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by Anura Gunasekera

Extremism is a virus. It spreads exponentially. In most societies extremism exists at the fringe but, often ignites the centre by appealing to commonly held shibboleths. Not infrequently, due to the indifference of liberals and moderates, public apathy, and both implicit and explicit political support when expedient, extremism drives the central narrative. The ugly reality is that the spread of extremist ideology is catalyzed by common cultural, religious and ethnic prejudices and other related fissures in multi-cultural and multi-ethnic societies. Extremism thrives in conditions of hatred, intolerance and suspicion. No society is free of these malignancies but in some societies they are more obvious and unapologetically expressed, at regular intervals. Often, extremism is conflated with religious doctrine, ethnic-tribal consciousness and related exclusivities, and then manipulated by unscrupulous politicians seeking power, mandates or an effective political lever. A superficial assessment of such incidents suggests that examples of extremism are more common in Asian and African countries than in other parts of the world.

The recent, gruesome public torture and murder of Sri Lankan Priyantha Diyawadana in Sialkot, Pakistan, was a tragic example of extremism, in a country in which the public narrative is often quite openly driven by extremist ideology. Apologists may posit that it is unfair to judge a nation by one tragic incident but that contention has to be viewed in perspective. The Pakistan Penal Code, the country’s main criminal code, penalizes blasphemy against any recognized religion, with penalties ranging from fines to the death sentence. However, there are no published statistics to indicate whether this law has been invoked in the case of alleged blasphemy against any creed, other than Islam. Whilst it is unclear whether any person found guilty of blasphemy has been judicially executed, between 1987 and 2017, over 75 people so accused are reported to have been murdered by vigilante squads. That apart, lawyers representing those accused of blasphemy and those speaking against the severity of the blasphemy laws have also been victimized.

Two infamous examples of the above merit mention. In 2009 Aasia Bibi, a Christian low-caste woman in a small village in the Punjab, was attacked by fellow women of her village for drinking water at a village well, from a cup that did not belong to her; Aasia, a Christian had used an utensil reserved for Muslims. This act, which supposedly rendered the water ” Haram” ( forbidden) and the ensuing quarrel led to Ms Bibi being convicted of blasphemy and sentenced to death. After years of incarceration she was finally freed and permitted to emigrate to Canada, a rare happy ending in cases of the kind. However, two of her supporters, politician Shabaiz Bhatti and Governor of the Punjab, Salman Taseer were less fortunate, paying with their lives for their championship of Aasia’s cause, both being assassinated, the latter by a member of his own security.

In 2017 Mashal Khan, a 23 year old Muslim student of the Abdul Wali Khan University, was beaten and shot to death by his fellow students, for alleged blasphemy.

Pakistan- officially the “Islamic Republic of Pakistan”- is a country birthed in the illiberal concept of an insular Islamic state, in response to the demand of Islamic nationalists as articulated by the All India Muslim League led by Mohammed Ali Jinnah. What followed, in the partition of British India in 1947, was a chaotic population transfer between the land declared as Pakistan and the nascent State of Independent India, a process accompanied by about two million deaths resulting from religious differentiation- Hindu versus Muslim. Since its violent birth two motifs have defined the central narrative of Pakistan; the position of Islam as the religion of the State, overriding all other relevancies, and its paranoia of India. The result has been the regressive Islamization of the country’s political discourse, its laws, educational curricula and the conditioning of general societal attitudes; in totality an ideal nursery for radicalism and extremism.

Hussain Haqqani, former Pakistan ambassador to both USA and Sri Lanka, and scholar at Hudson Institute, Washington, has quite categorically declared that the Pakistan state has empowered and indulged extremists for years, perpetuating violence in the name of religion, instead of protecting its victims.

