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Visit of Prime Minister Morarji Desai

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PM Desai

(Continued from last week)

To Shanghai

On the morning of the 4th, we were taken at 8.30, to see the Yili Food Products factory, producing chocolates, confectionery and bread. We got back thereafter and by 12.30 p.m. we were at the central railway station, Beijing. At 1.04 p.m. precisely, according -o the railway time table, we began our train journey to Shanghai, a journey of a little over 19 hours. Our carriages were quite comfortable, with comfortable sleeping bunks. The food served was also quite good.

During the night we passed over the Yellow River and the bridges over the Yangtze. Early in the morning I wanted to shave. It was quite cold and I looked for some hot water. There was none. But there was some hot green tea in a flask. So I shaved in hot green tea. On a later visit to China, again whilst, travelling to Shanghai by train I shared a berth with Mr. Lakshman De Mel Secretary to the Ministry of Trade.

Again in the morning we had only hot green tea in a flask, and when I began to shave using it, Mr. de Mel who was quite amused suggested that I immediately apply for a patent for this innovative technique! We arrived at Shanghai at 8.15 a.m. and were accommodated at the spacious Ching-Chiang hotel. At 10 a.m. we visited the Shanghai Port. It was a river port, situated on the Huangpo river. For the next two hours we toured the facilities, including warehouses; open air stacking arrangements; loading and unloading arrangements; documentation procedures; etc. What struck us was that in spite of its size it was a clean and well-maintained port. Of course under the Chinese system, they would have had their own methods of dealing with even a hint of labour indiscipline.

An interesting feature on the waterfront outside the Port was a patch of well maintained grass, chained off on the four sides, so that nobody could walk over it, bearing the notice “Chinese and dogs not allowed.” This had been a notice put up by the authorities of the Western Colonialist powers that resided, and having obtained various concessions traded, in Shanghai. Their sense of superiority impelled them to reserve the scenic waterfront to themselves.

Therefore, they did not want any Chinese to spoil the scenery by their presence. Dogs were prohibited for obvious reasons. For all they cared, Chinese and dogs could be classed together. The waterfront was an enclave within an enclave. The Chinese now preserved this notice in order to remind themselves of the humiliations they had suffered in their own country.

We got back to the hotel for a quick lunch, before leaving at 2 p.m. to visit a rice processing factory. We were back in time to attend the banquet hosted in honour of the Minister by the Vice Chairman of the Shanghai Municipal Revolutionary Committee. We continued with our field visits the next day the 6th, starting fairly early at 8.30 a.m. The visit was to a large grain storage facility, which was a complex of stores storing rice, paddy, maize, sesame and other grains.

The entire store complex was a model of cleanliness, orderliness, systematic stacking and meticulous documentation. There was also an attached laboratory for the testing of grain. We spent quite some time here, asking many questions and taking down some notes, because there were many practices, which were relevant to our situation. We came back for lunch, and thereafter at 3.15 p.m. visited a “Children’s’ Palace.

” This turned out to be a really marvelous place where hundreds of little children were engaged in doing various things from playing; to practicing music on several instruments; absorbed in handwork and drawing; learning about the working of radio and T.V. sets, and a host of other activities. Pink cheeked little children in colourful surroundings were a joy to see. On arrival, a little girl was attached to each of us as a companion and guide, and each of them led us everywhere, holding us firmly by the hand. This was something really relaxing and enjoyable, after the concentration on all the technicalities of harbours, shipping, warehousing and laboratory investigations.

We ended our visit to Shanghai on this pleasant note, and at 8 p.m. we flew out to Canton. We spent the next day the 7th in Canton, visiting a Commune and spending some time there and ending up with having lunch there. We got back in the afternoon to the state guest house where we were lodged, and at 7 p.m., attended the final official engagement in China, which was a banquet hosted by the Vice Chairman of the Canton Provincial Revolutionary Committee. The next day the 8t” we were back to Hong Kong by train, this time crossing the railway bridge in the opposite direction, and thereafter flying home a day later.

