Features
The Vice Presidency

Vijaya Chandrasoma
August is the month of Party Conventions in the United States during election years, when Democrats and Republicans formally announce, amidst great fanfare, the nominations for the Presidency and the Vice Presidency of their respective Parties.
Trump is the assured nominee of the Republican National Committee, and he has confirmed that Vice President Mike Pence would be his running mate for 2020. There were some rumours floating around, as his ratings keep tanking, that Trump may make Pence the scapegoat for his mismanagement of the pandemic and replace him on the ticket. However, now that he has settled on his latest scapegoat – China – to take the blame, the 2020 Trump/Pence ticket seems to be a certainty.
The Convention was to be held in grand style in Jacksonville, but it was decided to change the venue because of a surge in Covid19 cases in Florida, the current US epicenter of the disease. Delegates are now scheduled to meet in Charlottesville, North Carolina on August 24, and formally anoint Trump as the Party’s standard-bearer again.
National Party Conventions are usually media bonanzas, with political parties seeking to spread their messages with the election under three months away. However, the Republicans have decided, citing the continuing Covid19 surge, that Trump will accept the Party Nomination in private, and the event will be closed to the press for the first time in history.
The Democratic National Committee Convention is scheduled to be held in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, on August 18 – 20. The Committee announced, “We are committed to providing seamless access and opportunities for equitable participation for all of our delegates and convention guests…. If you are a member of the media, we’re here to provide you with the resources you need.”
Vice President Biden is the Presumptive Nominee of the Democratic Party, but there has been much speculation about the second half of his ticket. Biden has long indicated that his running mate would be a woman, probably a woman of colour.
It is high time that women, especially black women, who have supported the Party through the ages, are finally being recognized for national leadership. It should be remembered that the Black Lives Matter movement, protesting against systematic police brutality against minorities now gaining momentum in the country, was founded by three black women.
This choice of a Vice President has become of paramount importance to the Party for two reasons. One, Biden is 77-years old, and has unofficially indicated that he probably will be a one-term president. Two, so the selected running mate should be ready and able to take over the presidency seamlessly on Day 1.
The front runners for this important position are:
1. Kamala Harris.
Senator Harris, 55-years-old, is widely considered to be the front runner. She has a diverse background, with an East Indian mother and a Jamaican father. She has served in the US Senate as California’s junior senator since 2017. She is a moderate who endorses single-payer healthcare, the single most important issue facing the country today. She has gained a national profile with her incisive Senate questioning of Trump administration officials, including former Attorney General Sessions and current AG Barr, and Supreme Court nominee, Brett Kavanaugh. Senator Harris has already displayed abundant political skills: “strong on the stump, a warm manner with voters and ferocity with the opposition that seemed to spell trouble for Mr. Trump.”
2. Karen Bass, 66-years-old, has recently emerged as a leading contender for the job. A congresswoman from California since 2011, she has also served as the Speaker of the California State Assembly. She is the Chairman of the Congressional Black Caucus, and serves on numerous House committees, including the Judiciary and Foreign Affairs. She believes that Climate Change presents one of the greatest challenges facing the country, supports universal health care and campaigns for gun control. She was one of the first members of the Congress to endorse the Green New Deal, the proposed new program popular amongst progressives, which aims to aggressively address climate change and economic inequality.,
3. Susan Rice, 55 years old, is making a comeback in politics. She served in the Obama administration as the US Ambassador to the United Nations and National Security Advisor. She is one of the most accomplished African Americans in the Party, with a long and close relationship with Biden, who, like all potential presidents, values loyalty. However, her role in the Bengazi debacle during the Obama administration, her sometimes abrasive personality and lack of political experience may prove to be insurmountable complications.
4. Gretchen Whitmer, 49-years-old, is presently the governor of Michigan. She is a rising star in the Party, and as Vice Presidential candidate, will almost certainly deliver Michigan, a must-win state for Biden. She recently gained fame when she publicly criticized Trump for his lack of a federal Covid19 strategy. Predictably, this gained the ire of the President, who refused to send help to Michigan “because she wasn’t nice to him”. Her exceptional handling of the pandemic in Michigan has garnered praise, and she has moved to being a viable running mate for Biden. Whitmer and Senator Elizabeth Warren are the two white aspirants for the job.