Pakistan Prime Minister, Imran Khan was quick to vehemently denounce the killing of Priyantha, conferring one of the country’s highest bravery awards on Malik Adnan, a work colleague of the victim who had tried to prevent the assault. Over 200 of the alleged attackers have been arrested. However, Khan’s Minister of Defence, Pervez Khattak, has trivialized the incident, suggesting that ” murders can happen when youngsters get emotional”, a “boys-will-be-boys” kind of equivalence, absolutely unforgivable under the circumstances. Khan’s government had also recently lifted the ban on the Tehreek-e- Labbaik Pakistan( TLP), the extremist organization linked to the outrage. Therein lies the ambivalence of the Pakistani State towards extremism; as defined by Haqqani, a clear case of running with the hare and hunting with the hounds, a stratagem both overtly and covertly emulated by every single regime in Pakistan since Ayub Khan.

The Sialkot tragedy comes with a message, that the dynamic of extremism unleashed by a small minority can engulf the majority in the flames that it ignites. Whilst we condemn Pervez Khattak for his attempt to justify the murder of Priyantha by Islamic extremists, let us not forget the observation- “the justifiable anger of the Sinhalese”- of J.R. Jayewardene, a former president of this country, rationalizing the destruction visited on the Tamil communities of this country in July 1983 by largely Sinhala-Buddhist mobs. Whilst we condemn the horrific manner of the killing of Priyantha in Sialkot, let us not forget the many innocent, helpless, living Tamils who were consigned to similar funeral pyres in Colombo and its suburbs in July 1983. They were not killed for blasphemy, or for any other real or imagined crime, but simply because they spoke a different tongue and worshipped different gods. Whilst justifiably condemning the dreadful murder of Priyantha by a group of Pakistani citizens, we Sri Lankans, as a nation, are in no position to occupy moral high ground.

In more recent times in Sri Lanka we have the real life scenarios of anti-Muslim violence, reportedly orchestrated by the ” Mahason Balakaya”, and the “Bodu Bala Sena”, the latter led by Galabodaatthe Gnanasara, Buddhist priest-cum-felon, recently appointed by president Gotabhaya Rajapakse as chairman of the “One Country, One Law” task force. The absurdity, the irrationality of that appointment defies logic, unless examined in the context of a devious mind in which logic is conditioned by the conviction of Sinhala-Buddhist hegemony. Viewed in that background, the appointment seems designed to provide an ecclesiastical counter to Cardinal Malcom Ranjith, who has been vociferous in his quest of closure for the Catholic dead of the Easter Sunday bombings.

Commencing with the attack on the “Fashion Bug” emporium in Nugegoda in February 2013, the destruction in Aluthgama in June 2014, and continuing with the violence of Gintota in November 2017, Ampara in February 2018 and Digana/Teldeniya in March 2018, we have a seen a series of well orchestrated assaults on Muslim people, establishments and property. In most of these events the active participation of Buddhist priests and the involvement of the above mentioned exclusivist organizations have been reported. In the aftermath of the Easter Sunday carnage of April 2019, there were similar attacks on Muslims and related establishments in several districts. In many of these incidents Buddhist priests, some named, others unidentified, are reported to have taken part. However, there has been no official investigation of such allegations. There is also the allegation that in all of the incidents described above, that the Police did not take timely action to prevent the escalation of the violence and the destruction.

What is evident is a scary similarity, between the lukewarm official response to the intermittent anti-Tamil pogroms , commencing in the aftermath of the enactment of the Sinhala Only Official Languages Act in 1956 and culminating with the atrocities of 1983, and the anti-Muslim actions of the last decade. Absence of a pro-active response by law enforcement in the face of racially motivated criminal violence implies complicity. When such violence is preceded by hate speech delivered by men in yellow robes, and justified by the same individuals after the events, there is no alternative to the presumption of extremism embedded in religion. When men in yellow robes are accorded a veneration not merited by their conduct, and when such individuals are seen as immune to the normal law of the land, what results is an unacceptable social, moral and legal disequilibrium.

