Opinion
The Wickremesinghe Presidency Response to Dr Mahim Mendis
By Anura Gunasekera
All of the great leaders have had one characteristic in common; it was the willingness to confront unequivocally the major anxiety of their people in their time. This, and not much else, is the essence of leadership- J.K. Galbraith.Dr. M.M., through an inexplicable thought process, has seen it fit to classify my writing as – quote- “…. A reflection of a segment of the English-speaking middle class of Sri Lanka, confused and burdened by the state of flux, or the terrible uncertainty that engulfs the nation at large. They often confine their criticism to private gatherings, while a few others express themselves through newspaper columns with hard-hearted sentiments against politicians like Premadasa, whom they love to undermine”- end quote
Firstly, my viewpoints on national issues have been exposed in the public domain, through newspaper articles, fairly frequently across the last couple of decades. I cannot quite understand what he means when he says, “members if this social class, going by the contents of Mr. Gunasekera’s column, never believed in ousting Rajapaksas or Wickremesinghe, as they easily embrace the status quo”. To clarify, I have been a steadfast critic of the odious status quo that successive Rajapaksa regimes have represented since the day Mahinda Rajapaksa was first elected President, and I maintain that position to this day. I can also state with total confidence that I represent the viewpoint of a large mass of people, not all of them part of the so-called “English-speaking middle class”. If Dr. MM is in any doubt about my credentials, I suggest that he check out the blog, ‘Rilawala Reflections’, or my medium account – if he can find the time and the inclination.
I do not “resent” (Dr MM’s word) the militant outlook of the university student federations and the other participants of the Aragalaya. It is not possible to confront repression without militancy and steadfastness. But my concern, as an average, law-abiding citizen, was the descent of justifiable civil protest in to violence, particularly after the 9th May. Violence is frequently an outcome of civil protest, the world over, and Sri Lanka was no exception. The occupation of Temple Trees, the President’s house, the Presidential Secretariat and the Prime Minister’s office were unnecessary, and the physical damage caused within those premises, unacceptable. The countrywide damage and destruction of private property was criminal and the murder of two men in Nittambuwa abhorrent, as was the torching of Ranil Wickremesinghe’s house. As far as I am aware, none of the leaders of the Aragalaya, insofar as it has a defined leadership, has publicly condemned those incidents.
Irrespective of the righteousness of the original purpose of the Aragalaya, which I endorse without reservation, those responsible must be made accountable for those crimes. To endorse the Aragalaya unequivocally is to endorse all those unacceptable acts. Dr. MM perceives this position differently. Quote- “Anura Gunasekera has taken the typical position often repeated by the English-speaking elites …”- end quote. The call for law and order is common amongst all right-thinking people and certainly not confined to “elite” groups. If Dr. MM wishes to explore the evolution of my views on the Aragalaya and connected events, I suggest that he reads my articles in The Sunday Island editions of April 11, April 17, April 25, May 15, June 05 and July 17. It is not necessary for me to go in to detail in this writing.
As for the “fatherly advice to these militant youth”, (Dr. MM’s words) let me illustrate my position with a detailed, real-life episode.
In or around 1992, R. Paskaralingam, Secretary of Finance in the R.Premadasa regime, summoned all private company corporate heads and directors, seeking from them a solution to the issue of unemployed graduates. He requested the assembled corporates to provide suitable in-house training, without remuneration, for a minimum period of six months, to make those graduates—in his own words—”employable”. However, Ken Balendra, then Chairman of John Keells, insisted that all trainees be paid and in order to maintain uniformity, it was agreed that each trainee would be paid an allowance of 3,000 per month. Paskaralingam’s ministry supplied around 6,000 names of unemployed graduates to the private companies represented at the meeting. I was present at the first meeting as well as all the meetings which followed.
At the final meeting, six months later, the late Lyn Fernando of the apparel sector submitted the graduate training programme details to Paskaralingam. Of over 4,000 graduates given training appointments, fewer than 10% completed the training programme. On behalf of my company, of which I was then the Head of Human Resources, I interviewed over two dozen candidates and did not employ any, as none of them were prepared to report for training on a Saturday. Exchanging notes then with many of my contemporaries in the private sector, I found that my experience was mirrored right across the sector. The project was a failure entirely due to the reluctance of the greater majority of unemployed graduates, despite being provided with employment opportunity, to conform to the diligence expected by the private sector. Hence, my ‘fatherly advice” to unemployed graduates.