Visit of Prime Minister Morarji Desai

In the early part of 1979, Prime Minister Morarji Desai of India visited Sri Lanka, and we as Secretaries were invited by President Jayewardene, to the reception he was hosting in his honour at Kings Pavilion in Kandy. Some Secretaries, I was later told, reflecting on a visit to Kandy and back, just for the sake of a two hour reception had politely inquired from Mr. Menikdiwela, Secretary to the President, whether it was absolutely necessary for them to attend, to which the laconic reply had been, “If you wish to continue as Secretaries, yes.” I did not ask the question, because of my previous experience in the Prime Minister’s office and the Ministry of Defence and Foreign Affairs.

The acceptance of an invitation by the head of state is mandatory unless one is seriously ill, or abroad. All of us therefore attended the reception in the cool of the evening on the well-manicured and spacious lawns of Kings Pavilion.

The President enjoyed excellent relations with the Indian Prime Minister. Both were elderly persons, who had known each other for a long period. Both were Finance Ministers of their countries, and had met each other and developed a firm friendship over the course of many official meetings. The rapport between the two would have been close to the excellent relations between Mrs. Gandhi and Mrs. Bandaranaike.

Sometimes, for some unknown reason; the mind registers and remembers some inconsequential point. Accordingly, what I remember to this day is the iron grip of the Indian Prime Minister, then in his eighties, when I shook hands with him. The Prime Minister, who was a vegetarian, was reputed to drink a glass of his own urine first thing in the morning. If the strength of his grip was anything to go by, there seemed much to recommend in both practices.

There was an interesting issue that arose during the Prime Minister’s visit. The High Commissioner for India had organized a reception for his Prime Minister at “India House” – his official residence. The Secretaries to Ministries were invited by him. But almost no one including myself had accepted. The reason for this was the code of conduct promulgated by the new government. Secretaries were prohibited from attending cocktail parties or receptions.

They could only attend an official lunch or dinner and that too only if absolutely necessary. This prohibition extended to National day receptions. Even Ministers were forbidden to attend, and the Cabinet decided on a Minister for the month, to represent the government at these receptions.

There were good reasons for these stern measures. Many Ministers, politicians and public servants had become very lax in their behaviour at these parties and receptions. Some of them got drunk on the liquor that flowed. Others became loose tongued and seriously inappropriate in their behaviour. Protocol and dignity were forgotten. There were pictures of Ministers holding glasses at parties given by third Secretaries of Embassies. The correction when it came may have been somewhat over strict.

But a correction was necessary. It was as a result of this blanket prohibition that the Secretaries declined the Indian High Commissioner’s invitation. He had hastily brought this to the attention of government, since he had been quite surprised at all the Secretaries boycotting his reception in honour of his Prime Minister.

The next thing we knew was that the Secretary to the Ministry of Public Administration, Mr. DBI Siriwardhana was instructed by the President himself that all Secretaries should attend the reception, and that he should personally ring up each Secretary and tell him so. So, the matter was resolved. D.B.I’s call to me gave us the opportunity to engage in our usual banter. “Bring your wife also,” said DBI “That won’t be possible,” I said. “There’s nothing in the contract I signed with her at our marriage, that would oblige her to go to receptions which she usually doesn’t like to go to.” “Give your mind to amending the contract,” he replied. “Not likely,” I said. “This contract seems likely to outlive both President Jayewardene and Prime Minister Moraji Desai.” We ended on that note.

Parliamentary Consultative Committees

During the early part of 1979, the Parliament of Sri Lanka took the progressive step of establishing Parliamentary Advisory Committees, later renamed Parliamentary Consultative Committees. These committees set up under the standing orders were to be chaired by the Ministers of each Ministry and were to consist of the Deputy Ministers of such Ministries, as well as selected members from both the government and opposition sides. The intention was that these committees would dwell on important national policy issues pertaining to each Ministry, and help to forge a degree of bi-partisanship in their resolution. Unfortunately, these expectations were belied.

