Features
UNHRC resolution, good governance, BRICS – Operation camouflage?
by Tamara Kunanayakam
On 8 October this year, the Cabinet media spokesman Vijitha Herath announced the new JVP/NPP Government’s decision to “strongly reject” the US-UK draft resolution tabled by the United Kingdom at the recent session of the UN Human Rights Council, extending the mandate of an “external evidence-gathering mechanism” established by its 2022 resolution 51/1.
On the following day, Sri Lanka’s Permanent Representative to the UN explained to the Council that Sri Lanka considered the latest draft as lacking consensus, because the country had already opposed the two previous resolutions of 2021 (46/1) and 2022 (51/1) that had been tabled without the country’s consent and adopted by “a divided vote“. The Government she added, had also disassociated itself from the Report of the High Commissioner.
Nevertheless, on that same day, the resolution that the Government had “strongly” rejected was adopted without a vote, i.e., by consensus, and consensus resolutions necessarily involve the explicit or implicit consent of the country concerned.
Decision not to call for a vote – consent to, not rejection of, external mechanism with prosecutorial functions
Had indeed the Government “rejected” the external mechanism, it would have called for a recorded vote, the only way to prevent consensus on a hostile draft. Being a non-member state, it would have had to request a friendly country to act on its behalf, and Cuba, China and Pakistan have always obliged. Without a specific request from Sri Lanka, no country that respects the principle of state sovereignty and the right of peoples to self-determination would have called for a vote. It is evident that that request never came.
By the decision not to call for a vote, the Government did the opposite of what it had said it would do, even reversing Sri Lanka’s previous rejection of the mechanism at the Council’s 2021 and 2022, and consenting to its establishment as well as extension.
Country-specific resolutions are a weapon used by Washington to impose its hegemonic agenda on non-Western countries, and consensus is only advantageous to the one who wields the weapon. The resolution on Sri Lanka is precedent setting that gives legitimacy to the controversial ‘Responsibility to Protect’ doctrine that permits Washington to exercise its domination over other states on the pretext they are “unwilling and unable” to protect their own citizens, thus undermining the UN Charter-based multilateral order and its sovereignty principle.
Consensus, the result of behind-the-scenes ‘negotiations,’ deals, and capitulation
Consensus is always the result of behind-the-scenes ‘negotiations’, of deals made in private between the hostile country initiating the resolution and the target country, and of capitulation to outright threats or pressure. In the case of Sri Lanka, the initiator has always been the United States. The drafting is done in Washington and the text imposed in Colombo, with the US Ambassador playing a crucial role. The regular one-to-one meetings between the US Ambassador Julie Chung and Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya, and between the Ambassador and the President is now an open secret.
Bilateral ‘negotiations’ and ‘agreements’ inherently unequal
Bilateral ‘negotiations’ or ‘agreements’ between a global hegemon and a small, heavily indebted Third World country are inherently unequal. The sheer hegemonic power of one makes the principle of reciprocity impracticable. It is illusory to believe that a US-led text, whether a resolution, a trade or military agreement, or for that matter IMF/World Bank conditionalities, can be “re-negotiated” or “amended” for “mutual benefit.” ‘Consensus’ between unequals can only signify capitulation, the abandon of sovereignty.
What did Sri Lanka surrender, its sovereignty? Back to the Kerry–Lugar Report
The answer may be found in Washington’s hegemonic ambitions, and the role attributed to Sri Lanka.
It is no secret that Sri Lanka is on a strategic maritime corridor linking East and West, the control over which is of central importance to Washington’s so-called ‘Free and Open Indo-Pacific’ military strategy aimed at containing and combating China. The wide-ranging reform of the State and its institutions demanded in US-led Human Rights Council resolutions and imposed through IMF/World Bank conditionalities can be traced to the December 2009 US Senate Foreign Relations Report, “Sri Lanka: Recharting US Strategy after the war” (Kerry-Lugar Report), prepared less than six months after the historic defeat of the LTTE.
