Features

Visit of Prime Minister Morarji Desai

Published

8 months ago

2025/06/29

Thilina Walpola

PM Desai

(Continued from last week)

To Shanghai

On the morning of the 4th, we were taken at 8.30, to see the Yili Food Products factory, producing chocolates, confectionery and bread. We got back thereafter and by 12.30 p.m. we were at the central railway station, Beijing. At 1.04 p.m. precisely, according -o the railway time table, we began our train journey to Shanghai, a journey of a little over 19 hours. Our carriages were quite comfortable, with comfortable sleeping bunks. The food served was also quite good.

During the night we passed over the Yellow River and the bridges over the Yangtze. Early in the morning I wanted to shave. It was quite cold and I looked for some hot water. There was none. But there was some hot green tea in a flask. So I shaved in hot green tea. On a later visit to China, again whilst, travelling to Shanghai by train I shared a berth with Mr. Lakshman De Mel Secretary to the Ministry of Trade.

Again in the morning we had only hot green tea in a flask, and when I began to shave using it, Mr. de Mel who was quite amused suggested that I immediately apply for a patent for this innovative technique! We arrived at Shanghai at 8.15 a.m. and were accommodated at the spacious Ching-Chiang hotel. At 10 a.m. we visited the Shanghai Port. It was a river port, situated on the Huangpo river. For the next two hours we toured the facilities, including warehouses; open air stacking arrangements; loading and unloading arrangements; documentation procedures; etc. What struck us was that in spite of its size it was a clean and well-maintained port. Of course under the Chinese system, they would have had their own methods of dealing with even a hint of labour indiscipline.

An interesting feature on the waterfront outside the Port was a patch of well maintained grass, chained off on the four sides, so that nobody could walk over it, bearing the notice “Chinese and dogs not allowed.” This had been a notice put up by the authorities of the Western Colonialist powers that resided, and having obtained various concessions traded, in Shanghai. Their sense of superiority impelled them to reserve the scenic waterfront to themselves.

Therefore, they did not want any Chinese to spoil the scenery by their presence. Dogs were prohibited for obvious reasons. For all they cared, Chinese and dogs could be classed together. The waterfront was an enclave within an enclave. The Chinese now preserved this notice in order to remind themselves of the humiliations they had suffered in their own country.

We got back to the hotel for a quick lunch, before leaving at 2 p.m. to visit a rice processing factory. We were back in time to attend the banquet hosted in honour of the Minister by the Vice Chairman of the Shanghai Municipal Revolutionary Committee. We continued with our field visits the next day the 6th, starting fairly early at 8.30 a.m. The visit was to a large grain storage facility, which was a complex of stores storing rice, paddy, maize, sesame and other grains.

The entire store complex was a model of cleanliness, orderliness, systematic stacking and meticulous documentation. There was also an attached laboratory for the testing of grain. We spent quite some time here, asking many questions and taking down some notes, because there were many practices, which were relevant to our situation. We came back for lunch, and thereafter at 3.15 p.m. visited a “Children’s’ Palace.

” This turned out to be a really marvelous place where hundreds of little children were engaged in doing various things from playing; to practicing music on several instruments; absorbed in handwork and drawing; learning about the working of radio and T.V. sets, and a host of other activities. Pink cheeked little children in colourful surroundings were a joy to see. On arrival, a little girl was attached to each of us as a companion and guide, and each of them led us everywhere, holding us firmly by the hand. This was something really relaxing and enjoyable, after the concentration on all the technicalities of harbours, shipping, warehousing and laboratory investigations.

We ended our visit to Shanghai on this pleasant note, and at 8 p.m. we flew out to Canton. We spent the next day the 7th in Canton, visiting a Commune and spending some time there and ending up with having lunch there. We got back in the afternoon to the state guest house where we were lodged, and at 7 p.m., attended the final official engagement in China, which was a banquet hosted by the Vice Chairman of the Canton Provincial Revolutionary Committee. The next day the 8t” we were back to Hong Kong by train, this time crossing the railway bridge in the opposite direction, and thereafter flying home a day later.