In the last five decades, till retirement in 2020, I have been directly associated, in every organization that I worked in, with Human Resource Management. During this period, I have interviewed thousands of candidates. Therefore, I am fully aware of the issues regarding educational standards, especially in outstation areas, and the difficulties faced by graduates seeking employment. Contrary to Dr MM’s assumption, I speak with reasonable awareness and knowledge of the relevant issues, especially from the perspective of an employer. My knowledge is derived from direct interaction with every level of employment, from manual workers to senior corporate managers.
My criticism of Sajith Premadasa is not an attempt to undermine him. I have no party affiliations but I have voted at every election since 1977, casting my ballot on the basis of strongly held views on major national issues. I voted for Premadasa at the last presidential election as I considered a Gotabaya presidency abhorrent, for reasons I have explained in detail in other writings which pre-date the Yahapalanaya regime. In this instance, promoting Dullas as opposition to RW was, to me, and to many other people who expected greater things of Premadasa, a great disappointment for a number of reasons.
The rationale behind the promotion of the Dullas candidacy was probably the result of a think-tank deliberation, which, judging by Dr MM’s observations, he himself may have been privy to. Given the content of my article at issue, even without reference to any of my previous writings, it is quite absurd of Dr MM to pose the question, “Is Anura Gunasekera an appeaser of the Ranil-Rajapaksa regime to have a serious grouse with Sajith Premadasa for not accepting the Prime-Ministerial post under Gotabaya?” Frankly, that proposition does not merit debate.
Dullas A has been a Rajapaksa loyalist, which means a Rajapaksa lackey, for over two decades. He was the regular spokesman for Gotabaya Rajapaksa, the most incompetent leader this country has ever had. Until he suddenly developed a conscience and defected from the Rajapaksa ranks- though only when the writing on the wall was clear to all- Dullas endorsed the Gotabaya inspired tax concessions, the money-printing, the organic fertilizer fiat, the sugar scam, the ban on agrochemicals and the 20th Amendment.
In the above context, within a few short weeks after switching a decades- long loyalty, what makes him a better candidate for the presidency than Premadasa? The nation was confronted by the most crucial leadership vacuum since independence and, in my view, Dullas was not a choice. In his writing, Dr MM has detailed many of the issues Premadasa has been involved in, and the initiatives he has launched, as an Opposition leader. But that is exactly what an Opposition leader is expected to do. Weighted speeches and impressive rhetoric in parliament and at other forums are, at best, poor substitutes for concrete action at opportune moments. The ground reality, as far as I am concerned, is that he has faltered twice when confronted with the final hurdle. Ordinary citizens like me are not privy to what goes on in the minds of our leaders. We only see the results and, obviously, weigh those against our expectations and arrive at our conclusions. Sajith cannot expect to win by lying low, limiting his profile and interminably biding his time. In the words of another great crisis manager, “The nation will find it very hard to look up to leaders, who are keeping their ears to the ground.” ( Winston Churchill)
Dr MM’s writing suggests a preoccupation with the segment of our society which he labels as the “English-speaking middle class” and, in a sweeping generalisation, attributes to this group all manner of socio-political and ideological inadequacies. There is also a confusing reference, seemingly irrelevant to the context, “to those who have proved that they have not read any decent books in their own libraries.” As for me, although I now habitually write in English, I am quite fluent in Sinhala and reasonably so in Tamil. I also, calculatedly, seek the views of all linguistic groups in the country and many of my views are informed by such discussions.
I understand Dr. MM’s compulsion to reinforce his leader’s position and I respect his views, whilst holding firmly to mine. As for Sajith Premadasa, I pray, on behalf of a nation desperately in need of a viable leadership option in troubled times, that before long he is presented with that perfect opportunity he is awaiting. If it comes to a people’s ballot Sajith is assured of mine.
Dr MM has concluded his writing with a quotation on the “significance of compromise in politics,” attributed to Kevin Spacey, American actor and film producer, currently embroiled in a major sexual misconduct controversy. Let me conclude mine with a quote, attributed to another American, celebrated for genuine greatness; “Nearly all men can stand adversity but if you want to test a man’s character, give him power”- Abraham Lincoln.
Opinion
Losing Oxygen
The ability of expressing our fundamental right to breathe clean air is over. The Global Commons of air is rapidly being impacted, in addition to an increase in the concentration of Carbon Dioxide and a decrease in Oxygen concentration. The concentration of toxic gasses and airborne particulate matter in the atmosphere is increasing. While a global compact on the quality of air as a fundamental right, is urgent consideration of its impact on health must also become a matter of concern. he most essential thing for our existence is the ability to breathe. The air that we take for granted is like an invisible river of gasses considered a part of the ‘Global Commons’ or those resources that extend beyond political boundaries. The Commons of air is composed of a mix of gasses, the dominant being Nitrogen at about 78%, followed by Oxygen at 21%. Carbon Dioxide that is contributing to climate change accounts for only 0.04% and demonstrates how small changes in the concentration of gasses in the atmosphere can bring about massive changes to those that live in it.