Underlining that the US “cannot afford to ‘lose’ Sri Lanka,” the Report advocated “a new approach that increases US leverage”: “A more multifaceted US strategy would capitalize on the economic, trade, and security aspects of the relationship. This approach in turn could catalyze much-needed political reforms that will ultimately help secure longer term US strategic interests in the Indian Ocean. US strategy should also invest in Sinhalese parts of the country, instead of just focusing aid on the Tamil-dominated North and East. “
Washington’s ‘Free and Open Indo-Pacific’ strategy is the common denominator that links the US-led resolution with its embedded ‘Responsibility to Protect’ (R2P) logic and the IMF/World Bank duo’s political project to disempower the people and their state, which is camouflaged as ‘good governance’.
R2P, ‘good governance’, the false narrative – dismantling the sovereignty principle
R2P and ‘good governance’ are both aimed at dismantling the sovereignty principle – popular sovereignty and State sovereignty, the principal enemy and foremost obstacle to the expansion of global capital and US hegemonic ambitions. They both demand far-reaching reform of the state and its institutions that shift political decision-making and control over a nation’s wealth and resources into the hands of global corporates, beyond the control of the people and their democratic institutions. They are both associated with nebulous concepts such as ‘the rule of law,’ ‘transitional justice,’ ‘universal jurisdiction,’ ‘transparency,’ and ‘accountability’ – all of which serve to bring a country under alien domination. They both involve the reinforcement of the State’s repressive apparatus to preserve the new order of brutal exploitation thus established.
The term ‘good governance’, it must be recalled, was coined jointly by the US Treasury and the IMF/World Bank duo in the late 1980s as a coercive tool to bring former socialist bloc countries under the US hegemonic umbrella and to effectively recolonise indebted Third World countries. Presented as a technical tool involving wide-ranging legal and institutional reform to render government accountable and transparent, it is, in reality, a political project to re-engineer State to make it less, not more democratic.
Today, the false ‘good governance’ narrative has become so integrated into our daily lives that it has been adopted, without questioning, by the vast majority of political parties and trade unions, and even by the victims themselves, despite the visible and widespread suffering it causes. The rise to power of the JVP/NPP combine with as its figurehead the Harini Amarasuriya/AKD duo is a reflection of unprecedented degeneration of democracy, of popular sovereignty, in Sri Lanka.
BRICS, or not BRICS? Unanswered questions, Operation Camouflage
A question that comes to mind is why the JVP/NPP government treated the BRICS Summit in Kazan, Russia, with disdain? BRICS is viewed by Washington as a threat to its global hegemony. Why was Sri Lanka not represented by the President, nor the Prime Minister, nor even the Foreign Minister, when 36 of the 38 participating states were represented by their Heads of State or Government or by Cabinet Ministers? The United Nations was represented by its Secretary General. Along with Bangladesh, Sri Lanka was the only other country to send a Foreign Secretary. Bangladesh had, however, recently seen the installation of a pro-US banker as interim head of government after what is believed to have been a US-engineered coup d’état. But what about Sri Lanka? Is the answer to be found in the hand behind the Galle Face protest, misleadingly called ‘Aragalaya,’ and its aftermath?
And, why did the JVP/NPP government publicly lie that BRICS had rejected its application to become a member?
What was the purpose of the misleading public statement about rejecting the resolution?
To trick the public into believing that the new JVP/NPP combine reflects a radical ‘system change’ when in reality it provides a cover and relative stability for global corporates and for Washington’s project of disempowerment and vassalisation?
Is this a case of ‘operation camouflage’?
Features
Sections of US media looking power straight in the eye
Some fundamental freedoms seen to be at the heart of democracy in the US – religion, speech, the press, assembly and the right to petition the government – are at risk of being undermined at present by the country’s Executive President. However, the latter is being legally challenged on this score by some sections of the US media and the citizenry of the country could take heart from this notable defense of media freedom.
