Opinion
The Maha Jana Handa at Nugegoda, cyclone destruction, and contenders positioning for power in post-NPP Sri Lanka – II
Continued from December 9, 2025
During his rousing speech, Harin Fernando anticipated SLPP national organiser Namal Rajapaksa’s straightforward declaration of his resolve to end the JVP/NPP regime as soon as possible. The latter’s battle cry might have sounded premature even to some of his less attentive fellow members of the SLPP who failed to catch his meaning. It is possible that Harin delivered a preemptive strike at what he felt was Namal’s overweening presidential ambition (by making a facial gesture, before leaving the speaker stand, that suggested contempt at the latter’s goal). What Namal expressed was his desire and determination to bring down a poor-performing government that, he believed, was causing great harm to the country through ignorance, inexperience, and arrogance of the men and women who were running it.
Harin was criticised in Parliament by Wimal Weerawansa MP, in February 2024 during Ranil Wickremesinghe’s presidency, for having casually stated during an interview with an Indian TV channel, as newly appointed Tourism minister then, that Sri Lanka was a part of India! Indian High Commissioner Santosh Jha’s recent remark at the Colombo YMBA’s ‘Light of Asia’ Centenary Celebrations (December 6, 2025) that “… India and Sri Lanka are connected not only by geography but by deeper bonds of culture ….” could be read as a matter of fact allusion to a sinister assumption that Harin’s ‘casual’ statement probably purposefully expressed. It is also significant that Harin was appointed by the UNP as its Deputy Secretary General of Political Mobilisation with immediate effect on October 21, 2025. His new responsibilities include uniting all political parties in the country and engaging them in a common programme, in addition to which he will be coordinating the many meetings that are to be organised by the UNP. Harin’s new post seems to match Namal’s position as the national organiser of the SLPP.
Actually, the very idea of holding a series of such massive protest rallies across the country is Wickremesinghe’s brainchild. If he and Mahinda Rajapaksa have masterminded the Maha Jana Handa protest rally campaign initiated on November 21, 2025, they have all the reason and the moral right as well as the inherent obligation to do so. They ought to get involved in actively mentoring the next generation of rulers at this crucial moment of unprecedented national emergency caused by the recent cyclonic disaster of apocalyptic proportions. They both share between them a significant amount of responsibility for the current situation due to their own past strengths and weaknesses of leadership as senior politicians, in their characteristic egoistic ways, though.
Mahinda Rajapaksa, a follower of the watersheds of 1956 and 1972 in the political history of post-Independence Sri Lanka, inadvertently turned the 2009 victory over terrorism, which he was largely instrumental in creating through his own brave political leadership, into a sort of pyrrhic victory. That is, he let his success become the cause of his own downfall and the country’s regress; this was basically as a consequence of his shameless indulgence in ‘family bandyism’ or nepotism. As for Wickremasinghe, an admirer of the 1978 introduction of the open market economic system and the institution of the executive presidency (by his uncle, UNP leader J.R. Jayewardene), acts as if he wants to erase from national memory the two previous epochal events (of 1956 and 1972) that his rival is guided by; this makes him look least sensitive towards Sinhalese Buddhist majority’s legitimate aspirations.
Wickremesinghe and Mahinda Rajapaksa, each tried and tested in the rough and tumble of parliamentary politics for over half a century, have always been political rivals, but both have also been robust defenders of parliamentary democracy. Those who are old enough or adult enough may remember how, not long ago, the Parliament chamber reverberated with their raised voices denouncing each other with shouts of “kauda hora? Mahinda hora …. Ranil hora benku hora”, etc. Despite this mutual hostility in politics, they have together profoundly influenced the most tumultuous course of the island’s political history of the last two decades (2005-25). At the Maha Jana Handa, Harin expressed his views on the complementary roles the two senior leaders played during that period in the service of the Sri Lankan people. While praising Wickremesinghe for saving Sri Lanka from total economic collapse in 2022, and for having made similar contributions in the past for the uplift of the country and its people. Harin paid unqualified encomiums to Mahinda Rajapaksa for having eliminated the scourge of separatist terrorism through his unique abilities of political direction and diplomacy.
Harin’s explicit acknowledgement of the historic achievement of the leader (Mahinda Rajapaksa) of the SLFP (the major partner of the UPFA, now the SLPP) signifies a sea change in the UNP’s traditional attitude towards that victorious nationalist triumph over the LTTE.
So, Wickremesinghe and Rajapaksa represent respectively the UNP and the SLFP, which, though now almost defunct, are still alive and well in their new manifestations. The UNP is probably on the verge of being made whole with the return of its breakaway group the Samagi Jana Balavegaya (SJB) led by Sajith Premadasa, with or without his consent; it should not be forgotten that the SJB, with its 40 MPs, forms the main Opposition. There will most likely be a similar reunion between the SLFP and the SLPP. The cooperation between the two oldest national parties at this crucial juncture is imperative for the survival of the sovereign unitary state of Sri Lanka. If Sri Lanka’s unitary status must be ended for some untoward reason beyond the country’s capacity to deal with such as global or regional geostrategic pressure (which is, of course, unlikely, because the Eastern bloc countries Russia and China, with comparable military and economic power also have stakes in the region), it should be done through Parliament, not otherwise.