5. Stacy Abrams, 46-years-old, has made no secret of her desire to run on Biden’s ticket, saying that she is capable of getting a larger slice of the national black vote. A failed gubernatorial candidate in Georgia with limited political experience, it is doubtful that she would be able to take over, if necessary, the responsibility of the presidency on Day 1.
6. Senator Elizabeth Warren, 71-years-old, has been at the forefront of Democratic political leadership since 2014, and was even considered a potential candidate to succeed President Obama in 2016. She has been the senior senator from Massachusetts since 2013 and a candidate for the 2020 presidency, being one of the last to drop out during the primaries. A tenured law professor at Harvard, Senator Warren has been cautioning various administrations since 2000 that the US system works against the middle class and enormously benefits Wall Street, banks and the billionaire class. She was closely associated with one of the most progressive politicians in the Party, Senator Bernie Sanders, who was the last to drop out in the presidential primary contest. With his delegates count in the Primaries, second only to Biden, Sanders commands much leverage in the choice of a Vice President. Though Biden has indicated that his VP choice will likely be a woman of colour, Senator Warren is still believed to be one of the top contenders. She will be an admirable Vice President, whose vast experience in progressive politics makes her ability to assume the presidency seamlessly beyond question.
There may be others. Names like Atlanta Mayor Keisha Lance Bottoms, Florida Congresswoman Val Demings, are being bandied around. Vice President Biden has promised to announce his choice before Saturday, August 8. You should have the name of the presumptive Democratic VP before you read this article. Maybe he’ll surprise us all.
Of course, this selection will become an exercise in futility if Trump has his way. With Biden leading him by 10-15 points in the polls, Trump is setting the stage for refusing to leave the White House in November, on the grounds that mail-in-voting will be rigged and render the election illegal.
Voting by mail is the sensible alternative to personal voting during this virus, with obvious difficulties in establishing and staffing polling stations, especially in rural areas.
In a recent Fox interview with Hannity, Trump lied: “The USPS (United States Postal Service) is the most corrupt and anti-American way of voting, and has a huge voter fraud rate. Believe me. If I have to shut down the entire mail system in the months leading to the election, I will. It’s the only way this election won’t be rigged by the evil Democrats”.
Trump is demonizing mail-in-voting because such voting will be made easier, especially for Black, Hispanic and poorer voters, who will likely vote for the Democratic candidate.
On July 30, Trump tweeted:
“With Universal Mail-in Voting (
not Absentee Voting, which is good), 2020 will be the most INACCURATE & FRAUDULENT Election in history. It will be a great embarrassment to the USA. Delay the election until people can properly, securely and safely vote???”
The initial reaction to this preposterous, unconstitutional proposal to delay the election has been hostile. The Federal Election Commissioner, Ellen Weintraub flatly stated that the Executive branch does not have the constitutional power to delay the election, tweeting:
“No, Mr. President. No. You don’t have the power to unilaterally to move the election. Nor should it be moved. States and localities are asking you and Congress for funds so that they can properly run the safe and secure election that all Americans want. Why don’t you work on that?”
Even Republican leaders, like Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell and House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy, have rejected the idea. McConnell said, “Never in the history of this country, through wars, depressions and a civil war, have we ever not had a federally scheduled election on time. We will find a way to do that again on November third.”
All official evidence
proves that election fraud by mail voting is so insignificant as to be inconsequential. The conservative Heritage Foundation, found just “14 cases out of roughly 15.5 million votes cast, representing an infinitesimal percentage, in Oregon since that state started conducting elections by mail in 1998”. The Post Office authorities have also confirmed they are fully equipped and able to handle the mailings.
