endangered species such as orangutans and Sumatran tigers. Additionally, indigenous communities have been displaced, sparking legal battles over land rights.

Malaysia has attempted to address some of these issues by introducing sustainability certifications, such as the Malaysian Sustainable Palm Oil (MSPO) standard. However, implementation challenges remain, and deforestation continues at an alarming rate.

Sri Lanka can learn valuable lessons from these experiences. Implementing strict land-use policies, promoting agroforestry practices, and ensuring transparency in plantation expansion are crucial steps in mitigating environmental damage while supporting economic development.

The Urgent Need for Action

Despite these concerns, Sri Lanka has yet to enforce strict regulations on oil palm expansion. Gamage urges authorities to intervene: “It is imperative that we implement policies to control its spread before it is too late. The unchecked expansion of oil palm will lead to irreversible environmental damage.”

To address this issue, experts suggest a multi-pronged approach:

Stronger Land-Use Policies

– The government must enforce restrictions on oil palm cultivation in ecologically sensitive areas, such as wetlands and forest reserves.

Reforestation and Rehabilitation

– Efforts should be made to restore degraded lands by reintroducing native tree species and promoting sustainable agroforestry.

Supporting Traditional Agriculture

– Incentives should be provided to farmers growing traditional crops like kitul and palmyrah, ensuring that these industries remain viable.

Public Awareness and Education

– Raising awareness among local communities about the environmental and social impacts of oil palm can empower them to make informed decisions about land use.

Sustainable Alternatives

– Encouraging research into alternative vegetable oil sources, such as coconut oil, which has long been a staple in Sri Lankan agriculture, could reduce reliance on palm oil.

As Sri Lanka stands at a crossroads, the decisions made today will determine the country’s ecological and agricultural future. While the economic benefits of oil palm are undeniable, its long-term environmental and social costs cannot be ignored. The challenge now is to strike a balance between economic growth and environmental sustainability before the damage becomes irreversible.

In conclusion Gamage said, “We must act now. If we allow oil palm to spread unchecked, future generations will bear the cost of our inaction.”

Sri Lanka has the opportunity to take a different path—one that prioritises biodiversity conservation, sustainable agriculture, and the well-being of local communities. The time for decisive action is now.

By Ifham Nizam

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A plea for establishing a transboundary Blue-Green Biosphere Reserve in Gulf of Mannar and Palk Bay

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Blue-green land and waterscapes act as ecological corridors across land and water in creating an ecological continuity in order to protect and restore the habitats of native and naturalised species.

In addition, these ecological corridors also help to conserve and improve the habitats of migratory species, as well. One of the main objectives of establishing blue-green land-waterscapes is to reconcile increasing local/regional development and human livelihood challenges in a sustainable manner while, at the same time, safeguard biodiversity and their habitats/ecosystems, as far as possible.

While green landscapes are natural and semi-natural terrestrial vegetation types like natural forests and grasslands, blue waterscapes are aquatic or semi-aquatic vegetation types such as seagrass meadows, mangroves and coastal and other wetlands. These vegetated coastal ecosystems known as ‘blue carbon’ ecosystems are some of the most productive on Earth and located at the interfaces among terrestrial, freshwater and marine environments. They provide us with essential ecosystem services, such as serving as a buffer in coastal protection from storms and erosion, spawning grounds for fish, filtering pollutants and contaminants from coastal waters thus improving coastal water quality and contributing to all important food security.

In addition, they capture and store “blue” carbon from the atmosphere and oceans at significantly higher rates per unit area than tropical forests (Figure 1) and hence act as effective carbon sinks. By storing carbon, these ecosystems help to reduce the amount of greenhouse gas in the atmosphere, thus contributing significantly to mitigate the effects of climate change.

