Opinion
Warner Troyer, Rupavahini, and me
BY GEORGE BRAINE
This was early 1981, and the government was planning to start a state-run television service. Applicants were invited for an inaugural training course for producers, directors, researchers, and writers. I had applied, and was called for an interview.
The interview was at the newly set up National Television Planning Centre, at Kirulapone. Not having any political or family “strings”, I did not expect to go beyond a cursory meeting. But, to my surprise, I was met by a ruggedly good-looking, ebullient Canadian named Warner Troyer.
I can’t recall what we discussed, but he did point to a tall stack of papers, saying he had received thousands of applications. Apparently, the glamour of television, and the opportunity to become a pioneer, were irresistible (A newspaper later reported “over 5000 applicants”). Troyer and his wife, Glenys Moss, television personalities, had been invited by the Ministry of State to train the staff needed to run the television service. They were sponsored by the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA).
Three years earlier, a team of experts had arrived from Japan to conduct a feasibility study on a television broadcasting project. Their report, submitted in October, 1978, recommended the establishment of a studio complex in Colombo, and transmission stations at Pidurutalagala, Kandy, and Kokavil. The total cost would be Yen 3500 million (Rs. 276 million). Personnel were to be trained abroad. In the end, Japan bore the cost of construction, and the Sri Lankan government may have decided to train the personnel locally.
The 12-week course, run by Warner and Glenys, began at the end of April, 1981. Thirty trainees, drawn from wide ranging backgrounds, were enrolled. We were university teachers, government servants, radio announcers (three from SLBC), print journalists (three from Lake House), school teachers, musicians, freelance writers, a translator, a law student, even a postmaster! Quite wisely, Warner had spread his net wide, not sticking only with journalists.
Manique Gunasekera and I were from Kelaniya University, and Somi Sekerama, Ranjit Senaratne, Ravinatha Ariyasinha, Shiranee Dissanayake, Ramesha Balasuriya, Sunil Govinnage, Kartini Mohamed, Nalin Wijesekera, Noeline Honter, Mohamed Yahiya, and Milton Fernando are the fellow trainees I easily recall. For employees in government departments, corporations, and the university, the Ministry of State had secured duty leave.
We first met at the National Television Planning Centre, to discuss various writing assignments that Warner set for us. A skilled teacher, he was also piercingly blunt with his criticism, without naming names. (Once, I was the target.) Gradually, we were introduced to camera angles, face-to-face interviews, screenwriting, the various roles of personnel within a production team, the hands-on use of camera and recording equipment, and related matters. We also made field trips to SLBC, the Parliament, and ITN, the small television station established a few years earlier.
While the training was going on, the infrastructure for the national television service was springing up: the central transmitting station on top of Pidurutalagala, the re-transmitting stations at Kokavil and Kandy, and the studio complex in Colombo, next to the SLBC. Then, the name for the service, Rupavahini, was announced. Some trainees were giddy with excitement.
Once we had leaned the rudiments of production, six teams were formed, each tasked with the production of a short documentary. Team members, selected by Warner, consisted of a producer, director, writer, cameraman, and a researcher. As the producer of my team, I worked with Ramesha, Milton, Yahiya, and Joe Sothinathan, making decisions and coordinating the tasks.
The Troyers were living in a sprawling two-storied house, in Borella, and the teams began meeting there. We spread out on the ground floor, in teams, brainstorming ideas for documentaries, checking out the cameras and editing equipment that had been supplied to every team. Warner and Glenys were easy-going hosts, giving us the run of their home. Warner and Glenys were always around, to answer our queries and make suggestions.
I lived 40km from Colombo, and took the train to Colombo. Every day, I travelled in jam-packed trains, with some passengers hanging out of the doors, a few even riding on the engine. Occasionally, this overcrowding led to brutal deaths – passengers falling off trains and getting run over, or getting their heads bashed on bridges. I also passed the vast railway yard at Maradana, where dozens of carriages sat idle, in various states of neglect, some even covered in weeds. A wasteland. The contrast was stark: overflowing trains and abandoned carriages, and I had my story.
The script got written, and we scouted locations for filming: Maradana railway station, the nearby railway yard strewn with abandoned carriages, the railway workshop at Ratmalana, and the Dematagoda crossing, among others. We got permission to film at these locations. Each team was provided with a vehicle and a driver.