In these circumstances, a real President intent on a valid and legitimate election would summon a bipartisan team, composed of everyone connected with the election – Congress, governors, election authorities, etc. – and demand a Plan for conducting a legitimate, fool-proof election by October 1. That would give him one month to fund and implement consensually agreed recommendations, so that a fair election will be held on the appointed day. But we don’t have a real president.
What we do have is a Justice Department, with Trump toady Attorney General Barr leading it, and a Supreme Court stacked with Trump loyalists sycophantically compliant with even Trump’s most unconstitutional behaviour.
When Chris Wallace asked him at a recent interview whether he will accept an election defeat, Trump said, “I’ll have to see. I won’t say yes. I won’t say no”.
We seem to be rushing headlong towards an autocracy similar to Germany’s Third Reich, with the horrors of White Supremacist tactics and final solutions to the immigration problem. A wannabe Hitler is already firmly in place.
So perhaps it doesn’t matter what 2020 Presidential ticket the Democrats choose. Perhaps the Trump/Putin ticket is here to stay. For life. Or at least till the next US civil war.
Features
The Great and Little Traditions and Sri Lankan Historiography

Power, Culture, and Historical Memory:
History, broadly defined, is the study of the past. It is a crucial component of the production and reproduction of culture. Studying every past event is neither feasible nor useful. Therefore, it is necessary to be selective about what to study from the countless events in the past. Deciding what to study, what to ignore, how to study, and how deeply to go into the past is a conscious choices shaped by various forms of power and authority. If studying the past is a main element of the production and reproduction of culture and History is its product, can a socially and culturally divided society truly have a common/shared History? To what extent does ‘established’ or ‘authentic’ History reflect the experiences of those remained outside the political, economic, social, and cultural power structures? Do marginalized groups have their own histories, distinct from dominant narratives? If so, how do these histories relate to ‘established’ History? Historiography today cannot ignore these questions, as they challenge the very notion of truth in History. Due to methodological shifts driven by post-positivist critiques of previously accepted assumptions, the discipline of history—particularly historiography—has moved into a new epistemological terrain.
The post-structuralism and related philosophical discourses have necessitated a critical reexamination of the established epistemological core of various social science disciplines, including history. This intellectual shift has led to a blurring of traditional disciplinary boundaries among the social sciences and the humanities. Consequently, concepts, theories, and heuristic frames developed in one discipline are increasingly being incorporated into others, fostering a process of cross-fertilization that enriches and transforms scholarly inquiry
In recent decades, the discipline of History has broadened its scope and methodologies through interactions with perspectives from the Social Sciences and Humanities. Among the many analytical tools adopted from other disciplines, the Great Tradition and Little Tradition have had a significant impact on historical methodology. This article examines how these concepts, originally developed in social anthropology, have been integrated into Sri Lankan historiography and assesses their role in deepening our understanding of the past.
The heuristic construct of the Great and Little Traditions first emerged in the context of US Social Anthropology as a tool/framework for identifying and classifying cultures. In his seminal work Peasant society and culture: an anthropological approach to civilization, (1956), Robert Redfield introduced the idea of Great and Little Traditions to explain the dual structure of cultural expression in societies, particularly in peasant communities that exist within larger civilizations. His main arguments can be summarized as follows:
a) An agrarian society cannot exist as a fully autonomous entity; rather, it is just one dimension of the broader culture in which it is embedded. Therefore, studying an agrarian society in isolation from its surrounding cultural context is neither possible nor meaningful.
b) Agrarian society, when views in isolation, is a ‘half society’, representing a partial aspect/ one dimension of the broader civilization in which it exits. In that sense, agrarian civilization is a half civilization. To fully understand agrarian society—and by extension, agrarian civilization—it is essential to examine the other half that contribute to the whole.
c) Agrarian society was shaped by the interplay of two cultural traditions within a single framework: the Great Tradition and the Little Tradition. These traditions together provided the unity that defined the civilization embedded in agrarian society.
d) The social dimensions of these cultural traditions would be the Great Society and the Little Society.
e) The Great Culture encompasses the cultural framework of the Great Society, shaped by those who establish its norms. This group includes the educated elite, clergy, theologians, and literati, whose discourse is often regarded as erudite and whose language is considered classical.