Figure 1: Carbon storage in different vegetation types (Source – What Is Blue Carbon and Why Does It Matter? – Sustainable Travel International)

.Blue-green Carbon Markets

The recognition of blue carbon (BC) ecosystems (primarily mangroves, seagrasses and tidal marshes) as an effective natural climate solution paved the way for their inclusion within carbon markets. Blue carbon is the marine analog of green carbon, which refers to carbon captured by terrestrial (i.e., land-based) plants. The blue-green carbon market involves buying and selling carbon credits from projects that protect and restore coastal and marine ecosystems (blue carbon) and terrestrial ecosystems (green carbon). Since Blue Carbon ecosystems have higher carbon sequestration (capture and store) potential compared to their terrestrial counterparts, blue Carbon credits are worth over two times more than green carbon credits. They offer opportunities for commercial enterprises to offset carbon emissions and in turn support climate action.

Blue Carbon projects are expected to grow twofold in the near future. With the recent surge in international partnerships and funding, there is immense growth potential for the blue carbon market. However, it is critically important to look beyond the value of the carbon sequestered to ensure the rights and needs of local communities that are central to any attempt to mitigate climate change using a blue and green carbon project.

Blue Carbon projects can serve as grassroot hubs for sustainable development by developing nature-based solutions in these ecosystems thus contributing to both climate change mitigation and adaptation. Globally, numerous policies, coastal management strategies, and tools designed for conserving and restoring coastal ecosystems have been developed and implemented. Policies and finance mechanisms being developed for climate change mitigation may offer an additional route for effective coastal management. The International Blue Carbon Initiative, for example, is a coordinated, global program focused on conserving and restoring coastal ecosystems for the climate, biodiversity and human wellbeing.

Until recently, most of these opportunities focus on carbon found in the above ground vegetative biomass and do not account for the carbon in the soil. On the other hand, blue carbon, in particular has the potential for immense growth in carbon capture economics in the near future and can provide significant socioeconomic and environmental benefits. Consequently, blue -green carbon habitats in the Gulf of Mannar – Palk Bay region represent invaluable assets in climate change mitigation and coastal ecosystem conservation and sustainable development.

Gulf of Mannar and Palk Bay  Trans-boundary Region

The Gulf of Mannar and Palk Bay region form a transboundary area within the waters of southeastern India and northwestern Sri Lanka. This region supports dense seagrass meadows having a high level of marine biodiversity including marine mammals such as dugong. Sea turtles are frequent visitors to the gulf while sharks, dolphins, sperm and baleen whales too, have been reported from this area. The Mannar region is recognized as an Important Marine Mammal Area (IMMA) of the world by IUCN (Figure 2) and also an Important Bird Area by Birdlife International. This region as a whole is a store house of unique biological wealth of global significance and as such is considered as one of the world’s richest regions from a marine biodiversity perspective.

Figure 2. Gulf of Mannar and Palk Bay IMMA (Source – IUCN Joint SSC/WCPA Marine Mammal Protected Areas Task Force, 2022 IUCN-MMPATF (2022)

Gulf of Mannar Biosphere Reserve – India

India has already declared a part of this region as the UNESCO Gulf of Mannar Biosphere Reserve covering an area of 10,500 km2 of ocean with 21 islands and the adjoining coastline. The islets and coastal buffer zone include beaches, estuaries, and tropical dry broadleaf forests, while the surrounding seascape of the Marine National Park (established in 1986) and a 10 km strip of the coastal landscape that include seaweed communities, seagrass communities, coral reefs, salt marshes and mangrove forests form the coastal and marine component of the biosphere reserve on the Indian side of the Gulf of Mannar.

Sri Lankan ‘Proposed’ Biosphere Reserve

On the Sri Lankan side of the Palk Bay there is a semi-enclosed shallow water body between the southeast coast of India and Sri Lanka, with a water depth maximum of 13 m. To the south, a chain of low islands and reefs known as Adam’s Bridge or Rama Setu (Rama’s Bridge), separates Palk Bay from the Gulf of Mannar. The Palk Bay leads to Palk Strait (Figure 3). Palk Bay is one of the major sinks for sediments along with the Gulf of Mannar. Sediments discharged by rivers and transported by the surf currents as littoral drift settle in this sink.