Visit of Prime Minister Morarji Desai

In the early part of 1979, Prime Minister Morarji Desai of India visited Sri Lanka, and we as Secretaries were invited by President Jayewardene, to the reception he was hosting in his honour at Kings Pavilion in Kandy. Some Secretaries, I was later told, reflecting on a visit to Kandy and back, just for the sake of a two hour reception had politely inquired from Mr. Menikdiwela, Secretary to the President, whether it was absolutely necessary for them to attend, to which the laconic reply had been, “If you wish to continue as Secretaries, yes.” I did not ask the question, because of my previous experience in the Prime Minister’s office and the Ministry of Defence and Foreign Affairs.

The acceptance of an invitation by the head of state is mandatory unless one is seriously ill, or abroad. All of us therefore attended the reception in the cool of the evening on the well-manicured and spacious lawns of Kings Pavilion.

The President enjoyed excellent relations with the Indian Prime Minister. Both were elderly persons, who had known each other for a long period. Both were Finance Ministers of their countries, and had met each other and developed a firm friendship over the course of many official meetings. The rapport between the two would have been close to the excellent relations between Mrs. Gandhi and Mrs. Bandaranaike.

Sometimes, for some unknown reason; the mind registers and remembers some inconsequential point. Accordingly, what I remember to this day is the iron grip of the Indian Prime Minister, then in his eighties, when I shook hands with him. The Prime Minister, who was a vegetarian, was reputed to drink a glass of his own urine first thing in the morning. If the strength of his grip was anything to go by, there seemed much to recommend in both practices.

There was an interesting issue that arose during the Prime Minister’s visit. The High Commissioner for India had organized a reception for his Prime Minister at “India House” – his official residence. The Secretaries to Ministries were invited by him. But almost no one including myself had accepted. The reason for this was the code of conduct promulgated by the new government. Secretaries were prohibited from attending cocktail parties or receptions.

They could only attend an official lunch or dinner and that too only if absolutely necessary. This prohibition extended to National day receptions. Even Ministers were forbidden to attend, and the Cabinet decided on a Minister for the month, to represent the government at these receptions.

There were good reasons for these stern measures. Many Ministers, politicians and public servants had become very lax in their behaviour at these parties and receptions. Some of them got drunk on the liquor that flowed. Others became loose tongued and seriously inappropriate in their behaviour. Protocol and dignity were forgotten. There were pictures of Ministers holding glasses at parties given by third Secretaries of Embassies. The correction when it came may have been somewhat over strict.

But a correction was necessary. It was as a result of this blanket prohibition that the Secretaries declined the Indian High Commissioner’s invitation. He had hastily brought this to the attention of government, since he had been quite surprised at all the Secretaries boycotting his reception in honour of his Prime Minister.

The next thing we knew was that the Secretary to the Ministry of Public Administration, Mr. DBI Siriwardhana was instructed by the President himself that all Secretaries should attend the reception, and that he should personally ring up each Secretary and tell him so. So, the matter was resolved. D.B.I’s call to me gave us the opportunity to engage in our usual banter. “Bring your wife also,” said DBI “That won’t be possible,” I said. “There’s nothing in the contract I signed with her at our marriage, that would oblige her to go to receptions which she usually doesn’t like to go to.” “Give your mind to amending the contract,” he replied. “Not likely,” I said. “This contract seems likely to outlive both President Jayewardene and Prime Minister Moraji Desai.” We ended on that note.

Parliamentary Consultative Committees

During the early part of 1979, the Parliament of Sri Lanka took the progressive step of establishing Parliamentary Advisory Committees, later renamed Parliamentary Consultative Committees. These committees set up under the standing orders were to be chaired by the Ministers of each Ministry and were to consist of the Deputy Ministers of such Ministries, as well as selected members from both the government and opposition sides. The intention was that these committees would dwell on important national policy issues pertaining to each Ministry, and help to forge a degree of bi-partisanship in their resolution. Unfortunately, these expectations were belied.