In Pakistan and elsewhere, extremism driven by the distortion of the tenets of Islam will continue, despite both internal and international condemnation, as long as the law of the land permits religious dogma to override civil law, acceptance of diversity and tolerant interaction. It will continue as long as political leaders permit themselves to be dictated to by religious leaders or religious extremists. It will be no different in any other country in similar circumstances, whether the majority religion is Buddhism or Christianity or any other creed. That is what we in Sri Lanka need to guard against. Religion and politics makes for a toxic brew. Religion and government are two isolated propositions and cannot merge comfortably within governance.

The example of the influence of theocracy in governance as seen in Iran, and the power of fundamentalism demonstrated in Afghanistan, are convincing paradigms of the incompatibility of democratic principles, equality of sexes and tolerance of diversity within such regimes. In Sri Lanka, over the years, we have witnessed the many tragic consequences of the lack of tolerance between the majority ethno-religious group and the minorities. Despite assurances for reconciliation and consensus given by our leaders, both within the country and internationally, our minority communities continue to protest against marginalization. Whilst making allowances for the often unrealistic expectations of small minorities living alongside large majorities, it is still not an imagined grievance but a response to extremist and intolerant thinking. It is a great pity that the latter should be conflated with the Sinhala-Buddhist mindset but that is also the reality.

Radical, extremist thinking demands the invention of enemies to reinforce its radical mandate. In Sri Lanka, with the suppression of the Tamil-LTTE military threat, Muslims have been catapulted to that empty space. This writer has said it before and would say it again. Retaliation from Islamic extremists will be a war without boundaries and a war we will never win. Examples, worldwide, are too numerous to merit mention. The Easter Sunday carnage may have been the beginning of that unwinnable contest in Sri Lanka.

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Navigating challenges of dental education in Sri Lanka



Faculty of Dental Sciences, University of Peradeniya

By Udari Abeyasinghe

One of the principles of free education is to provide opportunities in higher education. In 2020, then-President Gotabaya Rajapaksa issued directives to the University Grants Commission (UGC) to increase university admissions by an additional 12,000 students, in line with his election manifesto. Subsequently, student enrollments were increased with inadequate resources allocated for the enhancement of university facilities to accommodate the surge in student enrollments.

Currently, state universities are grappling with managing the increasing number of students in the face of budgetary constraints. Unfortunately, neither physical nor human resources have been expanded in proportion to the increased student enrollment, leading to severe strain on the higher education system. Being an academic in the one and only dental faculty producing dental graduates at present for the entire country, I take this opportunity to shed light on the hardships experienced in dental education owing to financial constraints amplified by the economic crisis in Sri Lanka.

A glimpse into history

The history of dentistry in Sri Lanka is a fascinating journey. On 15 May, 1915, dentistry was recognized as an independent profession in the country. The first qualified dentists were officially registered by the Ceylon Medical Council under the Dentists Registration Ordinance, all of whom were British-trained professionals. These early dentists primarily served the British troops, professionals, and those among the Ceylonese population who could afford their professional services, predominantly in the private sector. It was only in 1925 that the Colonial government recognized the dental health needs of the general public. By the 1930s, several medical graduates from the Ceylon Medical College had embarked on a new educational journey by enrolling in a Licentiate in Dental Surgery programme, a two-year post-graduate course.

By 1943, another pivotal moment in the history of dental education occurred with the launch of the Bachelor of Dental Surgery (BDS) course at the Ceylon Medical College, University of Ceylon, located in Colombo. The inaugural batch consisted of only four students, followed by six students in the subsequent batch. This marked the official commencement of comprehensive dental education within Ceylon. Recognising the necessity of practical knowledge and skills to complement theoretical dental education, a small Dental Unit (now the site of the nine-storey Dental Hospital in Colombo) was established at the Colombo General Hospital, now known as the National Hospital of Sri Lanka.

In 1953, the Dental School was relocated from Colombo to Peradeniya. Subsequently, with the establishment of the second Medical College at Peradeniya, in 1961, the Dental School became affiliated with it, functioning as a department. Over the years, the dental school gradually expanded, becoming a Faculty of Dental Sciences in 1986. In 1998, under the Japan International Corporation Agency (JICA) project, the Peradeniya Faculty of Dental Sciences and Hospital complex was established. Notably, in 2017, the BDS programme transitioned from a four-year to a five-year curriculum on par with international standards. Eighty years after the commencement of dental education in the country, at present about 80 dentists graduate annually, all trained under the Free Education policy. In December 2021, a second Faculty of Dental Sciences was established at the University of Jayewardenepura set to produce its first graduates in three years.