In fact this is good news for the world of democracy. The push back is coming from organizations such as CNN, ABC, CBS, Fox, NBC who constitute the nucleus as it were of the US media and their solidarity no less than their resourcefulness calls for commendation.
Following a recent White House decision to suspend CNN from what was referred to as ‘participation in presidential pool coverages’, the other media organizations mentioned refused to replace it in the pool. Their position was that the public had a right to receive ‘accurate and independent information about the government.’
Earlier, the White House decided to bar MS NOW and Politico from entering its premises following the restrictions imposed on CNN. The organizations were accused of publishing “FAKE NEWS’ , ‘Fiction’ and ‘lies’ in respect of the administration. These organizations lost no time in initiating a federal lawsuit accusing the central administration of violating their rights guaranteed by the First Amendment.
However, the latter litigating organizations could now consider themselves as having been vindicated because the federal court hearing their case has ordered the Trump administration to temporarily restore White House press access to journalists from the mentioned media institutions. Notably, the court has declared that the ban is ‘likely unconstitutional’. The case is proceeding.
The mass media of the most vibrant democracies of the West ought to be no strangers to such inspirational acts of solidarity and exemplifications of independence but there are lessons here for the democracies of the South that could stand them in good stead. Minus the right of a people to be informed, the rest of fundamental rights featuring in Southern Bills of Rights and legislation of the kind are bereft of substance and meaning.
It is informed decision-making on the part of a citizenry that makes for democratic vibrancy and on this score many a Southern democracy fails. While Southern publics generally demand of their governments continuous economic well being and substantive material benefits they are not equally desirous of being informed and knowledgeable.
This lacuna in the consciousness of many Southern publics enables their governments ‘to get off the hook’, so to speak and govern, or more often misgovern, their countries with impunity. Among other factors, this species of mass ignorance makes it possible for governments to dismantle democracy and rule in perpetuity.
Accordingly, an educated and constantly informed public is an essential precondition for the flourishing of democracy and independent media are integral to this process. Minus an independent mass media sector that meets the knowledge needs of the people responsibly, democracy is as good as dead.
Needless to say, those sections of the US media that are currently taking the Trump administration to task over its media curbs are acutely aware of the cruciality of these fundamental knowledge requirements.
The hope of democratic opinion worldwide and locally is likely to be that media independence would thrive in the manner in which it is flourishing in the most vibrant and accountable democracies of the West.
Southern countries such as Sri Lanka that lay claim to democratic credentials, but are democracy-deficient in many ways, need to be particularly cognizant of these requirements. The publics of these countries need to go the extra mile to ensure the thriving of an independent but responsible mass media sector.
In fact it is veritably a matter of life and death. It is only an independent media sector that could, while ensuring the existence of an informed public, impress on the latter the need to protect and perpetuate its fundamental rights. In the absence of these campaigns, such publics could be eventually having on their hands governments that boast of ruling in perpetuity.
Taking a leaf from the sections of the US media referred to independent media organizations in Southern states need to act in solidarity as well. They would need to act on the basis of the principle that acts of victimization suffered by members in their fold at the hands of governments, for instance, are in fact inimical acts directed at their collectivity and which call for united remedial action. In short, no independent mass media institution could see itself as ‘an island’.
Besides some general guidance on the importance of media independence and solidarity, the message coming from the US with regard to media praxis is that power must be stood-up to unblinkingly. The mentioned sections of the US media are primarily in a struggle to ward off encroachments on their independence in the areas of policy and practice by the political executive, that is the President.
The latter would ride rough-shod over the media in the absence of robust opposition by the media itself to inimical executive action of this kind.
While media independence needs to be seen as crucial to democratic development, an obligation is cast on the media to ensure that it uses such independence responsibly and constructively.
