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Unilateral scrapping of trilateral pact on ECT upsets India and Japan

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BY S VENKAT NARAYAN

Our Special Correspondent

NEW DELHI, February 6:

The unilateral scrapping by Sri Lanka of the trilateral agreement on developing the strategic East Container Terminal (ECT) at the Colombo Port has upset both India and Japan.

Last week, Sri Lanka unilaterally pulled out of the 2019 agreement with India and Japan after as many as 223 Sri Lankan trade unions and civil societies groups backed the Sri Lanka port trade unions demand to cancel the ECT agreement.

Said a top Indian source: “The ECT pact was a trilateral government-to-government agreement between the Government of Sri Lanka and the Governments of India and Japan. If Sri Lanka pulls out of such a G2G agreement unilaterally, what message will it convey to other governments and private investors? Will it not shake their confidence in the Sri Lankan Government’s ability to honour signed agreements? Who will want to invest in a country whose government is not able to honour a multi-billion dollar G2G agreement?”

After the Sri Lankan decision reneging on the 2019 agreement, the country’s cabinet has approved a proposal to develop the West Container Terminal (WCT) of the Colombo port as a Public Private Partnership with Japan and India. Two top sources in the Sri Lankan government said Indian response to the compensatory offer was “ambiguous” and “almost rejecting.” But Indian officials said there was no formal communication about WCT till Tuesday noon.

The Indian Express quoted an unidentified Sri Lankan official as saying: “Commercially, the West Terminal offer is better for India as it gives 85% stake for developers of the West Terminal against the 49% in ECT. Even if this is the better deal for the investor (including Adani), the final decision has to come from the Indian government. And geopolitically too, West Terminal is almost the same if they consider the security aspect and the necessity to have a port terminal in Sri Lanka.”

He went on: “And the West Terminal is no smaller in size or depth compared to the East Terminal… If Indian response remains uncertain to this proposal, I am sure it was not communicated (from the Sri Lankan side) properly to India. There is no difference between East and West Terminals except for the fact that development of the ECT is partially completed while the development of the West Terminal has to start from scratch.”

In 2019, India and Sri Lanka signed a memorandum of understanding for “co-operation on economic projects”. The development and operation of the container terminal was one of the projects in the MoU: “A Container Terminal in Colombo Port as a Joint Venture, which includes Indian investments considering that majority of transshipment in Colombo Port is related to India. GOSL will announce the award of the contract…by end May 2017”.

The MoU did not mention the Eastern Container Terminal, but India and Sri Lanka had already been in discussion for its development and operation.

xAlthough India and Sri Lanka have seemingly friendly ties and much cultural affinity and people-to-people contact, the relationship is complex — and the majority Sinhala-Buddhist public opinion is layered with the memory of Indian intervention in the ethnic conflict in the late 1980s.

Unlike Chinese projects, big projects by India have always faced opposition in Sri Lanka. Sinhala-Buddhist politicians either ride such opposition opportunistically when it suits them, sometimes using this as a pretext over the real reason, or are reluctant to go counter to the public sentiment for fear of being attacked for surrendering to “big brother India”.

This was perhaps why India had invited Japan to work with it in at least two of the projects listed in the MoU: the ECT, and an LNG Terminal/Floating Storage Regasification Unit (FSRU) in Kerawalapitiya/Colombo with a piped gas distribution system along with retail outlets for CNG etc. The expectation was that this would ensure that the projects come through. Japan was the biggest donor to Sri Lanka through the years of conflict. The Geoffrey Bawa-built Sri Lankan Parliament, which came up at the height of the conflict, was funded by Japan. It continues to give Sri Lanka substantial financial support even now.

However, the old relationship between Sri Lanka and Japan has undergone changes as China’s footprint over Colombo has grown. Late last year, the Rajapaksa government unilaterally cancelled a Japanese project for a commuter rail in Colombo.

As per a Memorandum of Co-operation (MoC) signed by the previous Maithripala Sirisena-Ranil Wickremesinghe administration, the Sri Lanka Ports Authority (SLPA) would have 100 per cent ownership of the ECT. The Terminal Operations Company (TOC) conducting all East Container Terminal operations was to be jointly owned, with Sri Lanka retaining a 51% stake, and the joint venture partners 49%, according to a statement by the Ports and Shipping Ministry at the time. A 40-year loan at an interest rate of 0.1% from Japan was expected to fund the development of the ECT.

“The envisaged Japanese loan carries one of the best loan terms Sri Lanka has obtained. The 51% stake is also one of the best in SLPA joint ownership endeavours. SLPA’s majority ownership in the new TOC represents a significant step in prioritising national interests,” the statement had said.