Dental education in crisis

Sri Lanka’s financial crisis has taken a toll on the education sector, resulting in significant cuts in financial allocations. UNICEF reports that Sri Lanka allocates less than 2% of its GDP to education, falling well below the international benchmark of 4%-6% of GDP and ranking among the lowest in South Asia. In 2020, recurrent costs per student per year for the dental degree stood at Rs 1.72 million. The total recurrent cost for the five-year degree was 8.62 million while the total recurrent cost for the medical degree was 4.18 million. The cost of the dental degree programme would have surely increased since then due to the increased prices of imported dental materials. Given that dental education is the most expensive degree programme in Sri Lanka, the impact of these budget cuts has been particularly harsh. Moreover, the government’s decision to increase student intake in recent years, from 80 to 123 students at Peradeniya, has exacerbated the situation, representing nearly a 50% increase.

Dental education requires close one-on-one supervision during clinical sessions, and maintaining high standards necessitates adequate human resources. According to Sri Lankan standards, the student-to-academic staff ratio should be maintained at 7:1. Due to the increased number of students in the absence of a proportionate increase in the number of academics, this ratio no longer exists. This has placed a heavy burden on academic staff, who struggle to balance their responsibilities, including teaching, supervising postgraduate students, conducting research, and contributing to faculty and university administration. The shortage of human resources is taking a toll on the well-being of these academics and affecting the quality of education they can provide.


As outlined in my last Kuppi article (09/05/2023), attracting and retaining young staff in the field of dentistry has emerged as a significant challenge. For any institution’s effective operation, the collective contributions of academics across all levels, from temporary lecturers to junior lecturers, senior lecturers, and professors, are crucial. Presently, the dental faculty faces a unique situation, functioning without a single dental graduate as a temporary lecturer. This situation has arisen primarily because dental graduates are reluctant to take up temporary academic positions due to the relatively low salaries offered in comparison to the potential earnings from private dental practice, not to mention a series of challenges faced in the university setting.

The government’s recent decision to suspend stipends for probationary lecturers in clinical departments to complete MD foreign training is one such challenge. As paid foreign training positions for dental graduates are hard to come by, completing foreign training without a stipend is unfeasible. Even though lecturers can be confirmed in their position before completion of foreign training and board certification, they are not eligible to become senior lecturers. The inability for junior lecturers to advance their careers has directly affected not only retaining but also attracting young dental graduates into the clinical departments. The situation has been further worsened by the government’s discriminatory decision to provide a stipend for postgraduate MD trainees in the Ministry of Health to pursue foreign training, which has compelled dental graduates to opt for employment with the Ministry of Health instead of universities.

The faculty has not been able to increase physical resources in parallel with the surge in student intake. Inflation has tripled the cost of dental materials needed for patient treatment, making it nearly impossible to procure the necessary supplies for both patient care and educational purposes. At present, the faculty relies upon donations from patients and alumni to bridge the gap. Other resources for clinical training, such as manikins in the skills laboratory, dental chairs, clinic equipment, and other basic facilities, including computers in IT labs, Wi-Fi, space in the cafeteria and student accommodation are inadequate to cater to the increased student intake. The responsibility to secure additional resources has fallen on the shoulders of academics with little support from the UGC.

The bigger picture

Dentistry is undoubtedly a costly degree, and access to free education in Sri Lanka has been a crucial lifeline, especially for students from disadvantaged backgrounds. As committed academics, our dedication lies in safeguarding free education and ensuring that students, regardless of their social backgrounds, have access to dental education while maintaining the high standards of teaching and learning. It is essential to keep in mind the BDS programme has gradually expanded from 4 to 80 students over a period of 80 years. The programme’s sustainability has been maintained by gradual and timely planned expansion with adequate public funding.