I have seen these committees functioning from the vantage point of several Ministries of which I was Secretary. From the beginning what came up for discussion were parocnial issues of appointments, transfers and what benefits a particular member of Parliament could obtain for his electorate through the Ministry. Not that these were unimportant. They were, to particular individuals, or a number of them. But obtaining a focus on important policy issues was next to impossible. In a large Ministry 60 to 70 officers had to participate at these meetings given the rules of attendance.

It was unfortunate, that practically everyone thought that it was a lost morning or a lost afternoon. Probably, the sustained discussion concentrating and focussing on the relevant that a debate on policy requires cannot be undertaken in a fairly large committee of mixed skills, backgrounds, experience and attitudes. There is also the not unimportant issue that we set up various mechanisms, but do not seem to have a procedure for evaluating their efficiency and effectiveness, or for that matter as to whether they fulfill their original objectives and expectations.

In this light, it would I think be necessary to evaluate as to whether the Parliamentary Consultative Committee has not become, with some occasional exceptions, a modified version of the Public Petitions Committee.

At the end of May 1979, the Minister organized a senior team from the Ministry and all the departments and agencies under the Ministry to go to Jaffna, and spend a few days there attending to peoples’ needs and problems. We left on the 31st of May by car. The Minister and some of us stayed at the President’s lodge. We began our programme on the 1st of June, with a morning visit to the Naga Vihare. This was followed by a conference of Members of Parliament and officials at the Kachcheri.

After lunch, we met the Presidents of Multi-Purpose Co-operative Societies and other Co-operative representatives at Veerasingham Hall. The morning of next day, the 2nd was taken up with the opening of some new food stores at Kankesanturai. After lunch, we spent the afternoon and part of the evening visiting some of the Textile Unions and Power Loom Centres.

The 3rd of June, was a Sunday, and in the morning, we visited the Ceynor Project at Karainagar. We were hosted to dinner that night by the Jaffna Harbour Workers Union. During the following two days, we visited Kayts; Pungudutivu; Delft; the Nagadeepa Buddhist Temple and the Amman Kovil. We ended the visit by going to see the Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation Station at Mandativu. Some of these visits were by boats. This was only my second visit to Jaffna and I found it quite fascinating.

The first visit had been brief, and mainly to K.K.S. and the Food Stores at Navatkuli. This was a comprehensive one, where we stayed long, visited many places, and met lots of people. We were very well received, and the hospitality was warm and genuine. The people appreciated the fact that we came in such numbers and also the fact that we stayed for a number of days.

(Excerpted from In the Pursuit of Governance, autobiography of MDD Pieris) ✍️

All News Advertisement

Features

More state support needed for marginalised communities

Published

2 hours ago

2026/02/13

Thilina Walpola

A landslide in the Central Province

Message from Malaiyaha Tamil community to govt:

Insights from SSA Cyclone Ditwah Survey

When climate disasters strike, they don’t affect everyone equally. Marginalised communities typically face worse outcomes, and Cyclone Ditwah is no exception. Especially in a context where normalcy is far from “normal”, the idea of returning to normalcy or restoring a life of normalcy makes very little sense.

The island-wide survey (https://ssalanka.org/reports/) conducted by the Social Scientists’ Association (SSA), between early to mid-January on Cyclone Ditwah shows stark regional disparities in how satisfied or dissatisfied people were with the government’s response. While national satisfaction levels were relatively high in most provinces, the Central Province tells a different story.

Only 35.2% of Central Province residents reported that they were satisfied with early warning and evacuation measures, compared to 52.2% nationally. The gap continues across every measure: just 52.9% were satisfied with immediate rescue and emergency response, compared with the national figure of 74.6%. Satisfaction with relief distribution in the Central Province is 51.9% while the national figure stands at 73.1%. The figures for restoration of water, electricity, and roads are at a low 45.9% in the central province compared to the 70.9% in national figures. Similarly, the satisfaction level for recovery and rebuilding support is 48.7% in the Central Province, while the national figure is 67.0%.