The worst that could afflict a media sector is for it to fall prey to the clichetic ‘freedom of the wild ass’. In fact recurring irresponsibility on the part of the media could lend credence to the perception that a tightly regulated media is best for a country. It is a short step from this misguided view to the position that political authoritarianism is best for a state. That turn of events would be of course catastrophic for a democracy.
The issues discussed thus far point to the need for a broad discourse among Southern democracies in particular on what is best for them in this connection. Given the risks underscored earlier for Southern countries in particular a broad discussion on the matters at hand, which includes the public, emerges as a must for Sri Lanka. Besides, media solidarity within democratic countries and internationally is a must.
Features
What lessons can be learned to improve quality of Sri Lanka’s Grade 6 syllabus
by Prof. M. W. Amarasiri de Silva
Following public controversy over an inappropriate web link found in an English study module, the Sri Lankan government formally deferred the full rollout of the Grade 6 curriculum reforms to January 2027. In the interim, state schools will maintain the existing syllabus, reverting to standard eight-period daily timetables and previous textbooks to ensure uninterrupted instruction. Prime Minister and Minister of Education Dr. Harini Amarasuriya emphasized that this temporary pause allows the Education Ministry to thoroughly review all instructional materials, fix editorial flaws, and conduct scientific impact assessments across pilot schools prior to nation-wide implementation.
To address the oversight, an expert committee evaluated the flawed materials, completed necessary amendments, and finalised discussions to resubmit corrected modules for printing. Beyond revising written texts, the Ministry established a broader preparation roadmap—allocating funds for extensive teacher training programs set to begin mid-year, alongside scheduled informational briefings for parents, teachers, and students. Prime Minister Amarasuriya reaffirmed that none of the valid first-term modules were completely discarded or scrapped, preserving state resources while systematically rebuilding public trust and strengthening quality assurance protocols.
In this respect, this article reviews the current grade 6 syllabus comparing it with similar syllabi of India and the USA, with a view to make recommendations for the upcoming grade 6 syllabus revision.
Architecture of nation’s future
Education is the quiet architecture of a nation’s future. It is the unseen scaffolding upon which generations build their character, their intellect, and their capacity to contribute meaningfully to society. In Sri Lanka, the Grade 6 syllabus occupies a particularly important place in this architecture. It is the bridge between primary learning and the more demanding intellectual terrain of secondary education. It is the moment when children begin to move from learning basic facts to understanding concepts, from memorising information to applying knowledge, and from passive reception to active engagement. Yet, despite its importance, the Grade 6 curriculum in Sri Lanka has long struggled with issues of breadth, depth, relevance, and pedagogy. As global education systems evolve, Sri Lanka must examine what lessons can be learned from international models—particularly India and the United States—to strengthen its own curriculum and prepare students for a rapidly changing world.
The first lesson Sri Lanka can learn is the value of conceptual clarity. India’s NCERT curriculum, especially in Mathematics and Science, is globally respected for its logical progression and conceptual depth. Indian students are introduced early to the idea that mathematics is not merely a set of procedures but a language of reasoning. They learn why a ratio works, not just how to compute one. They understand the structure of an equation, not merely the steps to solve it. In Science, they explore the properties of materials, the structure of plants, and the principles of motion with a clarity that encourages curiosity rather than rote memorisation.
Sri Lanka’s Grade 6 syllabus, while competency-based, often leans heavily toward content coverage. Students are expected to learn many topics, but the time allocated for each is limited, and the teaching culture often emphasizes memorisation over understanding. If Sri Lanka wishes to improve the quality of its syllabus, it must embrace the idea that fewer topics taught well are better than many topics taught superficially. Conceptual mastery builds confidence, and confidence builds lifelong learners.
Lesson from the US
A second lesson comes from the United States, where the curriculum is built around skills rather than content. American students in Grade 6 are expected to read complex texts, analyse arguments, write essays supported by evidence, conduct experiments, and engage in collaborative projects. The emphasis is not on how much they know but on what they can do with what they know. This skills-based approach encourages critical thinking, creativity, and independence—qualities essential for success in the modern world.