Indiscriminate increases in student intake during times of financial crisis will surely compromise the quality of dental education. Discriminatory decision to provide a stipend for postgraduate MD trainees in the Ministry of Health but not the postgraduate MD trainees in dental faculties will further compromise dental education. It is essential for decision-makers and policymakers to consider the long-term sustainability and quality of dental education, while strengthening Free Education in the country, even as they explore options for expansion.

(Udari Abeyasinghe is attached to the Department of Oral Pathology, Faculty of Dental Sciences, University of Peradeniya)

Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies.

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Full implementation of 13A: Final solution to ‘national problem’ or end of unitary state?



President J. R. Jayewardene and Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi signing of Indo-Lanka Accord

By Kalyananda Tiranagama
Executive Director
Lawyers for Human Rights and Development

It appears that President Ranil Wickremasinghe, all along his political career, has acted in the belief that he can bring about national unity, true national reconciliation among different communities and find a lasting solution to the ethnic problem only by granting more and more concessions to the racist political parties with separatist agendas in the North and the East and complying with their demands.

In 2002, as the Prime Minister, Wickremesinghe signed, without the approval of President Chandrika Kumaratunga, an Oslo-brokered ceasefire agreement with the LTTE, allowing the LTTE to have internal self-administration in the areas under their control in the North-East. In 2005, he supported the move of the Kumaratunga government to sign a Memorandum of Understanding with the LTTE for the establishment of a Post-Tsunami Operational Management Structure (P-TOMS Agreement) under LTTE leadership for carrying out reconstruction work in the six Tsunami affected Districts in the North-East. In 2006, he assured the TNA of support for the re-merger of Northern and Eastern Provinces if a motion was brought for that purpose in Parliament. During the war for the liberation of the North-East from terrorism, instead of supporting the war effort, his party tried to derail the war effort by abstaining from voting for the extension of the Emergency and making derogatory remarks about the victories of the armed forces.

Common Dream of Wickremasinghe and Sampanthan

In his Address to Parliament on February 8, 2023 delivering the Policy Statement of the Government, President Wickremasinghe disclosed a common dream Mr. Sampanthan and he had been trying to realise over the years thus:

‘‘Both Hon. R. Sampanthan and I were elected to Parliament in 1977. We both have a common dream, which is to provide a sustainable solution to the ethnic problem in Sri Lanka while we are both in Parliament. Ever since, we have been discussing that dream and have been making efforts towards its achievement. All previous attempts have failed, but we wish to succeed this time. We expect your support to this end.’’

Before proceeding to examine the dream of the President, let us examine the dream of Sampanthan and the political organisations led by him: the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) and the Tamil National Alliance (TNA). This dream remained continuously unchanged since the founding of the Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchi (Federal Party) in 1949. The name of the Party – Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchi (ITAK) or (Tamil State Party of Ceylon) itself reflects this dream. This dream was reiterated in various resolutions passed at their conferences and public declarations at different times.

Dream of Sampanthan and other Tamil leaders

Trincomalee Resolution of ITAK – April 1957

The Resolution passed at the first National Convention of the ITAK held in Trincomalee in April 1957 elaborates on this dream citing the components this dream consists of:

“Inasmuch as it is the inalienable right of every nation to enjoy full political freedom without which its spiritual, cultural and moral stature must degenerate and inasmuch as the Tamil Speaking People in Ceylon constitute a nation distinct from that of the Sinhalese by every fundamental test of nationhood, firstly that of a separate historical part in this island at least as ancient and as glorious as that of the Sinhalese, secondly by the fact of their being a linguistic entity different from that of the Sinhalese, with an unsurpassed classical heritage and a modern development of language which makes Tamil fully adequate for all present day needs and finally by reason of their traditional habitation of definite areas which constitute one-third of this island, the first National Convention of the I.T.A.K. demands for the Tamil Speaking Nation their inalienable right to political autonomy and calls for a plebiscite to determine the boundaries of the linguistic states in consonance with the fundamental and unchallengeable principle of self-determination.”

