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Unilateral scrapping of trilateral pact on ECT upsets India and Japan

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BY S VENKAT NARAYAN

Our Special Correspondent

NEW DELHI, February 6:

The unilateral scrapping by Sri Lanka of the trilateral agreement on developing the strategic East Container Terminal (ECT) at the Colombo Port has upset both India and Japan.

Last week, Sri Lanka unilaterally pulled out of the 2019 agreement with India and Japan after as many as 223 Sri Lankan trade unions and civil societies groups backed the Sri Lanka port trade unions demand to cancel the ECT agreement.

Said a top Indian source: “The ECT pact was a trilateral government-to-government agreement between the Government of Sri Lanka and the Governments of India and Japan. If Sri Lanka pulls out of such a G2G agreement unilaterally, what message will it convey to other governments and private investors? Will it not shake their confidence in the Sri Lankan Government’s ability to honour signed agreements? Who will want to invest in a country whose government is not able to honour a multi-billion dollar G2G agreement?”

After the Sri Lankan decision reneging on the 2019 agreement, the country’s cabinet has approved a proposal to develop the West Container Terminal (WCT) of the Colombo port as a Public Private Partnership with Japan and India. Two top sources in the Sri Lankan government said Indian response to the compensatory offer was “ambiguous” and “almost rejecting.” But Indian officials said there was no formal communication about WCT till Tuesday noon.

The Indian Express quoted an unidentified Sri Lankan official as saying: “Commercially, the West Terminal offer is better for India as it gives 85% stake for developers of the West Terminal against the 49% in ECT. Even if this is the better deal for the investor (including Adani), the final decision has to come from the Indian government. And geopolitically too, West Terminal is almost the same if they consider the security aspect and the necessity to have a port terminal in Sri Lanka.”

He went on: “And the West Terminal is no smaller in size or depth compared to the East Terminal… If Indian response remains uncertain to this proposal, I am sure it was not communicated (from the Sri Lankan side) properly to India. There is no difference between East and West Terminals except for the fact that development of the ECT is partially completed while the development of the West Terminal has to start from scratch.”

In 2019, India and Sri Lanka signed a memorandum of understanding for “co-operation on economic projects”. The development and operation of the container terminal was one of the projects in the MoU: “A Container Terminal in Colombo Port as a Joint Venture, which includes Indian investments considering that majority of transshipment in Colombo Port is related to India. GOSL will announce the award of the contract…by end May 2017”.

The MoU did not mention the Eastern Container Terminal, but India and Sri Lanka had already been in discussion for its development and operation.

xAlthough India and Sri Lanka have seemingly friendly ties and much cultural affinity and people-to-people contact, the relationship is complex — and the majority Sinhala-Buddhist public opinion is layered with the memory of Indian intervention in the ethnic conflict in the late 1980s.

Unlike Chinese projects, big projects by India have always faced opposition in Sri Lanka. Sinhala-Buddhist politicians either ride such opposition opportunistically when it suits them, sometimes using this as a pretext over the real reason, or are reluctant to go counter to the public sentiment for fear of being attacked for surrendering to “big brother India”.

This was perhaps why India had invited Japan to work with it in at least two of the projects listed in the MoU: the ECT, and an LNG Terminal/Floating Storage Regasification Unit (FSRU) in Kerawalapitiya/Colombo with a piped gas distribution system along with retail outlets for CNG etc. The expectation was that this would ensure that the projects come through. Japan was the biggest donor to Sri Lanka through the years of conflict. The Geoffrey Bawa-built Sri Lankan Parliament, which came up at the height of the conflict, was funded by Japan. It continues to give Sri Lanka substantial financial support even now.

However, the old relationship between Sri Lanka and Japan has undergone changes as China’s footprint over Colombo has grown. Late last year, the Rajapaksa government unilaterally cancelled a Japanese project for a commuter rail in Colombo.