The Oxygen component of the air we breathe was made by those earliest plants, the Bryophytes, which colonized land from 470 Ma onwards. This land colonization increased atmospheric oxygen to present levels by 400 Ma. The fire-mediated feedbacks that followed have stabilised high oxygen levels ever since, shaping subsequent evolution of life. Oxygen is the most crucial element on earth for the aerobic organisms that depend on it to release energy from carbon-based macromolecules. The current stocks have been maintained over millions of years by plants, terrestrial and oceanic. To sustain a gaseous concentration at around 21% of the air we breathe. This level is required to maintain a healthy body and mind. A lowering of this concentration has consequences. At 19% physiologically adverse effects begin. Impaired thinking and attention, reduced coordination, decreased ability for strenuous work is experienced, at 15% Poor judgment, faulty coordination, abnormal fatigue upon exertion, emotional upset Levels below this lead not only to very poor judgement and coordination but also impaired respiration, lung and heart damage. The question often arises: ‘If the atmospheric Oxygen concentration is 21% how can it vary so widely in different areas ? The answer is that ‘when you add other gasses, smoke and aerosols into the atmosphere, the concentration of atmospheric gasses will decrease in concentration. In some cities like New Delhi or Mexico have Oxygen concentrations measured at about 18% or lower.
There has been a clear decline in the volume of oxygen in Earth’s atmosphere over the past 20 years. Although the magnitude of this decrease appears small compared to the amount of oxygen in the atmosphere, it is difficult to predict how this process may evolve, due to the brevity of the collected records. A recently proposed model predicts a non-linear decay, which would result in an increasingly rapid fall-off in atmospheric oxygen concentration, with potentially devastating consequences for human health.
The free Oxygen in the atmosphere is 1.2×1015 tonnes (12,000,000,000,000,000 t), but it is unstable in our planet’s atmosphere and must be constantly replenished by photosynthesis in green plants. Without plants, our atmosphere would contain almost no O2. An important thing that needs international address is the fact that the system that replenishes the Oxygen of our atmosphere is under threat. We remove the vegetation that produces the Oxygen at a prodigious rate. According to Global Forest Watch we fell about 15 billion trees each year. With one tree one tree producing about 120Kg of Oxygen per year, the loss of Oxygen production through deforestation is massive. The impact on the oceans is becoming just as serious.
As human activities have caused irreversible decline of atmospheric O2 and there is no sign of abatement, It is time to take actions to promote O2 production and pay for industrial use and consumption of O2. Vehicular traffic in cities with poor air flow design transforms molecular oxygen O2 into Ozone O3. Ozone is good when it is high up in our atmosphere. It protects us from sunburn. Ozone is bad when it is near the ground where we can breathe it in. You can’t see ozone in the air but bad ozone levels is sometimes called smog. It is formed when chemicals coming out of cars and factories are cooked by the hot sun. Breathing in ground-level ozone can make you cough. It can also make it harder for you to breathe. Ozone might even make it hurt to take a breath of air. When you breathe in ozone, it makes the lining of your airways red and swollen, like your skin would get with a sunburn.
All this becomes even more pressing with the discovery of the “human oxidation field” a beneficial chemical microenvironment formed around the body’s surface that helps protect it from volatile organic compounds (VOCs). This field is generated by the reaction of ozone with oils and fats on our skin, especially the unsaturated triterpene squalene, which constitutes about 10 percent of the skin lipids that protect our skin and keep it supple. The reaction releases a host of gas phase chemicals containing double bonds that react further in the air with ozone to generate substantial levels of OH radicals. As the Ozone levels as in cities rise, the individual ‘human oxidation field’ looses its ability to maintain skin health.
In looking at the question of why there was such a rapid loss in the quality of air, the first study to systematically analyse the global O2 budget and its changes over the past 100 years, found that anthropogenic fossil fuel combustion is the largest contributor to the current O2 deficit, which consumed 2.0 Gt/a in 1900 and has increased to 38.2 Gt/a by 2015.