f) The social groups excluded from the “Great Society”—referred to as the “Little Society”—have their own distinct traditions and culture. The “Great Tradition” represents those who appropriate society’s surplus production, and its cultural expressions reflect this dominance. In contrast, the “Little Tradition” belongs to those who generate surplus production. While the “Great Tradition” is inherently tied to power and authority, the “Little Tradition” is not directly connected to them.
g) According to Robert Redfield, the Great and Little Traditions are not contradictory but rather distinct cultural elements within a society. The cultural totality of peasant society encompasses both traditions. As Redfield describes, they are “two currents of thought and action, distinguishable, yet overflowing into and out of each other.” (Redfield, 1956).
At the time Redfield published his book Peasant Society and Culture: an Anthropological Approach to Civilization (1956), the dominant analytical framework for studying non-Western societies was modernization theory. This perspective, which gained prominence in the post-World War II era, was deeply influenced by the US geopolitical concerns. Modernization theory became a guiding paradigm shaping research agendas in anthropology, sociology, political science, and development studies in US institutions of higher learning,
Modernization theory viewed societies as existing along a continuum between “traditional” and “modern” stages, with Western industrialized nations positioned near the modern end. Scholars working within this framework argued that economic growth, technological advancement, urbanization, and the rationalization of social structures drive traditional societies toward modernization. The theory often emphasized Western-style education, democratic institutions, and capitalist economies as essential components of this transition.
While engaging with aspects of modernization theory, Redfield offered a more nuanced perspective on non-Western societies. His concept of the “folk-urban continuum” challenged rigid dichotomies between tradition and modernity, proposing that social change occurs through complex interactions between rural and urban ways of life rather than through the simple replacement of one by the other.
The concepts of the Great and Little Traditions gained prominence in Sri Lankan social science discourse through the works of Gananath Obeyesekere, the renowned sociologist who recently passed away. In his seminal research essay, The Great Tradition and the Little in the Perspective of Sinhalese Buddhism (Journal of Asian Studies, 22, 1963), Gananath Obeyesekere applied and adapted this framework to examine key aspects of Sinhalese Buddhism in Sri Lanka. While Robert Redfield originally developed the concept in the context of agrarian societies, Obeyesekere employed it specifically to analyze Sinhala Buddhist culture, highlighting significant distinctions between the two approaches.
He identifies a phenomenon called ‘Sinhala Buddhism’, which represents a unique fusion of religious and cultural traditions: the Great Tradition (Maha Sampradaya) and the Little Traditions (Chuula Sampradaya). To fully grasp the essence of Sinhala Buddhism, it is essential to understand both of these dimensions and their interplay within society.
The Great Tradition represents the formal, institutionalized aspect of Buddhism, centered on the Three Pitakas and other classical doctrinal texts and commentaries of Theravāda Buddhism. It embodies the orthodoxy of Sinhala Buddhism, emphasizing textual authority, philosophical depth, and ethical conduct. Alongside this exists another dimension of Sinhala Buddhism known as the Little (Chuula) Tradition. This tradition reflects the popular, localized, and ritualistic expressions of Buddhism practiced by laypeople. It encompasses folk beliefs, devotional practices (Bali, Thovil), deity veneration, astrology, and rituals (Hadi and Huunium) aimed at securing worldly benefits. Unlike the doctrinally rigid Great Tradition, the Little Tradition is fluid, adaptive, and shaped by indigenous customs, ancestral practices, and even elements of Hinduism. These Sinhala Buddhist cultural practices are identified as ‘Lay-Buddhism’. Gananath Obeyesekera’s concepts and perspectives on Buddhist culture and society contributed to fostering an active intellectual discourse in society. However, the discussion on the concept of Great and Little Traditions remained largely within the domain of social anthropology.
The scholarly discourse on the concepts of Great and Little Tradition gained new socio-political depth through the work of Newton Gunasinghe, a distinguished Sri Lankan sociologist. He applied these concepts to the study of culture and socio-economic structures in the Kandyan countryside, reframing them in terms of production relations. Through his extensive writings and public lectures, Gunasinghe reinterpreted the Great and Little Tradition framework to explore the interconnections between economy, society, and culture.