A deeper analysis of the SSA data on public perceptions reveals something important: these lower satisfaction rates came primarily from the Malaiyaha Tamil population. Their experience differed not just from other provinces, but also from other ethnic groups living in the Central Province itself.

The Malaiyaha Tamil community’s vulnerability didn’t start with the cyclone. Their vulnerability is a historically and structurally pre-determined process of exclusion and marginalisation. Brought to Sri Lanka during British rule to work for the empire’s plantation economies, they have faced long-term economic exploitation and have repeatedly been denied access to state support and social welfare systems. Most estate residents still live in ‘line rooms’ and have no rights to the land they cultivate and live on. The community continues to be governed by an outdated estate management system that acts as a barrier to accessing public and municipal services such as road repair, water, electricity and other basic infrastructures available to other citizens.

As far as access to improved water sources is concerned, the Sri Lanka Demographic Health Survey (2016) shows that 57% of estate sector households don’t have access to improved water sources, while more than 90% of households in urban and rural areas do. With regard to the level of poverty, as the Department of Census and Statistics (2019) data reveals, the estate sector where most Malaiyaha Tamils live had a poverty headcount index of 33.8%; more than double the national rate of 14.3%. These statistics highlight key indicators of the systemic discrimination faced by the Malaiyaha Tamil community.

Some crucial observations from the SSA data collectors who enumerated responses from estate residents in the survey reveal the specific challenges faced by the Malaiyaha Tamils, particularly in their efforts to seek state support for compensation and reconstruction.

First, the Central Province experienced not just flooding but also the highest number of landslides in the island. As a result, some residents in the region lost entire homes, access roadways, and other basic infrastructures. The loss of lives, livelihoods and land was at a higher intensity compared to the provinces not located in the hills. Most importantly, the Malaiyaha Tamil community’s pre-existing grievances made them even more vulnerable and the government’s job of reparation and restitution more complex.

Early warnings hadn’t reached many areas. Some data collectors said they themselves never heard any warnings in estate areas, while others mentioned that early warnings were issued but didn’t reach some segments of the community. According to the resident data collectors, the police announcements reached only as far as the sections where they were able to drive their vehicles to, and there were many estate roads that were not motorable. When warnings did filter through to remote locations, they often came by word of mouth and information was distorted along the way. Once the disaster hit, things got worse: roads were blocked, electricity went out, mobile networks failed and people were cut off completely.

Emergency response was slow. Blocked roads meant people could not get to hospitals when they needed urgent care, including pregnant mothers. The difficult terrain and poor road conditions meant rescue teams took much longer to reach affected areas than in other regions.

Relief supplies didn’t reach everyone. The Grama Niladhari divisions in these areas are huge and hard to navigate, making it difficult for Grama Niladharis to reach all places as urgently as needed. Relief workers distributed supplies where vehicles could go, which meant accessible areas got help while remote communities were left out.

Some people didn’t even try to go to safety centres or evacuation shelters set up in local schools because the facilities there were already so poor. The perceptions of people who did go to safety centres, as shown in the provincial data, reveal that satisfaction was low compared to other affected regions of the country. Less than half were satisfied with space and facilities (42.1%) or security and protection (45.0%). Satisfaction was even lower for assistance with lost or damaged documentation (17.9%) and information and support for compensation applications (28.2%). Only 22.5% were satisfied with medical care and health services below most other affected regions.

Restoring services proved nearly impossible in some areas. Road access was the biggest problem. The condition of the roads was already poor even before the cyclone, and some still haven’t been cleared. Recovery is especially difficult because there’s no decent baseline infrastructure to restore, hence you can’t bring roads and other public facilities back to a “good” condition when they were never good, even before the disaster.