The Sri Lankan side believes it can persuade India and Japan that the West terminal is strategically no different from the East, and commercially even better. One official told the Indian Express that the developers could hold as much as 85 per cent stake in the West terminal as opposed to just 49 per cent in ECT. It would be a much better option for Adani, he said.

For New Delhi, the ECT deal is important as between 60 and 70 per cent of transshipment that takes place through it is India-linked. The ECT is also considered more strategic than any other in Colombo Port. It is located next to the Colombo International Container Terminal (CICT) project, a joint venture between China Merchants Port Holdings Company Ltd. and SLPA.

India had been offered the Western Container Terminal earlier, but had refused. The ECT is already operational, while the WCT has to be built from scratch.

There are reports circulating in diplomatic circles that China had played a role in instigating port unions’ protest against India’s interest. New Delhi and Tokyo have desisted from commenting on such reports. But an Indian source quipped: “The Sri Lankan Government has done nothing so far to deny such reports.”

A senior SLPP minister said: “Gota (President Gotabya Rajapaksa) is a man who never changes his word. But he had to agree to cancel the ECT agreement as it was almost reaching up to the level of shaking his Presidential chair.”

Will there be similar protests and crises if India and Japan accept the West Terminal offer?

The Sri Lanka government sources rules out chances of any further trouble on the cabinet-proposed West Terminal offer.

“There were talks held at this point and the Sri Lanka government authorities received the feedback that John Keells Holding PLC (JKH), largest public listed conglomerate in Sri Lanka, and India’s Adani group may agree with WTC offer as a compromise formula with a promise that the private stake will be 85% in WTC instead of 49% at ECT,” said a top Sri Lanka Ports Authority (SLPA) official.

The Sri Lanka government also got the written consent of unions in this regard. Out of 23 unions, 22 signed and gave a letter agreeing to support the government in its plans to develop the West Terminal with private investment. The consent letter of unions said: “We will support a good investment decision that the government would take in future in relation to the West Terminal.”

Viyath Maga (Professionals for a Better Future), a network of academics, professionals and entrepreneurs, had played a key role in the final round of negotiations between the unions and the government, which had led to the latest WTC proposal.

Nalaka Godahewa of Viyath Maga, who was the former chairman of SLPA and the current state minister of Urban Development, told the Indian Express in a telephone interview that Sri Lanka is not pushing India away from the deal. “Instead, we being professionals, we volunteered to talk and find an agreeable ground through dialogues ensuring that it would respect the Indian interests as well. It is a win-win solution now,” he said.



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Gnanasara Thero absconding after SC ruling

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Ven. Galagoda Aththe Gnanasara Thero was not at his temple in Rajagiriya when prison officials visited the premises yesterday to take steps following the Supreme Court ruling that nullified the presidential pardon granted to him, police sources said.

Prison officials who visited the temple on Nawala Road, Rajagiriya, were reportedly informed by those present that the Thero’s whereabouts were unknown. The development comes a day after the Supreme Court declared former President Maithripala Sirisena’s 2019 pardon of Gnanasara Thero null and void.

The three-member Supreme Court bench comprising Justices Janak De Silva, Dr. Sobhitha Rajakaruna and Sampath B. Abayakoon held that the pardon was arbitrary, violated the public trust and principles of natural justice, and was made beyond the proper exercise of the President’s constitutional discretion.

The case arose from Gnanasara Thero’s conduct at the Homagama Magistrate’s Court in January 2016 during proceedings relating to the disappearance of journalist and political cartoonist Prageeth Eknaligoda.

The Court of Appeal convicted him on four counts of contempt of court in 2018 and imposed concurrent prison terms amounting to six years. He had served about nine months when Sirisena granted him a presidential pardon on May 23, 2019.

The Supreme Court found that although Article 34 empowers the President to grant pardons, that power is held in trust for the people and is subject to constitutional limitations and judicial review. The Court concluded that Sirisena had effectively acted on the recommendation of the Additional Secretary (Legal) without demonstrating that he had independently considered the relevant material.

Justice De Silva held that the pardon was “arbitrary”, violated public trust and the rules of natural justice, and was ultra vires the President’s powers. The Court consequently found that the decision violated the fundamental right to equality guaranteed by Article 12(1) of the Constitution.

The ruling effectively restores the legal position under the original conviction, leaving Gnanasara Thero without the benefit of the 2019 pardon. The Supreme Court also clarified that a pardon does not erase a conviction or sentence, but merely relieves an offender from serving the sentence to the extent specified in the pardon.

Gnanasara Thero, the General Secretary of the Bodu Bala Sena, had been convicted over his conduct during proceedings concerning the disappearance of Eknaligoda, who went missing in January 2010 and has not been located.