Blending conventional social anthropology approach with Marxist analyses of production relations and Gramscian perspectives on culture and politics, he offered a nuanced understanding of these dynamics. In the context of our discussion, his key insights on culture, society, and modes of production can be summarized as follows.
a. The social and economic relations of the central highlands under the Kandyan Kingdom, the immediate pre-colonial social and economic order, were his focus. His analysis did not cover to the hydraulic Civilization of Sri Lanka.
b. He explored the organic and dialectical relationship between culture, forces of production, and modes of production. Drawing on the concepts of Antonio Gramsci and Louis Althusser, he examined how culture, politics, and the economy interact, identifying the relationship between cultural formations and production relations
c. Newton Gunasinghe’s unique approach to the concepts of Great Culture and Little Culture lies in his connection of cultural formations to forces and relations of production. He argues that the relationship between a society’s structures and its superstructures is both dialectical and interpenetrative.
d. He observed that during the Kandyan period, the culture associated with the Little Tradition prevailed, rather than the culture linked to the Great Tradition.
e. The limitations of productive forces led to minimal surplus generation, with a significant portion allocated to defense. The constrained resources sustained only the Little Tradition. Consequently, the predominant cultural mode in the Kandyan Kingdom was, broadly speaking, the Little Tradition.
(To be continued)
by Gamini Keerawella
Features
Celebrating 25 Years of Excellence: The Silver Jubilee of SLIIT – II

Founded in 1999, with its main campus in Malabe and multiple centres across the country—including Metro Campus (Colombo), Matara, Kurunegala, Kandy (Pallekele), and Jaffna (Northern Uni)—SLIIT provides state-of-the-art facilities for students, now celebrating 25 years of excellence in 2025.
Kandy Campus
SLIIT is a degree-awarding higher education institute authorised and approved by the University Grants Commission (UGC) and Ministry of Higher Education under the University Act of the Government of Sri Lanka. SLIIT is also the first Sri Lankan institute accredited by the Institution of Engineering & Technology, UK. Further, SLIIT is also a member of the Association of Commonwealth Universities (ACU) and the International Association of Universities (IAU).
Founded in 1999, with its main campus in Malabe and multiple centres across the country—including Metro Campus (Colombo), Matara, Kurunegala, Kandy (Pallekele), and Jaffna (Northern Uni)—SLIIT provides state-of-the-art facilities for students, now celebrating 25 years of excellence in 2025.
Since its inception, SLIIT has played a pivotal role in shaping the technological and educational landscape of Sri Lanka, producing graduates who have excelled in both local and global arenas. This milestone is a testament to the institution’s unwavering commitment to academic excellence, research, and industry collaboration.
Summary of SLIIT’s
History and Status
Sri Lanka Institute of Information Technology (SLIIT) operates as a company limited by guarantee, meaning it has no shareholders and reinvests all surpluses into academic and institutional development.
* Independence from Government: SLIIT was established in 1999 as an independent entity without government ownership or funding, apart from an initial industry promotion grant from the Board of Investment (BOI).
* Mahapola Trust Fund Involvement & Malabe Campus: In 2000, the Mahapola Trust Fund (MTF) agreed to support SLIIT with funding and land for the Malabe Campus. In 2015, SLIIT fully repaid MTF with interest, ending financial ties.
* True Independence (2017-Present): In 2017, SLIIT was officially delisted from any government ministry, reaffirming its status as a self-sustaining, non-state higher education institution.
Today, SLIIT is recognised for academic excellence, global collaborations, and its role in producing IT professionals in Sri Lanka
.A Journey of Growth and Innovation
SLIIT began as a pioneering institution dedicated to advancing information technology education in Sri Lanka. Over the past two and a half decades, it has expanded its academic offerings, establishing itself as a multidisciplinary university with programmess in engineering, business, architecture, and humanities, in addition to IT. The growth of SLIIT has been marked by continuous improvement in infrastructure, faculty development, and curriculum enhancement, ensuring that students receive world-class education aligned with industry needs.