Water systems faced their own complications. Many households get water from natural sources or small community projects, and not the centralised state system. These sources are often in the middle of the disaster zone and therefore got contaminated during the floods and landslides.

Long-term recovery remains stalled. Without basic infrastructure, areas that are still hard to reach keep struggling to get the support they need for rebuilding.

Taken together, what do these testaments mean? Disaster response can’t be the same for everyone. The Malaiyaha Tamil community has been double marginalised because they were already living with structural inequalities such as poor infrastructure, geographic isolation, and inadequate services which have been exacerbated by Cyclone Ditwah. An effective and fair disaster response needs to account for these underlying vulnerabilities. It requires interventions tailored to the historical, economic, and infrastructural realities that marginalized communities face every day. On top of that, it highlights the importance of dealing with climate disasters, given the fact that vulnerable communities could face more devastating impacts compared to others.

(Shashik Silva is a researcher with the Social Scientists’ Association of Sri Lanka)

by Shashik Silva ✍️

Features

Crucial test for religious and ethnic harmony in Bangladesh

Published

1 day ago

2026/02/12

Sahan Weerasooriya

A political protest that led to governmental change in Bangladesh mid last year. (photograph: imago)

Will the Bangladesh parliamentary election bring into being a government that will ensure ethnic and religious harmony in the country? This is the poser on the lips of peace-loving sections in Bangladesh and a principal concern of those outside who mean the country well.

The apprehensions are mainly on the part of religious and ethnic minorities. The parliamentary poll of February 12th is expected to bring into existence a government headed by the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and the Islamist oriented Jamaat-e-Islami party and this is where the rub is. If these parties win, will it be a case of Bangladesh sliding in the direction of a theocracy or a state where majoritarian chauvinism thrives?

Chief of the Jamaat, Shafiqur Rahman, who was interviewed by sections of the international media recently said that there is no need for minority groups in Bangladesh to have the above fears. He assured, essentially, that the state that will come into being will be equable and inclusive. May it be so, is likely to be the wish of those who cherish a tension-free Bangladesh.

The party that could have posed a challenge to the above parties, the Awami League Party of former Prime Minister Hasina Wased, is out of the running on account of a suspension that was imposed on it by the authorities and the mentioned majoritarian-oriented parties are expected to have it easy at the polls.

A positive that has emerged against the backdrop of the poll is that most ordinary people in Bangladesh, be they Muslim or Hindu, are for communal and religious harmony and it is hoped that this sentiment will strongly prevail, going ahead. Interestingly, most of them were of the view, when interviewed, that it was the politicians who sowed the seeds of discord in the country and this viewpoint is widely shared by publics all over the region in respect of the politicians of their countries.

Some sections of the Jamaat party were of the view that matters with regard to the orientation of governance are best left to the incoming parliament to decide on but such opinions will be cold comfort for minority groups. If the parliamentary majority comes to consist of hard line Islamists, for instance, there is nothing to prevent the country from going in for theocratic governance. Consequently, minority group fears over their safety and protection cannot be prevented from spreading.

Therefore, we come back to the question of just and fair governance and whether Bangladesh’s future rulers could ensure these essential conditions of democratic rule. The latter, it is hoped, will be sufficiently perceptive to ascertain that a Bangladesh rife with religious and ethnic tensions, and therefore unstable, would not be in the interests of Bangladesh and those of the region’s countries.

Unfortunately, politicians region-wide fall for the lure of ethnic, religious and linguistic chauvinism. This happens even in the case of politicians who claim to be democratic in orientation. This fate even befell Bangladesh’s Awami League Party, which claims to be democratic and socialist in general outlook.

We have it on the authority of Taslima Nasrin in her ground-breaking novel, ‘Lajja’, that the Awami Party was not of any substantial help to Bangladesh’s Hindus, for example, when violence was unleashed on them by sections of the majority community. In fact some elements in the Awami Party were found to be siding with the Hindus’ murderous persecutors. Such are the temptations of hard line majoritarianism.