When filming began, I began to take the 4.00am train from home, to be in Colombo as early as possible. I vividly recall two incidents during filming: at Dematagoda, two office trains racing each other towards Maradana, overflowing with passengers hanging out from the doors, which later became a dramatic shot in our documentary; and being hooted at by a trainload of office workers while filming crowded evening trains at Maradana station. Perhaps a group of people carrying television cameras and equipment was a never-before-seen phenomenon at that time.
In the script, I compared carriages being brought to the railway yard to “die” to the belief that elephants journey to Sinharaja for the same purpose. The lines were delivered smoothly by Milton Fernando clinging precariously to an abandoned carriage. Filming had other challenges. Another team had scheduled some shooting at the slums of Wanathamulla. A crowd of residents had surrounded the team and cast lewd remarks.
In my team, we had come up with the idea, written the script, selected the shooting locations, and imagined how the documentary would turn out. When it did, the act of creation – from idea to moving images – can only be described as seductive.
On the last day of the course, Warner and Glenys sat with all the trainees to watch the six documentaries together. The range of topics covered, the way they were handled, was fascinating, considering that, for everyone, this was the first production. Warner and Glenys must have been pleased: they had taken a group of greenhorns and brought them to the threshold of television professionalism.
A bittersweet moment, because, although the course was ending, most trainees would go on for specialized training before joining Rupavahini the following year. Not for me. For economic reasons, I had decided to take-up a foreign job.
When I met with Warner to inform him I would be leaving, he was crestfallen, saying that national television sorely needed someone with my background and skills.
I saw what he meant when my Training Diploma arrived. To quote:
“Mr. Braine brought very impressive academic, intellectual and career skills to his participation in the course.
“He is very well organized, disciplined, and highly motivated.
“Mr. Braine’s writing skills are considerable, and have shown visible improvement (in the area of television scripting) during the course.
“We believe he has a very bright potential future in the areas of educational and public affairs television, and would function very effectively as a producer”.
Somewhere deep in our hearts lurks the desire to write, to crusade, to expose corruption, to investigate criminals. I was no exception. For a news junkie, like me, to be at the creation of television in Sri Lanka, to break new ground in a medium with so much appeal, would have been a dream come true. I did regret my decision when, returning home on vacation, in 1982, I paid a visit to the gleaming, state-of-the art studio complex that the Japanese Government had gifted. My fellow trainees, assuming various roles that the Troyers had trained them for, were already producing high quality news programmes and documentaries.
I recently learned that, during a 40-year career, Warner had “conducted more than 10,000 radio and television interviews authored seven bestselling books, and written/directed/produced more than 600 documentary films”.
His best-known work, Preserving our World (1990) – described as a blueprint to save our planet – carries a posthumous dedication to Warner as someone who committed “his life to making the world a better place’.
Warner died in 1991, of throat cancer. He was only 59.
Wikipedia says that the Troyers “established a journalism school in Sri Lanka” in the early 1980s. As this narrative has shown, they did much more than that. Warner and Glenys firmly left their imprint on those early, glorious years of Rupavahini.
Opinion
Mrs Hemamali Kanthi Jayasinghe
Mrs. Hemamali Kanthi Jayasinghe known by all her friends and relations lovingly as ‘Bunchi’, left us on August 20, 2024, leaving an unfillable void for her husband Lal, daughter Chanika and grandchildren Isurika and Pavith. I know from Bunchi’s narratives related to me of their success stories in Australia. her grand- children Isurika and Pavith had a special place in her heart. This is natural, and as should be.
Bunchi was a rare individual who left a void in all groups whom she came across in life- both among her friends and relations. It was especially true for her sister-in-law and family, her aunts, cousins and their spouses. Bunchi and Lal were a couple who never abandoned their cousins in good times or bad. The two of them were all-weather relations. She had an open house for her friends and relations, and a sympathetic heart that inwardly motivated her to be helpful to others.
We live in Kelaniya. Over the last so many years, whenever there was a public warning about floods in Kelaniya, like a prayer, a call would come from Bunchi- ‘Aiya if there is any threat of floods, both of you, please come and stay with us’; usually this invitation is also repeated by Lal. About four months ago, when a flood warning was issued to all major river basins, Bunchi even though sick, gave us a call followed by Lal, and invited us to come over to Kadawatha. Although she was ill and weak, she did not forget to offer help to others.