Looking Ahead: The Next 25 Years
As SLIIT celebrates its Silver Jubilee, the institution looks forward to the future with a renewed commitment to excellence. With advancements in technology, the rise of artificial intelligence, and the increasing demand for skilled professionals, SLIIT aims to further expand its academic offerings, enhance research capabilities, and continue fostering a culture of innovation. The next 25 years promise to be even more transformative, as the university aspires to make greater contributions to national and global progress.
Sports Achievements:
A Legacy of Excellence
SLIIT has not only excelled in academics but has also built a strong reputation in sports. Over the years, the university has actively promoted athletics and competitive sports by organising inter-university and inter-school competitions, fostering a culture of teamwork, discipline, and resilience. SLIIT teams have secured victories in national and inter-university competitions across various sports, including cricket, basketball, badminton, rugby, football, swimming, and athletics. SLIIT’s sports achievements reflect its dedication to holistic student development, encouraging students to excel beyond the classroom.
Kings of the pool!
Once again, our swimmers have brought glory to SLIIT by emerging as champions at the Asia Pacific Institute of Information and Technology Extravaganza Swimming Championship 2024. They won the Men’s, Women’s, and Overall Championships. Congratulations to all swimmers for their dedication and hard work in the pool, bringing honour to SLIIT.
Winning International Competitions
SLIIT students have participated in and excelled in various international competitions, including Robofest, Codefest, and the University of Queensland – Design Solution for Impact Competition, showcasing their skills and talent on a global stage.
Here’s a more detailed look at SLIIT’s involvement in international competitions:
Robofest:
SLIIT’s Faculty of Engineering organises the annual Robofest competition, which aims to empower students with skills in electronics, robotics, critical thinking, and problem-solving, preparing them to compete internationally and bring recognition to Sri Lankan talent.
Codefest:
CODEFEST is a nationwide Software Competition organized by the Faculty of Computing of Sri Lanka Institute of Information Technology (SLIIT) geared towards exhibiting the software application design and developing talents of students island-wide. It is an effort of SLIIT to elevate the entire nation’s ICT knowledge to achieve its aspiration of being the knowledge hub in Asia. CODEFEST was first organised in 2012 and this year it will be held for the 8th consecutive time in parallel with the 20th anniversary celebrations of SLIIT.
University of Queensland – Design Solution for Impact Competition:
SLIIT hosted the first-ever University of Queensland – Design Solution for Impact Competition in Sri Lanka, with 16 school teams from across the country participating.
International Open Day:
SLIIT organises an International Open Day where students can connect with distinguished lecturers and university representatives from prestigious institutions like the University of Queensland, Liverpool John Moores University, and Manchester Metropolitan University.
Brain Busters:
SLIIT Brain Busters is a quiz competition organised by SLIIT. The competition is open to students of National, Private and International Schools Island wide. The programme is broadcast on TV1 television as a series.
Inter-University Dance Competition:
SLIIT Team Diamonds for being selected as finalists and advancing to the Grand Finale of Tantalize 2024, the inter-university dance competition organised by APIIT Sri Lanka. The 14 talented team members from various SLIIT faculties have showcased their skills in Team Diamonds and earned their spot as finalists, competing among over 30 teams from state universities, private universities, and higher education institutes.
Softskills+
For the 11th consecutive year, Softskills+ returns with an exciting lineup of events aimed at honing essential soft skills among students. The program encompasses an interschool quiz contest and a comprehensive workshop focused on developing teamwork, problem-solving abilities, leadership qualities, and fostering creative thinking.
Recently, the Faculty of Business at SLIIT organised its annual Inter-school Quiz Competition and Soft Skills Workshop, marking its fifth successive year. Targeting students in grades 11 to 13 from Commerce streams across State, Private, and International schools, the workshop sought to ignite a passion for soft skills development, emphasising teamwork, problem-solving, creativity, and innovative thinking. Recognising the increasing importance of these soft skills in today’s workforce, the programme aims to fill the gap often left unaddressed in the school curriculum.”