In Sri Lanka’s past numerous have been the occasions when even self-professed Leftists and their parties have conveniently fallen in line with Southern nationalist groups with self-interest in mind. The present NPP government in Sri Lanka has been waxing lyrical about fostering national reconciliation and harmony but it is yet to prove its worthiness on this score in practice. The NPP government remains untested material.

As a first step towards national reconciliation it is hoped that Sri Lanka’s present rulers would learn the Tamil language and address the people of the North and East of the country in Tamil and not Sinhala, which most Tamil-speaking people do not understand. We earnestly await official language reforms which afford to Tamil the dignity it deserves.

An acid test awaits Bangladesh as well on the nation-building front. Not only must all forms of chauvinism be shunned by the incoming rulers but a secular, truly democratic Bangladesh awaits being licked into shape. All identity barriers among people need to be abolished and it is this process that is referred to as nation-building.

On the foreign policy frontier, a task of foremost importance for Bangladesh is the need to build bridges of amity with India. If pragmatism is to rule the roost in foreign policy formulation, Bangladesh would place priority to the overcoming of this challenge. The repatriation to Bangladesh of ex-Prime Minister Hasina could emerge as a steep hurdle to bilateral accord but sagacious diplomacy must be used by Bangladesh to get over the problem.

A reply to N.A. de S. Amaratunga

A response has been penned by N.A. de S. Amaratunga (please see p5 of ‘The Island’ of February 6th) to a previous column by me on ‘ India shaping-up as a Swing State’, published in this newspaper on January 29th , but I remain firmly convinced that India remains a foremost democracy and a Swing State in the making.

If the countries of South Asia are to effectively manage ‘murderous terrorism’, particularly of the separatist kind, then they would do well to adopt to the best of their ability a system of government that provides for power decentralization from the centre to the provinces or periphery, as the case may be. This system has stood India in good stead and ought to prove effective in all other states that have fears of disintegration.

Moreover, power decentralization ensures that all communities within a country enjoy some self-governing rights within an overall unitary governance framework. Such power-sharing is a hallmark of democratic governance.

Features

Celebrating Valentine’s Day …

Published

1 day ago

2026/02/12

Sahan Weerasooriya

Valentine’s Day is all about celebrating love, romance, and affection, and this is how some of our well-known personalities plan to celebrate Valentine’s Day – 14th February:

Merlina Fernando (Singer)

Yes, it’s a special day for lovers all over the world and it’s even more special to me because 14th February is the birthday of my husband Suresh, who’s the lead guitarist of my band Mission.

We have planned to celebrate Valentine’s Day and his Birthday together and it will be a wonderful night as always.

We will be having our fans and close friends, on that night, with their loved ones at Highso – City Max hotel Dubai, from 9.00 pm onwards.

Lorensz Francke (Elvis Tribute Artiste)

On Valentine’s Day I will be performing a live concert at a Wealthy Senior Home for Men and Women, and their families will be attending, as well.

I will be performing live with romantic, iconic love songs and my song list would include ‘Can’t Help falling in Love’, ‘Love Me Tender’, ‘Burning Love’, ‘Are You Lonesome Tonight’, ‘The Wonder of You’ and ‘’It’s Now or Never’ to name a few.

To make Valentine’s Day extra special I will give the Home folks red satin scarfs.

Emma Shanaya (Singer)

I plan on spending the day of love with my girls, especially my best friend. I don’t have a romantic Valentine this year but I am thrilled to spend it with the girl that loves me through and through. I’ll be in Colombo and look forward to go to a cute cafe and spend some quality time with my childhood best friend Zulha.

JAYASRI

Emma-and-Maneeka

This Valentine’s Day the band JAYASRI we will be really busy; in the morning we will be landing in Sri Lanka, after our Oman Tour; then in the afternoon we are invited as Chief Guests at our Maris Stella College Sports Meet, Negombo, and late night we will be with LineOne band live in Karandeniya Open Air Down South. Everywhere we will be sharing LOVE with the mass crowds.