I have seen these committees functioning from the vantage point of several Ministries of which I was Secretary. From the beginning what came up for discussion were parocnial issues of appointments, transfers and what benefits a particular member of Parliament could obtain for his electorate through the Ministry. Not that these were unimportant. They were, to particular individuals, or a number of them. But obtaining a focus on important policy issues was next to impossible. In a large Ministry 60 to 70 officers had to participate at these meetings given the rules of attendance.

It was unfortunate, that practically everyone thought that it was a lost morning or a lost afternoon. Probably, the sustained discussion concentrating and focussing on the relevant that a debate on policy requires cannot be undertaken in a fairly large committee of mixed skills, backgrounds, experience and attitudes. There is also the not unimportant issue that we set up various mechanisms, but do not seem to have a procedure for evaluating their efficiency and effectiveness, or for that matter as to whether they fulfill their original objectives and expectations.

In this light, it would I think be necessary to evaluate as to whether the Parliamentary Consultative Committee has not become, with some occasional exceptions, a modified version of the Public Petitions Committee.

At the end of May 1979, the Minister organized a senior team from the Ministry and all the departments and agencies under the Ministry to go to Jaffna, and spend a few days there attending to peoples’ needs and problems. We left on the 31st of May by car. The Minister and some of us stayed at the President’s lodge. We began our programme on the 1st of June, with a morning visit to the Naga Vihare. This was followed by a conference of Members of Parliament and officials at the Kachcheri.

After lunch, we met the Presidents of Multi-Purpose Co-operative Societies and other Co-operative representatives at Veerasingham Hall. The morning of next day, the 2nd was taken up with the opening of some new food stores at Kankesanturai. After lunch, we spent the afternoon and part of the evening visiting some of the Textile Unions and Power Loom Centres.

The 3rd of June, was a Sunday, and in the morning, we visited the Ceynor Project at Karainagar. We were hosted to dinner that night by the Jaffna Harbour Workers Union. During the following two days, we visited Kayts; Pungudutivu; Delft; the Nagadeepa Buddhist Temple and the Amman Kovil. We ended the visit by going to see the Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation Station at Mandativu. Some of these visits were by boats. This was only my second visit to Jaffna and I found it quite fascinating.

The first visit had been brief, and mainly to K.K.S. and the Food Stores at Navatkuli. This was a comprehensive one, where we stayed long, visited many places, and met lots of people. We were very well received, and the hospitality was warm and genuine. The people appreciated the fact that we came in such numbers and also the fact that we stayed for a number of days.

(Excerpted from In the Pursuit of Governance, autobiography of MDD Pieris) ✍️



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Disaster-proofing paradise: Sri Lanka’s new path to global resilience

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iyadasa Advisor to the Ministry of Science & Technology and a Board of Directors of Sri Lanka Atomic Energy Regulatory Council A value chain management consultant to www.vivonta.lk

As climate shocks multiply worldwide from unseasonal droughts and flash floods to cyclones that now carry unpredictable fury Sri Lanka, long known for its lush biodiversity and heritage, stands at a crossroads. We can either remain locked in a reactive cycle of warnings and recovery, or boldly transform into the world’s first disaster-proof tropical nation — a secure haven for citizens and a trusted destination for global travelers.

The Presidential declaration to transition within one year from a limited, rainfall-and-cyclone-dependent warning system to a full-spectrum, science-enabled resilience model is not only historic — it’s urgent. This policy shift marks the beginning of a new era: one where nature, technology, ancient wisdom, and community preparedness work in harmony to protect every Sri Lankan village and every visiting tourist.

The Current System’s Fatal Gaps

Today, Sri Lanka’s disaster management system is dangerously underpowered for the accelerating climate era. Our primary reliance is on monsoon rainfall tracking and cyclone alerts — helpful, but inadequate in the face of multi-hazard threats such as flash floods, landslides, droughts, lightning storms, and urban inundation.