The winners of the soft skill competition with Professor Lakshman Rathnayake: Chairman/Chancellor, Vice Chancellor/MD Professor Lalith Gamage, Professor Nimal Rajapakse: Senior Deputy Vice – Chancellor & Provost, Deputy Vice Chancellor – Research and International Affairs Professor Samantha Thelijjagoda, and Veteran Film Director Somarathna Dissanayake.
VogueFest 2024:
SLIIT Business School organised VogueFest 2024, a platform for emerging fashion designers under 30 to showcase their work and win prizes.
T-shirt Design Competition with Sheffield Hallam University:
SLIIT and Sheffield Hallam University (SHU) UK collaborated on a T-shirt designing competition, with a voting procedure to select the best design.
SLIIT’s Got Talent
: The annual talent show, SLIIT’s Got Talent 2024, was held for the 10th consecutive year at the Nelum Pokuna Mahinda Rajapaksa Theatre on 27th September 2024. SLIIT’s Got Talent had the audience energised with amazing performances, showcasing mind-blowing talent by the orchestra and the talented undergraduates from all faculties.
Other events:
* SLIIT also participates in events like the EDUVision Exhibition organised by the Richmond College Old Boys’ Association.
* They hosted the first-ever University of Queensland – Design Solution for Impact Competition in Sri Lanka.
* SLIIT Business School also organised the Business Proposal Competition.
SLIIT Academy:
SLIIT Academy (Pvt.) Ltd. provides industrial-oriented learning experiences for students.
International Partnerships:
SLIIT has strong international partnerships with universities like Liverpool John Moores University (LJMU), The University of Queensland (UQ), Manchester Metropolitan University (MMU), and Curtin University Australia, providing opportunities for students to study and participate in international events.
(The writer, a senior Chartered Accountant and professional banker, is Professor at SLIIT University, Malabe. He is also the author of the “Doing Social Research and Publishing Results”, a Springer publication (Singapore), and “Samaja Gaveshakaya (in Sinhala).
Features
Inescapable need to deal with the past

The sudden reemergence of two major incidents from the past, that had become peripheral to the concerns of people today, has jolted the national polity and come to its centre stage. These are the interview by former president Ranil Wickremesinghe with the Al Jazeera television station that elicited the Batalanda issue and now the sanctioning of three former military commanders of the Sri Lankan armed forces and an LTTE commander, who switched sides and joined the government. The key lesson that these two incidents give is that allegations of mass crimes, whether they arise nationally or internationally, have to be dealt with at some time or the other. If they are not, they continue to fester beneath the surface until they rise again in a most unexpected way and when they may be more difficult to deal with.
In the case of the Batalanda interrogation site, the sudden reemergence of issues that seemed buried in the past has given rise to conjecture. The Batalanda issue, which goes back 37 years, was never totally off the radar. But after the last of the commission reports of the JVP period had been published over two decades ago, this matter was no longer at the forefront of public consciousness. Most of those in the younger generations who were too young to know what happened at that time, or born afterwards, would scarcely have any idea of what happened at Batalanda. But once the issue of human rights violations surfaced on Al Jazeera television they have come to occupy centre stage. From the day the former president gave his fateful interview there are commentaries on it both in the mainstream media and on social media.
There seems to be a sustained effort to keep the issue alive. The issues of Batalanda provide good fodder to politicians who are campaigning for election at the forthcoming Local Government elections on May 6. It is notable that the publicity on what transpired at Batalanda provides a way in which the outcome of the forthcoming local government elections in the worst affected parts of the country may be swayed. The problem is that the main contesting political parties are liable to be accused of participation in the JVP insurrection or its suppression or both. This may account for the widening of the scope of the allegations to include other sites such as Matale.