Lal was the family doctor for all families of Bunchi’s cousins and aunts. When a call came for help, if it was found to be medically necessary to visit, Bunchi always accompanied Lal to their relations’ homes. Lal looked into the medical side, while Bunchi’s concern and ‘recuperative words’ provided psychological help to the sick. So, in most instances it was the doctor accompanied by his wife, who came to the patient instead of the patient going to the doctor. The service was totally free.
I still vividly remember this day in, I guess 1984, I was getting ready to go to USA on official duty. Our elder daughter complained of a severe stomach ache. I phoned Lal who examined her and said that there was some tenderness, but asked me to go as planned and that even if surgery was needed, he would arrange everything including showing our daughter to a surgeon and following up. Bunchi told me ‘we will look after everything – you just go’. This was one instance of help that Bunchi and Lal did for us. It was a great responsibility that they decided to shoulder to help a cousin. And I know that some other cousins or relations of Bunchi can also relate such magnanimous instances of offering help.
Bunchi and Lal were well known among friends and relations for giving dinners at their Kadawatha home. Their home was well- equipped for such occasions. Her mother Irene who was also living at Bunchi’s (Irene ‘nanda’ to us) also helped in bringing out culinary delights.
I am bringing the above entertainment story in order to highlight another deep- seated side to Bunchi and Lal that was perhaps only known to their close relations and cousins. At the ‘Mathaka Vastra pinkama’ this was well articulated by the two Nayaka Theros who conducted the religious ceremony at her funeral. Bunchi and Lal were both religious and Bunchi helped Lal to continue with all the traditional ‘Pinkamas’ that Lal’s parents had been conducting for so many years. Bunchi also started new ‘Pinkamas’. And in these merit acquiring activities they involved their daughter and grandchildren and nephew and niece from their young days to inculcate in them the importance of spiritual reinforcement in addition to practicing their vocations.
It was heartening to note that Chanika and Lal (despite being handicapped without Bunchi’s support) continued to participate in the’ Katina pinkama’ of the Bimbaramaya Temple, Kadawatha, by preparing some items for the ‘dana’ at the ‘Katina Pinkama’. I believe there were about 70 bhikkhus at the alms-giving.
When they were at home, Bunchi and Lal would do the morning and evening ‘Buddha Puja’ and other worship without a break. Lal now continues with the tradition by himself.
However, they were also open to the modern world and its necessities and responsibilities. They were a very cosmopolitan couple; they had close friends belonging to all religious denominations, both in Sri Lanka and abroad. They kept in close contact with them. What they accomplished over a substantial period of time through their diverse relationships and hospitality, was an important sociological need for Sri Lanka- that is to go forward in unity while being diverse. Lal also worked for many years for NHS in UK, and both of them were happy to receive friends and relations from Sri Lanka at their Lincoln home. They decided to return home to be with their aging parents.
Another positive aspect of Lal and Bunchi was the sincere, helpful, and long-standing- relationship they had with their domestic aides. The domestic-aides in turn were strongly loyal to Bunchi and Lal.
Throughout Bunchi’s some-what long illness, Lal and Chanika looked after Bunchi with love and tenderness.
Hemamali Kanthi Jayasinghe was the daughter of the late Dr. Gilbert Gajanayaka and the late Mrs. Irene Munasinghe Gajanyaka. She was the sister of the late Mr. Gamini Gajanayaka.
May Bunchi attain the Supreme Bliss of Nibbana.
Lakshman Wickramasinghe
Opinion
Significance of Tamil vote in 2024 general election
Apart from the resounding victory by the NPP, the most significant election outcome is the remarkable change in the voting pattern of the Tamils in the North, the East, and the Central province not to mention Colombo that brought defeat to most of the Tamil political stalwarts like Sithatharan, Sumanthiran, Palani Thigambaram, Mano Ganeshan et al. This is the first time that such a change has happened in a general election where usually the ethnic political parties hold sway over minority votes. It is of vital importance for everybody including Tamil politicians, the present government, international community, hegemonic powers, ultra-nationalists and separatists to understand and correctly interpret this change in the Tamil political fabric.