Sri Lanka’s syllabus, by contrast, often rewards students for reproducing information rather than interpreting it. The exam culture reinforces this tendency, as students are assessed primarily through written tests that measure recall. To improve the syllabus, Sri Lanka must integrate more opportunities for students to think, question, debate, and create. The classroom should become a space where students learn to solve problems, not just memorize solutions.
Another important lesson comes from the breadth of Sri Lanka’s own curriculum. One of the strengths of the Sri Lankan system is its inclusion of cultural and religious education. Subjects such as Buddhism, Hinduism, Islam, and Christianity provide moral grounding and cultural identity. Art, Music, Drama, and Health contribute to holistic development. These subjects remind students that education is not merely about academic achievement but about becoming a balanced human being. However, breadth without depth can become burdensome. Grade 6 students in Sri Lanka often juggle more than ten subjects, each with its own textbook, competencies, and assessments. This creates pressure not only for students but also for teachers, who must rush through content to meet syllabus requirements. The lesson here is not to reduce cultural subjects but to integrate them more meaningfully. Religious education can be taught through ethical discussions, community projects, and reflective writing. Art and Music can be connected to history, literature, and social studies. Health can be linked to science and physical education. Integration reduces overload while enriching learning.
Another lesson from India
India offers another valuable lesson in the form of standardised textbooks. NCERT books are used across the country, ensuring consistency in quality and content. They are written by subject experts, reviewed rigorously, and updated periodically. Sri Lanka’s textbooks, while generally well-structured, vary in quality and often lag behind modern pedagogical standards. Some are dense, text-heavy, and lacking in visual aids or real-world examples. To improve the syllabus, Sri Lanka must invest in high-quality textbooks that are engaging, accessible, and aligned with contemporary educational research. Textbooks should not merely transmit information; they should inspire curiosity. They should include stories, diagrams, experiments, and activities that make learning enjoyable and meaningful.
The United States provides a lesson in inquiry-based science education. American students conduct experiments, build models, observe natural phenomena, and engage in engineering design challenges. They learn science not as a set of facts but as a process of discovery. Sri Lanka’s science curriculum includes experiments, but many schools lack the resources, laboratory facilities, or teacher training to implement them effectively. Improving the syllabus requires improving the ecosystem around it. Schools need laboratories, equipment, and teacher development programs that empower educators to teach science through inquiry. A syllabus is only as strong as the environment in which it is taught. ***
International models
Another area where Sri Lanka can learn from international models is language education. In India, students often learn three languages—English, Hindi, and Sanskrit or Urdu. This heavy language load has its challenges, but it also produces students with strong linguistic skills. In the United States, English Language Arts emphasises reading complex texts, writing arguments, and analysing literature. Sri Lanka’s English curriculum, while improving, still struggles with uneven implementation across schools. Many students reach secondary school without adequate proficiency in English, limiting their access to global knowledge. To improve the syllabus, Sri Lanka must strengthen English instruction through better teacher training, more reading opportunities, and a shift from grammar-heavy teaching to communication-focused learning. At the same time, Sinhala and Tamil instruction should be modernised to include creative writing, literature appreciation, and critical reading.
Social Studies is another area ripe for improvement. Sri Lanka’s curriculum includes History, Geography, and Civics, but the teaching often emphasises memorization of dates, definitions, and facts. India’s Social Science curriculum, while also content-heavy, provides clearer conceptual frameworks. The United States, however, excels in teaching civics and citizenship. American students learn how governments function, how laws are made, how communities solve problems, and how citizens participate in democracy. Sri Lanka can strengthen its Civics curriculum by incorporating more discussions on governance, rights, responsibilities, and community engagement. Students should learn not only the structure of government but also the values that sustain it—justice, equality, and participation.