Figure 3: Gulf of Mannar and Palk Straits Source: Drishti IAS & Google Images

On the Sri Lankan side of the Palk Bay, studies are being conducted by the Dugong and Seagrass Conservation Project to establish an additional 10,000 hectares of Marine Protected Area to support the conservation of dugongs and their seagrass habitat in the Gulf of Mannar and Palk Bay. This project will involve the preparation of a multiple-community-based management plan in conjunction with government, fishing communities and the tourism industry.

With this valuable information emerging from projects of this nature, Sri Lanka has real opportunities to create a large marine protected area in the Gulf of Mannar and Palk Bay region and eventually merging them together with the Gulf of Mannar Biosphere Reserve of India to form a trans-boundary biosphere Reserve.

Terrestrial cum Marine Spatial Plan for the Gulf of Mannar and Palk Bay Region

Therefore, an excellent opportunity awaits both the Governments of Sri Lanka and India to collaborate in preparing of a terrestrial and marine spatial plan for this region, a prerequisite before going further on designing and implementing large scale development plans in establishing wind energy farms, mineral sand extraction, fishing industry, oil exploration and tourism development.

Coastal and Marine Spatial Planning (CMSP) is an integrated, place-based approach for allocating coastal and marine resources and space, while protecting the ecosystems that provide these vital resources.

On the Indian side, the Gulf of Mannar Biosphere reserve is well established and functional. On the Sri Lankan side, already there are three DWLC managed protected areas i) Adam’s Bridge Marine National Park (# 29 in the map – 18,990 ha declared in 2015), ii) Vedithalathiv Nature Reserve (# 35 -29,180 ha declared in 2016) and iii) Vankalai Sanctuary ( # 97 -4839 ha declared in 2008) (Figure 4) which can serve as the core zone of the Sri Lankan counterpart of a trans-boundary biosphere reserve. Due to the integrated nature of shallow wetland and terrestrial coastal habitats, Vankalai Sanctuary, in particular is highly productive, supporting high ecosystem and species diversity.

Figure 4: Protected Areas in Norther Sri Lanka Managed by the Department of Wildlife Conservation Source: DWLC

This site provides excellent feeding and living habitats for a large number of water bird species, including annual migrants, which also use this area on arrival and during their exit from Sri Lanka.

Having several coastal and marine protected areas already within the Sri Lankan territory provide an excellent opportunity to establish the Gulf of Mannar – Palk Bay blue-green Biosphere Reserve (Sri Lanka) initially and eventually to join up seamlessly with the already established Gulf of Mannar Biosphere Reserve on the Indian side to create a trans-boundary blue-green biosphere reserve.

This makes perfect sense because unlike sedentary plant species, mobile animal and plant groups (phytoplankton, in particular) do not respect human demarcated territorial boundaries. The provision of a common and unhindered protected coastal and marine passage for their customary movement for food and raising young is therefore of crucial importance in conservation management. Scientific evidence-based selection of additional areas, if necessary and their respective boundaries are best be determined in consultation with expert groups on marine mammals and reptiles, birds, fish, coastal vegetation conservation, sociology and industrial development from both sides of the divide.

Proper spatial planning needs to be done before large-scale development plans are designed and implemented in order to avoid conflicts of interest leading to inordinate delays and teething problems in project initiation. As a priority, the protected blue-green core and buffer regions need to be demarcated for their conservation. This could best be done in this narrow passage of land and water between Sri Lanka and India

( Palk Strait & Gulf of Mannar) by preparing a marine and terrestrial spatial plan along the UNESCO Man and Biosphere conceptual guidelines differentiating core, buffer and transition zones. While the protected areas in the core and buffer zone provide all important ecosystem services that would also serve as breeding ground for fish, crustaceans, marine reptiles, birds and mammals thereby provisioning sustainable industries to be developed in the surrounding transition areas demarcated in the joint spatial plan.