Institutions are fragmented; responsibilities crisscross between agencies, often with unclear mandates and slow decision cycles. Community-level preparedness is minimal — nearly half of households lack basic knowledge on what to do when a disaster strikes. Infrastructure in key regions is outdated, with urban drains, tank sluices, and bunds built for rainfall patterns of the 1960s, not today’s intense cloudbursts or sea-level rise.

Critically, Sri Lanka is not yet integrated with global planetary systems — solar winds, El Niño cycles, Indian Ocean Dipole shifts — despite clear evidence that these invisible climate forces shape our rainfall, storm intensity, and drought rhythms. Worse, we have lost touch with our ancestral systems of environmental management — from tank cascades to forest sanctuaries — that sustained this island for over two millennia.

This system, in short, is outdated, siloed, and reactive. And it must change.

A New Vision for Disaster-Proof Sri Lanka

Under the new policy shift, Sri Lanka will adopt a complete resilience architecture that transforms climate disaster prevention into a national development strategy. This system rests on five interlinked pillars:

Science and Predictive Intelligence

We will move beyond surface-level forecasting. A new national climate intelligence platform will integrate:

AI-driven pattern recognition of rainfall and flood events

Global data from solar activity, ocean oscillations (ENSO, MJO, IOD)

High-resolution digital twins of floodplains and cities

Real-time satellite feeds on cyclone trajectory and ocean heat

The adverse impacts of global warming—such as sea-level rise, the proliferation of pests and diseases affecting human health and food production, and the change of functionality of chlorophyll—must be systematically captured, rigorously analysed, and addressed through proactive, advance decision-making.

This fusion of local and global data will allow days to weeks of anticipatory action, rather than hours of late alerts.

Advanced Technology and Early Warning Infrastructure

Cell-broadcast alerts in all three national languages, expanded weather radar, flood-sensing drones, and tsunami-resilient siren networks will be deployed. Community-level sensors in key river basins and tanks will monitor and report in real-time. Infrastructure projects will now embed climate-risk metrics — from cyclone-proof buildings to sea-level-ready roads.

Governance Overhaul

A new centralised authority — Sri Lanka Climate & Earth Systems Resilience Authority — will consolidate environmental, meteorological, Geological, hydrological, and disaster functions. It will report directly to the Cabinet with a real-time national dashboard. District Disaster Units will be upgraded with GN-level digital coordination. Climate literacy will be declared a national priority.

People Power and Community Preparedness

We will train 25,000 village-level disaster wardens and first responders. Schools will run annual drills for floods, cyclones, tsunamis and landslides. Every community will map its local hazard zones and co-create its own resilience plan. A national climate citizenship programme will reward youth and civil organisations contributing to early warning systems, reforestation (riverbank, slopy land and catchment areas) , or tech solutions.

Reviving Ancient Ecological Wisdom

Sri Lanka’s ancestors engineered tank cascades that regulated floods, stored water, and cooled microclimates. Forest belts protected valleys; sacred groves were biodiversity reservoirs. This policy revives those systems:

Restoring 10,000 hectares of tank ecosystems

Conserving coastal mangroves and reintroducing stone spillways

Integrating traditional seasonal calendars with AI forecasts

Recognising Vedda knowledge of climate shifts as part of national risk strategy

Our past and future must align, or both will be lost.

A Global Destination for Resilient Tourism

Climate-conscious travelers increasingly seek safe, secure, and sustainable destinations. Under this policy, Sri Lanka will position itself as the world’s first “climate-safe sanctuary island” — a place where:

Resorts are cyclone- and tsunami-resilient

Tourists receive live hazard updates via mobile apps

World Heritage Sites are protected by environmental buffers

Visitors can witness tank restoration, ancient climate engineering, and modern AI in action

Sri Lanka will invite scientists, startups, and resilience investors to join our innovation ecosystem — building eco-tourism that’s disaster-proof by design.