The components of this dream are as follows:


. Tamil Speaking People in Ceylon constitute a nation distinct from that of the Sinhalese by every fundamental test of nationhood: i. playing a separate historical part in this island at least as ancient and as glorious as that of the Sinhalese; ii. with an unsurpassed classical heritage and a modern development of language making Tamil fully adequate for all present-day needs; iii. their traditional habitation of definite areas constituting one-third of this island; b. Inalienable right of the Tamil Speaking Nation to political autonomy.

Vaddukoddai Resolution of TULF

The Vaddukoddai Resolution unanimously adopted on 16 May 1976 by the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) consisting of all the Tamil political parties and groups in the North – East narrated in its preamble all the rights denied to or deprived of Tamil people by the successive Sinhala governments and their demands for restoration thereof:

a. The Tamils of Ceylon by virtue of their language, their religions, their separate culture and heritage, their history of independent existence as a separate state over a distinct territory for several centuries and, above all by their will to exist as a separate entity ruling themselves in their own territory, are a nation distinct and apart from Sinhalese;

b. Throughout centuries from the dawn of history, the Sinhalese and Tamil nations have divided between themselves the possession of Ceylon, the Sinhalese inhabiting the interior of the country in its Southern and Western parts and the Tamils possessing the Northern and Eastern districts;

c. Successive Sinhalese governments since independence have encouraged and fostered the aggressive nationalism of the Sinhalese people and have used their political power to the detriment of the Tamils by making serious inroads into the territories of the former Tamil Kingdom by a system of planned and state-aided Sinhalese colonization and large scale regularization of recently encouraged Sinhalese encroachments, calculated to make the Tamils a minority in their own homeland.

d. The proposals submitted to the Constituent Assembly by the Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchi for maintaining the unity of the country while preserving the integrity of the Tamil people by the establishment of an autonomous Tamil State within the framework of a Federal Republic of Ceylon.

‘‘This convention resolves that restoration and reconstitution of the Free, Sovereign, Secular, Socialist State of TAMIL EELAM, based on the right of self-determination inherent to every nation, has become inevitable in order to safeguard the very existence of the Tamil Nation in this Country.


This Convention directs the Action Committee of the Tamil United Liberation Front to formulate a plan of action and launch without undue delay the struggle for winning the sovereignty and freedom of the Tamil Nation; and



This Convention calls upon the Tamil Nation in general and the Tamil youth in particular to come forward to throw themselves fully into the sacred fight for freedom and to flinch not till the goal of a sovereign state of TAMIL EELAM is reached.’’

· From this it clearly appears that not only the LTTE and the other armed militant groups, but the entire leadership of the TULF was also responsible for aiding and abetting and leading the Tamil youth for the 30-year war against Sri Lanka.

Although the LTTE was defeated and the 30-year war came to an end on May 18, 2009, the ITAK, the TULF or the TNA and the other political parties in the North-East have not abandoned their goal or dream of creating a separate Tamil State in the amalgamated Northern and Eastern Provinces of Sri Lanka. They have only changed their strategy and tactics in the march for reaching their goal.

Speech made by R. Sampanthan, the leader of the TULF, at the 14th ITAK Convention held in Batticaloa in May 2012

In this speech, Sampanthan clearly explains to their members their new strategy to achieve their goal of a separate state thus:

“We gather here following our victory in the passage of the recent Resolution at the UN Human Rights Council, a condemnation against the SL government by the international community.

“Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchi was created by S. J. V. Chelvanayagam, the father of Tamil Nation, for the purpose of establishing self-determination of the Tamil people on this island. This objective is evident in both the name of the party and in the manner in which it operates.

“Tamil United Liberation Front, of which our party was a member, took the historical decision to establish the separate government of Tamil Eelam in 1976. Based on this decision of our party, and the need to place ourselves in a position of strength, Tamil youth decided to oppose violence with violence and began to rise up as armed rebel groups.

“Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, became a great force within the Tamil community.