The inability to defend our fundamental right to breath seems to stem from the ability of any industry to discount the consequences of burning fossil fuels as a ‘negative externality’. Climate Change is one consequence, but the impact that lowered Oxygen concentrations will have on emerging urban populations seem disturbing. There is only one way to arrest the fall in atmospheric Oxygen, increase the rate of photosynthesis. There must be a protection of the existing stocks of photosynthetic biomass and programs that encourage increasing the standing stock of Oxygen to be able to sustain our fundamental right to breathe clean air.
by Dr. Ranil Senanayake
Opinion
Appreciation: Upali Tissa Pieris Seneviratne
My brother, close on two years senior to me, was into sports – cricket, football, and athletics were his favourites. We were at De Mazenod College for our primary schooling, moved apart thereafter – he to Ananda College which had hosted all our male relatives from our father and his brothers, our mother’s brothers and all our male cousins on either side, while I was sent to Royal. He moved, thereafter, to the Royal Post-Primary which turned into Thurstan College.
There he distinguished himself at cricket and, together with his captain, Brindley Perera, provided the runs. He also had the distinction of being the first at Thurstan to pass the SSC examination. At that point he returned to De Mazenod where he won, what was called, the Senior Proficiency Prize, captained the cricket eleven, and was the senior athletics champion.
That last was witnessed by the district head of the Police and led to his being rapidly drawn into the Police force.
Following initial training at Katukurunda the new recruits were posted to distant Police Stations as Sub-Inspectors. He had spells in the Hiniduma area and in Galenbindunuweva, off Anuradhapura.
It was while he served at Anuradhapura itself that he met with an accident that almost took his life. He came out of that with a limp.
That did not prove to be a substantial handicap and he served with distinction in Kosgoda and other stations on the south western coast before he was moved to the CID. There he played a major role in solving what came to be known as ‘the Kalattawa Case’, which led to the arrest and due punishment of a wealthy producer of illicit booze – a man who had ‘pocketed’ a good many public servants who were entrusted with the enforcement of the law.
In the early 1970s, he was entrusted with investigations related to the activities of a group of agents of Lankan and foreign right-wing politics, which called itself ‘the JVP’. Among those he had arrested was a colleague of mine, Susil Siriwardena, who later managed to secure a show of incarceration in a Ward at the General Hospital (where the only luxury he enjoyed was access to some books). In due course, many years later, President Premadasa, besides other responsibilities imposed on him, related to his initiatives in Village Reawakening (Gam Udawa), put Susil in charge of the Janasaviya programme.
It is a pity that my brother and fellow officers have not placed on record their experience of that ‘April Insurgency’.
My brother served with distinction in both the CID and the CDB. When Lalith Athulathmudali was in charge of Internal Security, in the late 1970s, my brother was seconded for service in that Ministry as Director of Training. The Secretary was Denis Hapugalle, who was an Army man – and their approach to ‘training’ differed. After a year or two, Upali reverted to the Police and took early retirement to set up a Security service that served several Mercantile establishments for over 30 years.
He contributed much to the development of the Police retired senior officers organisation, which he served for many years as its Secretary and its President.
He was the most generous of men and gifted with a sense of humour that he would have inherited from our father. May he reach the bliss of Nirvana!
D G P (Gamini) Seneviratne
Opinion
Archaic rules affecting bank customers
At present, there is a rule in (state-owned) commercial banks that prevents individuals from opening accounts if they reside in an area different from the address stated on their National Identity Card (NIC). The justification offered is that this helps prevent money laundering and the handling of illicit funds.
However, one must question the logic of this rule. How exactly does it stop such individuals? A person with ill intentions could just as easily open an account in the area mentioned on their NIC. Moreover, even if there are, say, one lakh fraudsters in the country, this rule effectively imposes restrictions on twenty lakh genuine citizens — penalising the many for the misdeeds of a few. How fair is that, and how does it encourage people to save and participate in the formal banking system?
The government constantly speaks about digitalisation and technological advancement, yet continues to tolerate outdated and impractical regulations like this.
Consider another case: a customer of a state bank urgently needed to encash a fixed deposit opened at a distant branch. When he approached the branch near his current residence, he was told to visit the original branch, as that branch must physically receive the original FD certificate upon encashment. One wonders what is the use of highly paid branch managers, fax machines, emails, and even WhatsApp, if two branches cannot coordinate to resolve such a simple issue?
Unfortunately, the customer has to travel 200 km to reach the original branch.
If the government truly wishes to build a modern, technologically advanced financial system, it must first eliminate such archaic rules and adopt smarter, technology-driven safeguards against fraudsters — without punishing honest citizens in the process.
A Ratnayake
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