Resilience as a National Identity

This shift is not just about floods or cyclones. It is about redefining our identity. To be Sri Lankan must mean to live in harmony with nature and to be ready for its changes. Our ancestors did it. The science now supports it. The time has come.

Let us turn Sri Lanka into the world’s first climate-resilient heritage island — where ancient wisdom meets cutting-edge science, and every citizen stands protected under one shield: a disaster-proof nation.

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The minstrel monk and Rafiki the old mandrill in The Lion King – I

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Why is national identity so important for a people? AI provides us with an answer worth understanding critically (Caveat: Even AI wisdom should be subjected to the Buddha’s advice to the young Kalamas):

‘A strong sense of identity is crucial for a people as it fosters belonging, builds self-worth, guides behaviour, and provides resilience, allowing individuals to feel connected, make meaningful choices aligned with their values, and maintain mental well-being even amidst societal changes or challenges, acting as a foundation for individual and collective strength. It defines “who we are” culturally and personally, driving shared narratives, pride, political action, and healthier relationships by grounding people in common values, traditions, and a sense of purpose.’

Ethnic Sinhalese who form about 75% of the Sri Lankan population have such a unique identity secured by the binding medium of their Buddhist faith. It is significant that 93% of them still remain Buddhist (according to 2024 statistics/wikipedia), professing Theravada Buddhism, after four and a half centuries of coercive Christianising European occupation that ended in 1948. The Sinhalese are a unique ancient island people with a 2500 year long recorded history, their own language and country, and their deeply evolved Buddhist cultural identity.

Buddhism can be defined, rather paradoxically, as a non-religious religion, an eminently practical ethical-philosophy based on mind cultivation, wisdom and universal compassion. It is  an ethico-spiritual value system that prioritises human reason and unaided (i.e., unassisted by any divine or supernatural intervention) escape from suffering through self-realisation. Sri Lanka’s benignly dominant Buddhist socio-cultural background naturally allows unrestricted freedom of religion, belief or non-belief for all its citizens, and makes the country a safe spiritual haven for them. The island’s Buddha Sasana (Dispensation of the Buddha) is the inalienable civilisational treasure that our ancestors of two and a half millennia have bequeathed to us. It is this enduring basis of our identity as a nation which bestows on us the personal and societal benefits of inestimable value mentioned in the AI summary given at the beginning of  this essay.

It was this inherent national identity that the Sri Lankan contestant at the 72nd Miss World 2025 pageant held in Hyderabad, India, in May last year, Anudi Gunasekera, proudly showcased before the world, during her initial self-introduction. She started off with a verse from the Dhammapada (a Pali Buddhist text), which she explained as meaning “Refrain from all evil and cultivate good”. She declared, “And I believe that’s my purpose in life”. Anudi also mentioned that Sri Lanka had gone through a lot “from conflicts to natural disasters, pandemics, economic crises….”, adding, “and yet, my people remain hopeful, strong, and resilient….”.

 “Ayubowan! I am Anudi Gunasekera from Sri Lanka. It is with immense pride that I represent my Motherland, a nation of resilience, timeless beauty, and a proud history, Sri Lanka.

“I come from Anuradhapura, Sri Lanka’s first capital, and UNESCO World Heritage site, with its history and its legacy of sacred monuments and stupas…….”.

The “inspiring words” that Anudi quoted are from the Dhammapada (Verse 183), which runs, in English translation: “To avoid all evil/To cultivate good/and to cleanse one’s mind -/this is the teaching of the Buddhas”. That verse is so significant because it defines the basic ‘teaching of the Buddhas’ (i.e., Buddha Sasana; this is how Walpole Rahula Thera defines Buddha Sasana in his celebrated introduction to Buddhism ‘What the Buddha Taught’ first published in1959).