Sandhya Eknaligoda, Prageeth Eknaligoda’s wife, was among those who challenged the presidential pardon before the Supreme Court, alongside the Centre for Policy Alternatives and its Executive Director Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu.

The detailed account of the judgment indicates that the Court’s ruling primarily nullified the pardon and restored the legal effect of the original sentence, with the implementation of the sentence falling to the relevant authorities.

Police sources said that the Supreme Court, however, did not permanently close the door on executive clemency. It held that a future President could grant Gnanasara Thero another pardon, provided the power is exercised lawfully and after proper consideration of all relevant material.

The Supreme Court has so far overturned three presidential pardons granted to two former Presidents. In January 2024, the Court declared former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s pardon of former MP Duminda Silva unlawful and invalid. In June 2024, it invalidated two pardons granted by former President Maithripala Sirisena to Royal Park murder convict Jude Shramantha Anthony Jayamaha — the first in May 2016, which commuted his death sentence to life imprisonment, and the second in October 2019, which released him from prison. Jayamaha, who was convicted of the murder of 19-year-old Yvonne Johnson, remains at large. Most recently, on September 10, 2026, the Supreme Court declared Sirisena’s 2019 pardon of Ven. Galagoda Aththe Gnanasara Thero null and void, ruling that it was arbitrary and inconsistent with the Constitution.

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House to debate 22A, Judicature Bill next week

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Parliament is scheduled to debate the Twenty-Second Amendment to the Constitution Bill and the Judicature (Amendment) Bill on September 24 and 25, subject to the Speaker’s announcement following the delivery of the Supreme Court determination on petitions filed against the Bills.

The programme for the Parliamentary Week from September 22 to 25 was decided at a meeting of the Committee on Parliamentary Business held on Thursday (10) under the chairmanship of Speaker Dr. Jagath Wickramaratne.

On each sitting day, Parliamentary Business under Standing Orders 22(1) to 22(6) will be taken up from 9.30 am to 10 am, followed by Questions for Oral Answers from 10 am to 11 am Questions under Standing Order 27(2) will be taken up from 11 am to 11.30 am.

On Tuesday (22), the Orders published in Extraordinary Gazette No. 2497/37 under the Petroleum Resources Act and the Promotion of Export Agriculture (Amendment) Bill will be debated from 11.30 am to 5 pm.

The Tredso Development Foundation (Incorporation) Bill, a Private Member’s Bill, will then be taken up for Second Reading before being referred to the Legislative Standing Committee.

An Opposition motion at the Adjournment Time will follow.

On Wednesday (23), the Chartered Institute of Media Professionals of Sri Lanka Bill will be debated from 11.30 am to 5 pm, followed by Questions at the Adjournment Time.

The Second Reading debate on the 22nd Amendment Bill and the Judicature (Amendment) Bill is scheduled for 11.30 am to 7 pm on Thursday (24) and Friday (25).

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Wrong house targeted in underworld grenade attack: Two children killed

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Two children aged 11 and 17 were mistakenly killed and their 55-year-old father injured in an early morning hand grenade attack on Sirisangabo Mawatha on Friday. Police investigations later revealed that the attackers targeted the wrong house during an ongoing underworld clash.

Three police teams have been deployed to investigate the attack, which occurred at around 3 am.

According to police, a man who arrived near the house in a three-wheeler knocked on the front door before throwing a grenade into the premises and fleeing.

The victims were identified as 17-year-old Kasun Rashmika and 11-year-old Duminda Gihan. Their 56-year-old father, Nalin Thusantha Perera, was seriously injured and admitted to the Kalubowila Teaching Hospital.

Police said the injured man’s brother was allegedly a close associate of a drug trafficker known as ‘Sando’ and had also been accused of involvement in drug trafficking.

The brother lives in a house adjoining the one targeted in the attack, and police suspect the grenade may have been thrown at the wrong house.

Police are also investigating information that the attack was allegedly carried out at the direction of several overseas-based drug traffickers, identified as Pandithage Shantha Kumara alias ‘Kos Malli’, Samantha Perera alias ‘Chuwa Samantha’, ‘Kudu Avishka’ and ‘I.D.’

Police said the attack was believed to be linked to an ongoing conflict between two underworld factions, which have targeted each other’s associates in shootings and grenade attacks. More than 20 people have reportedly been killed in such attacks.

Security agencies are also investigating alleged links between one faction and overseas-based criminals including Kanjipani Imran, Unakuruwe Shantha, Dubai Gagana and Handaya.

Security agencies have also received information that overseas-based criminals identified as Kanjipani Imran, Unakuruwe Shantha, Dubai Gagana and Handaya are allegedly behind the supply of firearms and drugs to the faction associated with Kos Malli and Chuwa Samantha.

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