In addition, the Satoyama Global Initiative established by the Japanese at UNESCO as a global effort in 2009 to realise ‘societies in harmony with nature’ in which – Satoumi – specifically referring to the management of socio-ecological production landscapes in marine and coastal regions, is also a good model to be considered for conservation of biodiversity and co-existence between humans and nature.

Final Plea

In order to take this proposal forward from the Sri Lankan side, a number of useful baseline reports are already available including, but not limited to, the following: i. Biodiversity Profile of the Mannar District (CEJ & USAID 2022), ii. The Gulf of Mannar and its surroundings (IUCN 2012), iii) Atlas of Mangroves, Salt Marshes and Sand Dunes of the Coastal Area from Malwathu Oya to Pooneryn in the Northwestern Coastal Region, Sri Lanka (Ecological Association of Sri Lanka, Peradeniya, Sri Lanka, 2020). iv. Integrated Strategic Environment Assessment of the Northern Province of Sri Lanka (CEA 2014).

If this proposal to establish a Trans-boundary Blue-Green Biosphere Reserve in the Gulf of Mannar and Palk Bay is acceptable in principle to the Governments of Sri Lanka and India, it would be ideal if the Man and the Biosphere (MAB) program UNESCO which is an intergovernmental scientific program whose mission is to establish a scientific basis for enhancing the relationship between people and their environments to partner with the relevant Government and non-governmental agencies in both countries in making it a reality. This proposed concept has all the necessary elements for developing a unique sustainable conservation cum industrial development strategy via nature-based solutions while at the same time contributing to both climate change mitigation and adaptation.

by Emeritus Professor Nimal Gunatilleke,
University of Peradeniya

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Britain going downhill is no surprise!

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It was the epicentre of a vast empire once and was called ‘the empire on which the sun never sets.’ That was in the 18th & 19th centuries and the early part of the 20th century when some parts of it had sunshine, anytime in the day, due to the sheer vastness of the British Empire. That was no mean feat for a small European country with a relatively small population that changed the world, with the Industrial revolution at the height of its empire. What is its position today? Though some attempt to label it as a small, inconsequential European country, it still has a clout beyond its size. However, there is no doubt whatsoever that it is on a downhill slope, mostly because of the actions of politicians.

Britain became bankrupt by fighting World War II to save Europe from the aggression of Hitler, a fact often forgotten by some of the ungrateful European nations. Despite this, the British NHS was established in 1948 as there were politicians with foresight like Aneurin Bevan. In no time it gained the reputation of being the best healthcare system in the world as it delivered free universal health care. However, some latter-day politicians, who worshipped ‘Uncle Sam,’ wanted to ape the American system, though it was never shown to be as effective, by changing it to a better managed system with disastrous consequences, as explained in my article “Shock therapy for ailing British NHS” (The Island, 17 March).

Politicians peddling free market economies encouraged the foreign ownership of all that was proudly British, not sparing even the likes of Rolls-Royce and Cadburys! London Heathrow Airport was once the pride of Britain and, not so long ago, was the busiest international airport in the world but started stagnating probably, at least in part, due to foreign ownership. Countries like China and even India built many airports while arguments continued, led by environmentalists, about the third runway in Heathrow, which is badly needed as aircraft are forced to circulate over London till a landing slot is available, which has happened to me on many occasions.