Twenty-five year old Anudi Gunasekera is an alumna of the University of Kelaniya, where she earned a bachelor’s degree in International Studies. She is planning to do a Master’s in the same field. Her ambition is to join the foreign service in Sri Lanka. Gen Z’er Anudi is already actively engaged in social service. The Saheli Foundation is her own initiative launched to address period poverty (i.e., lack of access to proper sanitation facilities, hygiene and health education, etc.) especially  among women and post-puberty girls of low-income classes in rural and urban Sri Lanka.

Young Anudi is primarily inspired by her patriotic devotion to ‘my Motherland, a nation of resilience, timeless beauty, and a proud history, Sri Lanka’. In post-independence Sri Lanka, thousands of young men and women of her age have constantly dedicated themselves, oftentimes making the supreme sacrifice, motivated by a sense of national identity, by the thought ‘This is our beloved Motherland, these are our beloved people’.

The rescue and recovery of Sri Lanka from the evil aftermath of a decade of subversive ‘Aragalaya’ mayhem is waiting to be achieved, in every sphere of national engagement, including, for example, economics, communications, culture and politics, by the enlightened Anudi Gunasekeras and their male counterparts of the Gen Z, but not by the demented old stragglers lingering in the political arena listening to the unnerving rattle of “Time’s winged chariot hurrying near”, nor by the baila blaring monks at propaganda rallies.

Politically active monks (Buddhist bhikkhus) are only a handful out of  the Maha Sangha (the general body of Buddhist bhikkhus) in Sri  Lanka, who numbered just over 42,000  in 2024. The vast majority of monks spend their time quietly attending to their monastic duties. Buddhism upholds social and emotional virtues such as universal compassion, empathy, tolerance and forgiveness that protect a society from the evils of tribalism, religious bigotry and death-dealing religious piety.

Not all monks who express or promote political opinions should be censured. I choose to condemn only those few monks who abuse the yellow robe as a shield in their narrow partisan politics. I cannot bring myself to disapprove of the many socially active monks, who are articulating the genuine problems that the Buddha Sasana is facing today. The two bhikkhus who are the most despised monks in the commercial media these days are Galaboda-aththe Gnanasara and Ampitiye Sumanaratana Theras.  They have a problem with their mood swings. They have long been whistleblowers trying to raise awareness respectively, about spreading religious fundamentalism, especially, violent Islamic Jihadism, in the country and about the vandalising of the Buddhist archaeological heritage sites of the north and east provinces. The two middle-aged monks (Gnanasara and Sumanaratana) belong to this respectable category. Though they are relentlessly attacked in the social media or hardly given any positive coverage of the service they are doing, they do nothing more than try to persuade the rulers to take appropriate action to resolve those problems while not trespassing on the rights of people of other faiths.

These monks have to rely on lay political leaders to do the needful, without themselves taking part in sectarian politics in the manner of ordinary members of the secular society. Their generally demonised social image is due, in my opinion, to  three main reasons among others: 1) spreading misinformation and disinformation about them by those who do not like what they are saying and doing, 2) their own lack of verbal restraint, and 3) their being virtually abandoned to the wolves by the temporal and spiritual authorities.

(To be continued)

By Rohana R. Wasala ✍️

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US’ drastic aid cut to UN poses moral challenge to world

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An UN humanitarian mission in the Gaza. [File: Ashraf Amra/Anadolu Agency]

‘Adapt, shrink or die’ – thus runs the warning issued by the Trump administration to UN humanitarian agencies with brute insensitivity in the wake of its recent decision to drastically reduce to $2bn its humanitarian aid to the UN system. This is a substantial climb down from the $17bn the US usually provided to the UN for its humanitarian operations.

Considering that the US has hitherto been the UN’s biggest aid provider, it need hardly be said that the US decision would pose a daunting challenge to the UN’s humanitarian operations around the world. This would indeed mean that, among other things, people living in poverty and stifling material hardships, in particularly the Southern hemisphere, could dramatically increase. Coming on top of the US decision to bring to an end USAID operations, the poor of the world could be said to have been left to their devices as a consequence of these morally insensitive policy rethinks of the Trump administration.