“We remember the Tamil youth who sacrificed their lives in armed struggle. …. SL government has committed the crime of extermination against our people,

“The intervention of India has clearly taught us the lesson that whatever our aspirations may be, India will never welcome a political solution in Sri Lanka that does not accord with the interests of India.

“Achieving Tamil Eelam was becoming an increasingly unrealistic goal. Thus, instead of sacrificing more lives to this cause, our party with the help of India, began supporting a solution that allowed Tamil people to live within a united Sri Lanka.

“A most important lesson we have learnt from the past 60 years… is that we should act strategically, with the awareness that global powers will act based on their domestic interests.

“Further, a struggle that runs counter to the international community, built only on military might, will not prevail. It is for this reason, that in the new environment created by various global influences, we have, together with the support and assistance of the international community, found new ways of continuing with our struggle.

“Our expectation of a solution to the ethnic problem of the sovereignty of the Tamil people is based on a political structure outside that of a unitary government, in a united Sri Lanka in which Tamil people have all the powers of government needed to live with self-respect and self-sufficiency.

“The position that the North and East of Sri Lanka are the areas of historical habitation of the Tamil speaking people cannot be compromised in this structure of government…. We must have unrestricted authority to govern our land, protect our own people, and develop our own economy, culture and tradition… Meaningful devolution should go beyond the 13th Amendment to the Constitution passed in 1987.

“The above solution is one that is likely to be acceptable to members of the international community including India and the United States.

“Any solution to the ethnic problem concerning the sovereignty of the Tamil people must be acceptable to the Muslim community in Sri Lanka.

“The international practice prevalent during the mid-eighties, when the intervention of India occurred, has now changed. Although the issue at hand is the same, the prevailing conditions are different. The struggle is the same, but the approaches we employ are different. Our aim is the same, but our strategies are different. The players are the same, but the alliances are different. That is the nature of the Tamil people. Although we still have the same aim, the methods we use now are different.

“The current practices of the international community may give us an opportunity to achieve, without the loss of life, the soaring aspirations we were unable to achieve by armed force.’’.’’

(To be continued)

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Important assignments…Down Under­



Black Jackets with Melantha (left – front row)

Ex-Mirage Melantha Perera, who now performs with the band Black Jackets, left last Tuesday (19), on an important assignment, to Australia.

He will be away for about a month, he said, spending about two weeks each, in Sydney and Melbourne.

His first stop is Sydney for the Australian South Asian Forum (ASAF) that commenced on 23rd September.

This South Asian Film Arts and Literature festival is showcasing the rich art, culture and literary heritage of eight nations – India, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Nepal, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Bhutan, and the Maldives.

The Performing Arts programme, held on 23rd September, brought into the limelight solo singing, solo dance and musical instrument performance, and Melantha was one of the judges, I’m told.

The big event, to wind up this festival, is the Gala Awards Night, scheduled to be held on 30th September, and will include guest performances, and cultural song and dance performances, presented by eight subcontinent countries.

Once his commitments in Sydney are over, Melantha will head for Melbourne where he plans to promote his Mela Nota project further.

It’s gaining recognition in many countries and Melantha is fully satisfied with the response.

Melantha Perera:Australia, here I come

In Melbourne, he will also be seen in action, as a solo singer, at the popular Sundown Regency, on 6th October, along with Noeline Honter, and the band ‘Friends’, and supported by Thirani, Enrico and Lozaine.

In fact, Melantha, made his solo debut, in Melbourne, at the Walawwa, when he was in Australia, early this year, and it turned out to be a memorable occasion for this versatile artiste.

He was, in fact, the centre of attraction at another event, back home, in Moratuwa, before he left for Australia.

Melantha was the President of the Moratuwa Arts Forum, for the previous year, and at the recently held general meeting, to select a new president and committee, Melantha and the previous committee were re-elected, uncontested.

Those present insisted that Melantha and the previous committee continue with the excellent work they have been doing to harness the talent of those in Moratuwa and bring them into the spotlight.

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