As per a Memorandum of Co-operation (MoC) signed by the previous Maithripala Sirisena-Ranil Wickremesinghe administration, the Sri Lanka Ports Authority (SLPA) would have 100 per cent ownership of the ECT. The Terminal Operations Company (TOC) conducting all East Container Terminal operations was to be jointly owned, with Sri Lanka retaining a 51% stake, and the joint venture partners 49%, according to a statement by the Ports and Shipping Ministry at the time. A 40-year loan at an interest rate of 0.1% from Japan was expected to fund the development of the ECT.

“The envisaged Japanese loan carries one of the best loan terms Sri Lanka has obtained. The 51% stake is also one of the best in SLPA joint ownership endeavours. SLPA’s majority ownership in the new TOC represents a significant step in prioritising national interests,” the statement had said.

The Sri Lankan side believes it can persuade India and Japan that the West terminal is strategically no different from the East, and commercially even better. One official told the Indian Express that the developers could hold as much as 85 per cent stake in the West terminal as opposed to just 49 per cent in ECT. It would be a much better option for Adani, he said.

For New Delhi, the ECT deal is important as between 60 and 70 per cent of transshipment that takes place through it is India-linked. The ECT is also considered more strategic than any other in Colombo Port. It is located next to the Colombo International Container Terminal (CICT) project, a joint venture between China Merchants Port Holdings Company Ltd. and SLPA.

India had been offered the Western Container Terminal earlier, but had refused. The ECT is already operational, while the WCT has to be built from scratch.

There are reports circulating in diplomatic circles that China had played a role in instigating port unions’ protest against India’s interest. New Delhi and Tokyo have desisted from commenting on such reports. But an Indian source quipped: “The Sri Lankan Government has done nothing so far to deny such reports.”

A senior SLPP minister said: “Gota (President Gotabya Rajapaksa) is a man who never changes his word. But he had to agree to cancel the ECT agreement as it was almost reaching up to the level of shaking his Presidential chair.”

Will there be similar protests and crises if India and Japan accept the West Terminal offer?

The Sri Lanka government sources rules out chances of any further trouble on the cabinet-proposed West Terminal offer.

“There were talks held at this point and the Sri Lanka government authorities received the feedback that John Keells Holding PLC (JKH), largest public listed conglomerate in Sri Lanka, and India’s Adani group may agree with WTC offer as a compromise formula with a promise that the private stake will be 85% in WTC instead of 49% at ECT,” said a top Sri Lanka Ports Authority (SLPA) official.

The Sri Lanka government also got the written consent of unions in this regard. Out of 23 unions, 22 signed and gave a letter agreeing to support the government in its plans to develop the West Terminal with private investment. The consent letter of unions said: “We will support a good investment decision that the government would take in future in relation to the West Terminal.”

Viyath Maga (Professionals for a Better Future), a network of academics, professionals and entrepreneurs, had played a key role in the final round of negotiations between the unions and the government, which had led to the latest WTC proposal.

Nalaka Godahewa of Viyath Maga, who was the former chairman of SLPA and the current state minister of Urban Development, told the Indian Express in a telephone interview that Sri Lanka is not pushing India away from the deal. “Instead, we being professionals, we volunteered to talk and find an agreeable ground through dialogues ensuring that it would respect the Indian interests as well. It is a win-win solution now,” he said.



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Delay in govt. response to UK sanctions on ex-military chiefs, and others causes concern

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General Silva / Admiral Karannagoda

Admiral of the Fleet Wasantha Karannagoda said that he is still waiting for the government’s response to the UK sanctions imposed on three ex-military officers, including him, and a former member of the LTTE.

The former Navy Chief said so in response to The Island query whether he was aware of the position taken by a three-member ministerial committee, consisting of Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath, Justice and National Integration Minister Harshana Nanayakkara and Deputy Defence Minister Maj. Gen (retd) Aruna Jayasekera.

The government named the committee in the wake of the UK declaration of travel bans and asset freezes in respect of Karannagoda, General Shavendra Silva, General Jagath Jayasuriya and Vinayagamoorthy Muralitharan, also known as Karuna. Maj. Gen. Jayasekera said that they inquired into the issue at hand.