The decisive factor that was apparent in the pre-election period was the need for a change which manifested in a weaker form at the presidential election that brought in a new president with 42% of the national vote with the majority of Tamils voting against the NPP candidate. In less than two months the whole picture had changed and a majority of Tamils who did not vote for the NPP at the presidential election took the unprecedented step of going against their own ethnic parties and voted for the NPP. Although it appears to be a sudden change of attitude obviously such changes on such a wide scale cannot happen overnight. The need for a system change must have been slowly and steadily growing in the minds of Tamils over a period of time, like it had in the Sinhalese. The latter was obviously weary of suffering under the governments of the two major political parties since independence. The former however had hitherto been loyal to their ethnic parties who pursued divisive communal politics appealing to the ultra-nationalist sentiments of the Tamils. What was the reason for the Tamils to change in this manner?
Presidential election may have shown the Tamils that the Sinhalese had decided to bring about a radical change. This would have been the cue for them to come out into the open and demonstrate the change that has been slowly taking place in their minds. The change that appeared to have taken place in less than two months was probably catalyzed in this manner.
Tamils suffered during the thirty-year war. It is probable that the new generation of Tamils have realised the futility of war and confrontation and decided to chart a different course and deviate from the main sociopolitical stream from the time of independence though there were times of convergence and cooperation albeit of short duration. Independence and universal franchise have driven a wedge between Sinhala and Tamil leaders which was rather unfortunate for they were together in the struggle for Independence. Tamil politicians enjoyed parity of political power and suddenly they realized that their privileged position was in danger due to universal franchise which would make them a minority in the parliament. They could not reconcile with the fact that they were representatives of a minority community. What is most unfortunate is that they could not see the opportunities that were there for them to play a vital role in the development of the whole country. The mistake the Tamil leaders committed at that time was to abandon the opportunity that was available to jointly participate in the central government and contribute to the development of not only the Tamils but also the whole country and instead choose the narrow parochial path of communal politics. This blunder has continued to plague the country and even caused the birth of terrorism and a bloody war.
These historical mistakes must have dawned on the new generation of Tamils who, like the Sinhalese want a change in their lives which could come with economic development rather than ultra-nationalist dogma. Further they may have realized the fact that Tamil ultra-nationalism was flawed, unjust, parochial and does not belong in the modern world. Communal barriers have to be breached to achieve connectivity, interaction and networking which are capable of opening new vistas in the modern electronic era. All communities who have made Sri Lanka their home must unite and develop their country. The absence of this unity may have been one of the reasons for the country to lag behind in economic development and finally end up being bankrupt which would have affected all communities alike. In this regard the Tamils have taken the first step and it is now up to the other communities to suitably respond.
The government must know that the Tamils have significantly contributed to their massive victory. The government must understand what these Tamils who have rejected their own political parties and leaders want. They, too, like the Sinhalese are affected by economic mismanagement and poverty. Their problems are same as those of the Sinhalese majority. All communities are in the same boat. Tamils have realised this truth and would want urgent attention to their immediate needs. Their nutrition, health and education should receive immediate and sufficient attention. Tamils have abandoned their own parties and embraced the governing party expecting urgent redress to their burning problems.
There is a lesson for the international community as well, especially for the imperialist western powers. The latter had made use of the lack of unity among the communities to destabilise the country in pursuance of their geo-political ambitions in the Indian Ocean region. The LTTE was a tool in their hands, and after the demise of its leader, other separatists moved in to fill the vacuum. The western powers must realise the futility of such policies in view of the radical changes taking place within the mind-set of the Tamils. Tamils may no longer see the Sinhalese as their oppressors and the Sinhalese may not harbour the fear that Tamils are demanding a separate country.
It is hoped that the time may come when the Tamils realise that the whole country belongs to all communities and it is their duty to participate in the development of the whole and not just the North and parts of the East. True Tamil national leaders may emerge who would want to share power at the centre rather than at the periphery and contribute to the governing of the whole country. It is hoped that this is the end of divisive communal politics and the beginning of a new era of unity and prosperity.
N. A. de S. Amaratunga
Opinion
Revolutionary elections
By Dr Upul Wijayawardhana
No doubt, it is the ‘election like no other’ in the ‘country like no other’ that would top the league of revolutionary elections, of which there were three, just this month. Much has been written about two; the one in Sri Lanka and the second in the US but the third, in the UK, had hardly any mention in Sri Lankan media, perhaps, because it was not a general election but the election of the leader of a major political party, which I would come to later.