POLITICAL IMPERATIVES
The emergence at this time of the human rights violations and war crimes that took place during the LTTE war have their own political reasons, though these are external. The pursuit of truth and accountability must be universal and free from political motivations. Justice cannot be applied selectively. While human rights violations and war crimes call for universal standards that are applicable to all including those being committed at this time in Gaza and Ukraine, political imperatives influence what is surfaced. The sanctioning of the four military commanders by the UK government has been justified by the UK government minister concerned as being the fulfilment of an election pledge that he had made to his constituents. It is notable that the countries at the forefront of justice for Sri Lanka have large Tamil Diasporas that act as vote banks. It usually takes long time to prosecute human rights violations internationally whether it be in South America or East Timor and diasporas have the staying power and resources to keep going on.
In its response to the sanctions placed on the military commanders, the government’s position is that such unilateral decisions by foreign government are not helpful and complicate the task of national reconciliation. It has faced criticism for its restrained response, with some expecting a more forceful rebuttal against the international community. However, the NPP government is not the first to have had to face such problems. The sanctioning of military commanders and even of former presidents has taken place during the periods of previous governments. One of the former commanders who has been sanctioned by the UK government at this time was also sanctioned by the US government in 2020. This was followed by the Canadian government which sanctioned two former presidents in 2023. Neither of the two governments in power at that time took visibly stronger stands.
In addition, resolutions on Sri Lanka have been a regular occurrence and have been passed over the Sri Lankan government’s opposition since 2012. Apart from the very first vote that took place in 2009 when the government promised to take necessary action to deal with the human rights violations of the past, and won that vote, the government has lost every succeeding vote with the margins of defeat becoming bigger and bigger. This process has now culminated in an evidence gathering unit being set up in Geneva to collect evidence of human rights violations in Sri Lanka that is on offer to international governments to use. This is not a safe situation for Sri Lankan leaders to be in as they can be taken before international courts in foreign countries. It is important for Sri Lanka’s sovereignty and dignity as a country that this trend comes to an end.
COMPREHENSIVE SOLUTION
A peaceful future for Sri Lanka requires a multi-dimensional approach that addresses the root causes of conflict while fostering reconciliation, justice, and inclusive development. So far the government’s response to the international pressures is to indicate that it will strengthen the internal mechanisms already in place like the Office on Missing Persons and in addition to set up a truth and reconciliation commission. The difficulty that the government will face is to obtain a national consensus behind this truth and reconciliation commission. Tamil parties and victims’ groups in particular have voiced scepticism about the value of this mechanism. They have seen commissions come and commissions go. Sinhalese nationalist parties are also highly critical of the need for such commissions. As the Nawaz Commission appointed to identify the recommendations of previous commissions observed, “Our island nation has had a surfeit of commissions. Many witnesses who testified before this commission narrated their disappointment of going before previous commissions and achieving nothing in return.”
Former minister Prof G L Peiris has written a detailed critique of the proposed truth and reconciliation law that the previous government prepared but did not present to parliament.
In his critique, Prof Peiris had drawn from the South African truth and reconciliation commission which is the best known and most thoroughly implemented one in the world. He points out that the South African commission had a mandate to cover the entire country and not only some parts of it like the Sri Lankan law proposes. The need for a Sri Lankan truth and reconciliation commission to cover the entire country and not only the north and east is clear in the reemergence of the Batalanda issue. Serious human rights violations have occurred in all parts of the country, and to those from all ethnic and religious communities, and not only in the north and east.
Dealing with the past can only be successful in the context of a “system change” in which there is mutual agreement about the future. The longer this is delayed, the more scepticism will grow among victims and the broader public about the government’s commitment to a solution. The important feature of the South African commission was that it was part of a larger political process aimed to build national consensus through a long and strenuous process of consultations. The ultimate goal of the South African reconciliation process was a comprehensive political settlement that included power-sharing between racial groups and accountability measures that facilitated healing for all sides. If Sri Lanka is to achieve genuine reconciliation, it is necessary to learn from these experiences and take decisive steps to address past injustices in a manner that fosters lasting national unity. A peaceful Sri Lanka is possible if the government, opposition and people commit to truth, justice and inclusivity.
by Jehan Perera
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