Karannnagoda said that he would like to know the government’s recommendations if the ministerial committee briefed the Cabinet as per a decision taken by the Cabinet of Ministers. Karannagoda said that the issue should have been taken at the highest level as various interested parties continue to humiliate the war-winning military by targeting selected individuals.

Other sources, familiar with the issues at hand, told The Island that the government was yet to announce its stand.

Sources pointed out that the Opposition has been silent on what they called a matter of utmost national importance.

Cabinet spokesman Dr. Nalinda Jayathissa is on record as having described the UK move as a unilateral move and that committee was formed to examine the developments and recommend appropriate measures to the Cabinet.

Foreign Minister Herath told The Island the government was not successful in getting the British to withdraw sanctions. Describing the UK decision as unilateral, the Miniser said that the government conveyed its concerns but the UK didn’t change its stand.

The Island raised the issue with Minister Herath and Admiral Karannagoda in the wake of British MP of Sri Lankan origin, Uma Kumaran requesting the UK Foreign Secretary Yvette Cooper to expand on the government’s sanctions imposed on the four above-mentioned persons.

During a Foreign Affairs Committee meeting on 16 December, the MP for Stratford and Bow highlighted the lack of accountability and political will from the current Sri Lankan government to address war crimes and mass atrocities committed in Sri Lanka.

Sources said that David Lammy, who served as Secretary of State for Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Affairs at the time of the declaration of sanctions, had no qualms in declaring that the action taken against four Sri Lankans was in line with a commitment he made during the election campaign to ensure those responsible wouldn’t be allowed impunity. The UK government statement quoted Lammy as having said that this decision ensured that those responsible for past human rights violations and abuses were held accountable.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

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Sri Lanka outlines seven key vectors of international cooperation at Moscow forum

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Shobini

Sri Lankan Ambassador to the Russian Federation, Shobini Gunasekera recently presented a conceptual framework of seven key vectors that defined contemporary international relations and facilitated dialogue among States. She made the presentation at XI Moscow International Financial and Economic Forum held under the theme “Building Bridges: Partnership without Borders”.

In her address, the Ambassador emphasised that these vectors represent the channels through which ideas circulate, trade expands, and peace is strengthened, serving as guiding principles for cooperation amid global uncertainties. The seven key vectors highlighted were economic ties as a foundation for long-term stability; political choice and diplomacy through dialogue and multilateral engagement; security cooperation to address cross-border threats; cultural linkages through education, tourism, and professional exchanges; technological advancement, particularly in digital systems and artificial intelligence; environmental stewardship through collective action on renewable energy and climate change; and humanitarian obligations, including disaster relief and development cooperation.

 Drawing on Sri Lanka’s experience, the Ambassador illustrated the practical application of these principles by highlighting the country’s strategic location in the Indian Ocean, its role as a trade and logistics hub, and its active engagement in regional groupings such as BIMSTEC and the Indian Ocean Rim Association, where the Russian Federation serves as a Dialogue Partner.

 The potential for enhanced Sri Lanka–Russia bilateral cooperation was underscored, particularly through complementarities between Russia’s technological and energy expertise and Sri Lanka’s logistical capabilities and maritime infrastructure. She noted that such synergies could support joint initiatives in trade, innovation, tourism, and logistics, while cultural and scientific exchanges would further strengthen mutual understanding between the two countries.

Concluding her remarks, the Ambassador stated that sustained progress requires dialogue, mutual respect, and forward-looking partnerships capable of shaping a shared and stable future.

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Sri Lanka third most preferred destination for Indians

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Thailand takes top place

Travel website Make My Trip has named Sri Lanka as the third most booked international destination by Indian travellers for the festive period, following Thailand and the United Arab Emirates (UAE).

According to a report released by MakeMyTrip, an analysis of booking trends between 20 December and January 2026 compared to the same period last year, highlighted a growing interest in Sri Lanka as a preferred destination.

Thailand ranked first, while the UAE secured second place. Vietnam recorded a notable rise, moving from seventh position last year to fourth this year, followed by Malaysia, Indonesia, Singapore, the UK, the US, and Hong Kong.

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