Kay Jay (Singer)

I will stay at home and cook a lovely meal for lunch, watch some movies, together with Sanjaya, and, maybe we go out for dinner and have a lovely time. Come to think of it, every day is Valentine’s Day for me with Sanjaya Alles.

Maneka Liyanage (Beauty Tips)

On this special day, I celebrate love by spending meaningful time with the people I cherish. I prepare food with love and share meals together, because food made with love brings hearts closer. I enjoy my leisure time with them — talking, laughing, sharing stories, understanding each other, and creating beautiful memories. My wish for this Valentine’s Day is a world without fighting — a world where we love one another like our own beloved, where we do not hurt others, even through a single word or action. Let us choose kindness, patience, and understanding in everything we do.

Janaka Palapathwala (Singer)

Janaka

Valentine’s Day should not be the only day we speak about love.

From the moment we are born into this world, we seek love, first through the very drop of our mother’s milk, then through the boundless care of our Mother and Father, and the embrace of family.

Love is everywhere. All living beings, even plants, respond in affection when they are loved.

As we grow, we learn to love, and to be loved. One day, that love inspires us to build a new family of our own.

Love has no beginning and no end. It flows through every stage of life, timeless, endless, and eternal.

Natasha Rathnayake (Singer)

We don’t have any special plans for Valentine’s Day. When you’ve been in love with the same person for over 25 years, you realise that love isn’t a performance reserved for one calendar date. My husband and I have never been big on public displays, or grand gestures, on 14th February. Our love is expressed quietly and consistently, in ordinary, uncelebrated moments.

With time, you learn that love isn’t about proving anything to the world or buying into a commercialised idea of romance—flowers that wilt, sweets that spike blood sugar, and gifts that impress briefly but add little real value. In today’s society, marketing often pushes the idea that love is proven by how much money you spend, and that buying things is treated as a sign of commitment.

Real love doesn’t need reminders or price tags. It lives in showing up every day, choosing each other on unromantic days, and nurturing the relationship intentionally and without an audience.

This isn’t a judgment on those who enjoy celebrating Valentine’s Day. It’s simply a personal choice.

Melloney Dassanayake (Miss Universe Sri Lanka 2024)

I truly believe it’s beautiful to have a day specially dedicated to love. But, for me, Valentine’s Day goes far beyond romantic love alone. It celebrates every form of love we hold close to our hearts: the love for family, friends, and that one special person who makes life brighter. While 14th February gives us a moment to pause and celebrate, I always remind myself that love should never be limited to just one day. Every single day should feel like Valentine’s Day – constant reminder to the people we love that they are never alone, that they are valued, and that they matter.

I’m incredibly blessed because, for me, every day feels like Valentine’s Day. My special person makes sure of that through the smallest gestures, the quiet moments, and the simple reminders that love lives in the details. He shows me that it’s the little things that count, and that love doesn’t need grand stages to feel extraordinary. This Valentine’s Day, perfection would be something intimate and meaningful: a cozy picnic in our home garden, surrounded by nature, laughter, and warmth, followed by an abstract drawing session where we let our creativity flow freely. To me, that’s what love is – simple, soulful, expressive, and deeply personal. When love is real, every ordinary moment becomes magical.

Noshin De Silva (Actress)

Valentine’s Day is one of my favourite holidays! I love the décor, the hearts everywhere, the pinks and reds, heart-shaped chocolates, and roses all around. But honestly, I believe every day can be Valentine’s Day.

It doesn’t have to be just about romantic love. It’s a chance to celebrate love in all its forms with friends, family, or even by taking a little time for yourself.

Whether you’re spending the day with someone special or enjoying your own company, it’s a reminder to appreciate meaningful connections, show kindness, and lead with love every day.

And yes, I’m fully on theme this year with heart nail art and heart mehendi design!

Wishing everyone a very happy Valentine’s Day, but, remember, love yourself first, and don’t forget to treat yourself.

Sending my love to all of you.