Heathrow is still the busiest airport in Europe, fourth busiest in the world based on passenger traffic but second busiest if based on international passenger traffic and the airport with most international connections. But in the early hours of 21st March, it became the laughing stock of the world, and the anger of many, as the authorities decided to close the airport for 24 hours due to a power outage caused by a fire in an electric substation. The Chief Executive, who later claimed he was proud how the airport handled the situation, went to bed leaving it to his deputy who chose to close the airport fully for 24 hours leading to cancellation of 1352 flights whilst inconveniencing over 290,000 passengers, instead of continually assessing the situation. Apparently, by 3 pm power in Terminal 5, exclusive to British Airways, was back on and British Airways, which operates half the flights in and out of Heathrow, could have been operational. Further, it transpired later that power from two alternate substations had been available! I do not know whether these things happen because major decisions are taken by people who do not have a sense of belonging.

For a long time, we have known the vagaries of the American system but up to now we have, to an extent, believed in the fair play of the British system but the recent decision to impose sanctions on three previous service chiefs’ shatters that image and exposes the moral decay of the once great power, Britain! To add insult to injury, a Tiger chief who crossed over to the government is sanctioned for his sins during his time in government, not for what he did as a terrorist, which included the killing of 600 policemen! The man responsible for these sanctions is a hypocrite of the highest order who once savaged Trump but goes behind him like a poodle since Trump’s election as President.

The British government’s statement quotes the Foreign Secretary, David Lammy saying, “I made a commitment during the election campaign to ensure those responsible are not allowed impunity. This decision ensures that those responsible for past human rights violations and abuses are held accountable.”

Where did he make this commitment? Not in the Labour election manifesto but in a pocket meeting where he met the rump of the Tigers! Why did he do it? To get the Tamil vote in his Tottenham electorate! How did he come to the decision that they have committed human rights violations? Not on the basis of any investigations but on the words of a group representing a defeated terrorist group craving to exact revenge on the forces that were responsible for eradicating terrorism that plagued Sri Lanka for three decades! Disregarding the findings of British Defence Attache, Lt Colonel Gash and the British Peer, Lord Naseby he has acted as the judge, jury and executioner bringing to shame the boasted-about British sense of fair play!

The NPP government, though not unexpectedly, was muted in its response but, to his credit, former president Mahinda Rajapaksa has issued a very strong statement taking full responsibility as the head of the armed services and requesting not to unfairly penalise officers who carried out his orders.

Is it any surprise that Lammy behaves in this way? Absolutely not! Though at the beginning of his career David Lammy showed great promise, as a politician he has degenerated since. As reported in the Guardian newspaper, in March 2016, he was fined £5,000 for instigating 35,629 automatic phone calls urging people to back his London mayoral campaign without gaining permission to contact the party members concerned. Lammy apologised “unreservedly” for the breach of Electronic Communications regulations but it was the first time a politician had been fined for authorising nuisance calls!

Lammy categorised Trump a “racist and KKK & neo-Nazi sympathiser” in 2017 and, a year later, he wrote in Time magazine that he would be protesting against the then-government’s “capitulation to this tyrant in a toupee” referring to Trump’s first official visit to the UK, adding “Trump is not only a woman-hating, neo-Nazi-sympathising sociopath, he is also a profound threat to the international order that has been the foundation of Western progress for so long.”

The following infamous tweet on ‘X’, and Lammy’s subsequent changed behaviour, remains a testimony to height of hypocrisy:

“Deluded, dishonest, xenophobic, narcissistic, Donald Trump is no friend of Britain.” He is not fit to hold public office, let alone worthy of our country’s highest honours and a banquet with the Queen. Theresa May is selling out the UK to a serial liar and a cheat.”

In 2001, when Trump left office, his comment on X was “Good riddance Donald. The world is relieved to see the back of you.”

It will be interesting to see how Lammy bows down to Trump at the next state visit to the UK. By the way, Trump loves such characters! I am sure he will stoop to anything, going by what he stated when questioned about his changed attitude to Trump, following his victory: “What you say as a backbencher and what you do wearing the real duty of public office are two different things.” Really!

Heaven only knows why PM Starmer gave one of the Four Great Offices of states to a person like Lammy. With such politicians leading the nation, is it any surprise that Britain is going downhill?

 by Dr Upul Wijayawardhana

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