The rescue of parliamentary democracy after the ouster of the 7th Executive President of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka Gotabaya Rajapaksa in 2022 amidst the so-called Aragalaya (Struggle) protest, which was turning violent, was the joint achievement of Wickremesinghe and Mahinda Rajapaksa (though it was cynically bruited about the social media that Wickremasinghe played an opportunistic ‘run with the hares and hunt with the hounds’ strategy exploiting Aragalaya, begun peacefully, but later hijacked by violent extremist elements including members of the JVP/NPP. Representatives of certain regional communal parties, and coercive religious extremists hiding among them, were there too. These elements seem to be lying low now in sinister silence.
On December 5, 2025 President Anura Kumara Dissanayake made a special statement in Parliament which took almost one hour and forty minutes. He dwelt on the devastation being caused by Cyclone Ditwah that had by then raged for about a week already and what his government was doing and was planning to do in the future to bring relief to the hapless thousands affected. Two things out of the many matters that he touched on, I feel like mentioning here:
1) He made some commendatory remarks about the triforces members and the police, while paying tribute to Wing Commander Nirmal Siyambalapitiya of the Air Force, who died in a helicopter accident during a rescue operation in the flood-hit Wennappuwa area, and to the five Navy personnel who went missing while being engaged in widening a waterway in the Chundikulam lagoon in Chalai in order to control the flood situation there. This is something that suggests an implicit acknowledgement made (belatedly, though) by the President of the vital importance of the defense forces whose selfless dedication to the service of the nation should never be underestimated. That is a salutary attitudinal change on his part, comparable to the aforementioned volt-face of the UNP regarding Mahinda Rajapaksa-led victory over separatist terrorism.
President Dissanayake had stopped calling the security forces members ‘ranaviruwo’ or ‘war heroes’, perhaps under pressure from the small section of the Tamil diaspora enjoying the patronage of the meddling powers. This year President Dissanayake marked the May 2009 victory over terrorism a day later than the due date, that too grudgingly. The vociferous Archuna Ramanathan, independent MP from Jaffna, who calls the dead Prabhakaran his ‘god’, and claims that he receives funds from the Tamil diaspora (which may be true), taunts the President and his Sinhalese MPs for failing to call the members of the Sri Lanka Army ‘war heroes’! While President Dissanayake denounces ‘Nationalism’ consciously misconceiving (a la Americans) it as ‘jativadaya’ (Racism) or ‘warga vadaya’ (Communalism), he allows the rump of the banned LTTE to commemorate the dead terrorist leader as a national hero. Illegal Mahaveerar Naal celebrations were held in the north in the last week of November. MP Archuna Ramanadan, it was reported, thanked the Sri Lanka Navy personnel for saving him from the flood waters while returning from one of those celebrations!
2) While paying a passionate tribute to the security forces members President Dissanayake made a gratingly incongruent gratuitous reference to the submerged Gampola area as ‘a place largely populated by Muslims’: “No room should be left for them to feel isolated or discriminated against”. What an ill-conceived remark! Clearly, he meant to curry favour with the Muslim community of the place. He is probably already trying to promote himself among the Muslim community in preparation for re-election in 2029!
During the “Derana 360” programme hosted by Kalindu Karunaratne about a month ago, Minister of Justice and National Integration Harshana Nanayakkara, NPP MP, probably inadvertently, revealed that they had to give in to certain Tamil demands in the North (which might seem unreasonable and extremist to the majority community) in order not to spoil their chances of winning support at the next election.
SJB leader Sajith Premadasa, in his capacity as the Leader of the Opposition, was on an official visit to New Delhi in early November, 2025, which focused on strengthening India-Sri Lanka bonds. (But his egotistic utterances degraded his Indian visit into a private one.) He had meetings with senior Indian leaders including External Affairs minister Subramanyam Jaishankar and Corporate Affairs minister Nirmala Sitharaman. He was given the honour to address the Indian Council of World Affairs (ICWA). Sajith Premadasa talked about Sri Lanka’s commitment to its special strategic relationship with India, stressing “the need for implementing the 13th Amendment for Sri Lanka’s stability”. It is impossible that he is unaware of the fact that the 13th Amendment was externally imposed on Sri Lanka in 1987 by India and has not been fully implemented by any president to date for good reasons.