The NPP/JVP deserves to be congratulated on its unprecedented, massive victory and it is hoped that the new government will succeed. All ‘communal’ parties, save a few, faced humiliating defeats. The NPP won 21 out of 22 districts, the only exception being Batticaloa. Its win in Jaffna sends a clear message to the communal parties, whose leaders have been taking the people of the North for a ride to further their own interests. Do hope the new government makes good use of this golden opportunity to bring about reconciliation.
It is not only the results in the North that gives hope but also from the South. It was gratifying for me to note that my home district Matara, which is predominantly Sinhala, has elected a Tamil MP as well as a Muslim MP. Not only that, out of the 6 NPP MPs elected, the Tamil MP got the second highest and the Muslim MP got the fourth highest preferential votes. A district once well known to elect on the basis of caste and creed, a concept encouraged if not engineered by the Communist Party, has gone a full circle, thanks to another Marxist party! Perhaps, this demonstrates that voters are no longer misled by man-made differences and are achieving a degree of political maturity, which bodes well for the future. Yet another ray of hope for true reconciliation!
As far as the US election is concerned, even the bitterest critic of Donald Trump has to concede that he achieved the impossible, not once but twice. On both occasions, it was not that Trump was selected by the Republican Party but he got the party to rally round him. In fact, Trump started life as a Democrat and was not a professional politician. He achieved fame as a sharp businessman and a TV personality and decided to be president. One man’s ambition succeeding is unprecedented in US history, as far as I am aware. Though Trump won the 2016 election on the collegiate vote, he was almost 300,000 behind Hilary Clinton in the popular vote. In the 2020 election which he lost to Biden, he polled 74,223,975 whereas Biden polled 81,283,501. In the 2024 election though his popular vote increased to only 76,768,490 votes (according to the last count, as counting in US elections is very prolonged), he had a landslide winning 312 collegiate votes. Kamala Harris polled only 74,194,538, staggering 7 million less than Biden. Do these results give credence to Trump’s accusations of vote rigging in the 2020 election, I do not know. When he was portrayed as a bitter loser, no one ever imagined that Trump would have a comeback. Multitude of court cases he faced made the prospect even dimmer. His dramatic win, perhaps, adds weight to his claim that some of these cases were politically motivated.
The other important aspect of the US presidential election is that all polling organisations got their predictions totally wrong. Up to the last moment, it was too close to call they said, but as the counts proceeded, it was obvious that Trump has achieved the impossible again. However, the most important lesson for the rest of the world is that the US voting system is nothing worth emulating!
Whilst the USA is still waiting for the ‘glass ceiling’ to be broken, the UK has had three female prime ministers and recently elected another lady as the leader of a major political party. Interestingly, it is the Conservative party that seems to be progressive, the Labour Party still waiting to elect a female leader, in spite of two having acted as leader!
Kemi Badenoch, who was elected as the leader by the members of the Conservative Party early this month, is the Leader of the Opposition and may well be next Prime Minister, if the Labour government continues to mess up, as it is doing now. She may well follow Margaret Thatcher, Theresa May and, of course, the disastrous Liz Truss.
Kemi Badenoch’s election is revolutionary in two more aspects. She is the first Black leader. male or female, of a major UK political party. Further, she is the first immigrant to be a leader of a major political party. Though the US constitution stipulates that only a person born in the US could hold the highest political position there is no such stipulation in the UK. If that was so, Boris Johnson would not have been PM, as he was born to British parents in New York, while his father was studying in Columbia University!
Kemi Badenoch’s family is from Nigeria, her father being a GP and her mother a professor of physiology. Theoretically, though she spent the first sixteen years of her life in Nigeria and USA where her mother lectured, she could be classed non-immigrant as her mother travelled to London from Lagos to have her in a private hospital in Wimbledon, to return shortly after the delivery of the baby. In fact, in her first speech in parliament Badenoch declared that “to all intents and purposes, I am a first-generation immigrant”. Whatever it may be, hats-off to the UK for achieving this degree of political maturity, which is hoped we would be able to emulate ultimately.
What a revolution would it be, if a Black immigrant lady became the Prime Minister of the UK!
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