Earlier, the UN had warned that it would be compelled to reduce its aid programs in the face of ‘the deepest funding cuts ever.’ In fact the UN is on record as requesting the world for $23bn for its 2026 aid operations.

If this UN appeal happens to go unheeded, the possibilities are that the UN would not be in a position to uphold the status it has hitherto held as the world’s foremost humanitarian aid provider. It would not be incorrect to state that a substantial part of the rationale for the UN’s existence could come in for questioning if its humanitarian identity is thus eroded.

Inherent in these developments is a challenge for those sections of the international community that wish to stand up and be counted as humanists and the ‘Conscience of the World.’ A responsibility is cast on them to not only keep the UN system going but to also ensure its increased efficiency as a humanitarian aid provider to particularly the poorest of the poor.

It is unfortunate that the US is increasingly opting for a position of international isolation. Such a policy position was adopted by it in the decades leading to World War Two and the consequences for the world as a result for this policy posture were most disquieting. For instance, it opened the door to the flourishing of dictatorial regimes in the West, such as that led by Adolph Hitler in Germany, which nearly paved the way for the subjugation of a good part of Europe by the Nazis.

If the US had not intervened militarily in the war on the side of the Allies, the West would have faced the distressing prospect of coming under the sway of the Nazis and as a result earned indefinite political and military repression. By entering World War Two the US helped to ward off these bleak outcomes and indeed helped the major democracies of Western Europe to hold their own and thrive against fascism and dictatorial rule.

Republican administrations in the US in particular have not proved the greatest defenders of democratic rule the world over, but by helping to keep the international power balance in favour of democracy and fundamental human rights they could keep under a tight leash fascism and linked anti-democratic forces even in contemporary times. Russia’s invasion and continued occupation of parts of Ukraine reminds us starkly that the democracy versus fascism battle is far from over.

Right now, the US needs to remain on the side of the rest of the West very firmly, lest fascism enjoys another unfettered lease of life through the absence of countervailing and substantial military and political power.

However, by reducing its financial support for the UN and backing away from sustaining its humanitarian programs the world over the US could be laying the ground work for an aggravation of poverty in the South in particular and its accompaniments, such as, political repression, runaway social discontent and anarchy.

What should not go unnoticed by the US is the fact that peace and social stability in the South and the flourishing of the same conditions in the global North are symbiotically linked, although not so apparent at first blush. For instance, if illegal migration from the South to the US is a major problem for the US today, it is because poor countries are not receiving development assistance from the UN system to the required degree. Such deprivation on the part of the South leads to aggravating social discontent in the latter and consequences such as illegal migratory movements from South to North.

Accordingly, it will be in the North’s best interests to ensure that the South is not deprived of sustained development assistance since the latter is an essential condition for social contentment and stable governance, which factors in turn would guard against the emergence of phenomena such as illegal migration.

Meanwhile, democratic sections of the rest of the world in particular need to consider it a matter of conscience to ensure the sustenance and flourishing of the UN system. To be sure, the UN system is considerably flawed but at present it could be called the most equitable and fair among international development organizations and the most far-flung one. Without it world poverty would have proved unmanageable along with the ills that come along with it.

Dehumanizing poverty is an indictment on humanity. It stands to reason that the world community should rally round the UN and ensure its survival lest the abomination which is poverty flourishes. In this undertaking the world needs to stand united. Ambiguities on this score could be self-defeating for the world community.

For example, all groupings of countries that could demonstrate economic muscle need to figure prominently in this initiative. One such grouping is BRICS. Inasmuch as the US and the West should shrug aside Realpolitik considerations in this enterprise, the same goes for organizations such as BRICS.

The arrival at the above international consensus would be greatly facilitated by stepped up dialogue among states on the continued importance of the UN system. Fresh efforts to speed-up UN reform would prove major catalysts in bringing about these positive changes as well. Also requiring to be shunned is the blind pursuit of narrow national interests.

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