One of the most important lessons Sri Lanka can learn is the value of reducing exam pressure. In both India and Sri Lanka, exams dominate the educational landscape. Students are judged primarily by their ability to perform on written tests. The United States, while not free from assessment challenges, uses a wider range of evaluation methods—projects, presentations, portfolios, and continuous assessment. These methods allow students to demonstrate learning in diverse ways. Sri Lanka should consider adopting a more balanced assessment system that values creativity, collaboration, and practical skills alongside academic knowledge.
Technology integration is another area where Sri Lanka can improve. The United States incorporates digital literacy, coding, online research, and digital citizenship into the curriculum. Sri Lanka’s ICT syllabus is well-structured, but implementation varies widely. Many schools lack computers, internet access, or trained ICT teachers. Improving the syllabus requires improving infrastructure. Students must learn to navigate the digital world safely and effectively. They must learn coding not as a luxury but as a basic skill. They must learn to evaluate online information critically, a skill essential in an era of misinformation.
Teacher training
Teacher training is perhaps the most critical lesson of all. A syllabus is only as effective as the teachers who deliver it. India invests heavily in teacher training through national programs, workshops, and online platforms. The United States emphasises professional development, peer collaboration, and instructional coaching. Sri Lanka must strengthen its teacher training programmes, ensuring that educators understand not only what to teach but how to teach it. Teachers should be trained in inquiry-based learning, differentiated instruction, formative assessment, and classroom management. They should be empowered to adapt the syllabus to the needs of their students rather than follow it mechanically.
Sri Lanka must learn the lesson of relevance. A syllabus must prepare students not only for exams but for life. It must teach them how to think, how to communicate, how to solve problems, and how to work with others. It must prepare them for a world where knowledge is abundant, but wisdom is scarce. It must help them navigate a future shaped by technology, globalisation, environmental challenges, and social change. To improve the syllabus, Sri Lanka must ask: What kind of citizens do we want to produce? What kind of thinkers? What kind of leaders? The answers to these questions should shape the curriculum.
Lastly, improving the quality of Sri Lanka’s Grade 6 syllabus requires learning from both international models and local strengths. From India, Sri Lanka can learn the value of conceptual clarity and standardised textbooks. From the United States, it can learn the importance of skills, inquiry, and creativity. From its own traditions, it can preserve cultural education, moral development, and holistic learning. The goal is not to copy another country’s system but to build a uniquely Sri Lankan curriculum that is modern, relevant, and empowering. A curriculum that honours the past while preparing students for the future. A curriculum that nurtures thinkers, creators, and compassionate citizens. A curriculum worthy of a nation with immense potential and a proud educational heritage. If Sri Lanka embraces these lessons, the Grade 6 syllabus can become not just a bridge to secondary education but a foundation for national progress.
Features
Three magical nights at Colombo Fashion Week
Melloney Dassanayaka is certainly a familiar name here, and abroad, as well, having represented Sri Lanka at the Miss Universe 2024 pageant, held in Mexico.
A former National Basketball player, she is also involved in several projects, beneficial to the community, including financial literacy for single women-headed families in the country.
A banker by profession, Melloney hold a Bachelor’s Degree in Business Administration.

Melloney with Asanka de Mel of Lovi Sri Lanka
This extremely talented old girl of Holy Family Convent, Bambalapitiya, was in the limelight, once more, when she was seen on the ramp at Colombo Fashion Week.
It was her very first experience, at this prestigious event, and she loved every minute of it, she said, and, what’s more, she was featured on three consecutive days.
According to the itinerary, on day 01 she walked for Lovi Sri Lanka; day 02 Rizwan Beyg (Pakistan designer), Arsath Furkhan (Indian designer), Haoyi Yan (Chinese designer) and Samant Chauhan (Indian designer); and on day 03 Vaishali Shandangule (Indian designer).
In today’s edition of The Island SceneAround, we spotlight Melloney, on the ramp, at Colombo Fashion Week.
Melloney will also participate at Miss Grand All Stars to be held later in the year, in Thailand, as Miss Universe Sri Lanka 2024.
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