The National Joint Committee (NJC), a leading civil society organization committed to the defence of Sri Lanka’s unitary state status and sovereignty, has strongly condemned Sajith Premadasa’s ‘recent declaration in New Delhi that he would fully implement the 13th Amendment to the Constitution’ (The Island/November 14, 2025)
The NJC has issued a statement condemning SJB and Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa’s recent declaration in New Delhi that he would fully implement the controversial 13th Amendment to the Constitution when elected to power. Co-Presidents of the NJC, Lt. Gen. Jagath Dias (Rtd) and Dr Anula Wijesundara expressed shock, dismay, disappointment and disgust over it. They have described Premadasa’s uncalled-for undertaking given to India as unbecoming of him as the leader of the main opposition; it is a disdainful betrayal of the nation. The NJC views the 13th Amendment, introduced under duress, as obsolete because India did not fulfil its part of the contract to disarm the LTTE, leading to a disastrous three decade military conflict.
What I have delineated above is a hexagonal simulacrum of the chaotic political situation of the country as I perceive it, for what it is worth, with Mahinda Rajapaksa and Wickremesinghe poised at opposite points equidistant from the square formed in the middle by President Dissanayake and Premadasa facing each other and Harin confronting Namal. Concluded
By Rohana R. Wasala ✍️
Opinion
Why so unbuddhist?
Hardly a week goes by, when someone in this country does not preach to us about the great, long lasting and noble nature of the culture of the Sinhala Buddhist people. Some Sundays, it is a Catholic priest that sings the virtues of Buddhist culture. Some eminent university professor, not necessarily Buddhist, almost weekly in this newspaper, extols the superiority of Buddhist values in our society. Some 70 percent of the population in this society, at Census, claim that they are Buddhist in religion. They are all capped by that loud statement in dhammacakka pavattana sutta, commonly believed to have been spoken by the Buddha to his five colleagues, when all of them were seeking release from unsatisfactory state of being:
‘….jati pi dukkha jara pi dukkha maranam pi dukkham yam pi…. sankittena…. ‘
If birth (‘jati’) is a matter of sorrow, why celebrate birth? Not just about 2,600 years ago but today, in distant port city Colombo? Why gaba perahara to celebrate conception? Why do bhikkhu, most prominent in this community, celebrate their 75th birthday on a grand scale? A commentator reported that the Buddha said (…ayam antima jati natthi idani punabbhavo – this is my last birth and there shall be no rebirth). They should rather contemplate on jati pi dukkha and anicca (subject to change) and seek nibbana, as they invariably admonish their listeners (savaka) to do several times a week. (Incidentally, Buddhists acquire knowledge by listening to bhanaka. Hence savaka and bhanaka.) The incongruity of bhikkhu who preach jati pi duklkha and then go to celebrate their 65th birthday is thunderous.
For all this, we are one of the most violent societies in the world: during the first 15 days of this year (2026), there has been more one murder a day, and just yesterday (13 February) a youngish lawyer and his wife were gunned down as they shopped in the neighbourhood of the Headquarters of the army. In 2022, the government of this country declared to the rest of the world that it could not pay back debt it owed to the rest of the world, mostly because those that governed us plundered the wealth of the governed. For more than two decades now, it has been a public secret that politicians, bureaucrats, policemen and school teachers, in varying degrees of culpability, plunder the wealth of people in this country. We have that information on the authority of a former President of the Republic. Politicians who held the highest level of responsibility in government, all Buddhist, not only plundered the wealth of its citizens but also transferred that wealth overseas for exclusive use by themselves and their progeny and the temporary use of the host nation. So much for the admonition, ‘raja bhavatu dhammiko’ (may the king-rulers- be righteous). It is not uncommon for politicians anywhere to lie occasionally but ours speak the truth only more parsimoniously than they spend the wealth they plundered from the public. The language spoken in parliament is so foul (parusa vaca) that galleries are closed to the public lest school children adopt that ‘unparliamentary’ language, ironically spoken in parliament. If someone parses the spoken and written word in our society, there is every likelihood that he would find that rumour (pisuna vaca) is the currency of the realm. Radio, television and electronic media have only created massive markets for lies (musa vada), rumour (pisuna vaca), foul language (parusa vaca) and idle chatter (samppampalapa). To assure yourself that this is true, listen, if you can bear with it, newscasts on television, sit in the gallery of Parliament or even read some latterday novels. There generally was much beauty in what Wickremasinghe, Munidasa, Tennakone, G. B. Senanayake, Sarachchandra and Amarasekara wrote. All that beauty has been buried with them. A vile pidgin thrives.
Although the fatuous chatter of politicians about financial and educational hubs in this country have wafted away leaving a foul smell, it has not taken long for this society to graduate into a narcotics hub. In 1975, there was the occasional ganja user and he was a marginal figure who in the evenings, faded into the dusk. Fifty years later, narcotics users are kingpins of crime, financiers and close friends of leading politicians and otherwise shakers and movers. Distilleries are among the most profitable enterprises and leading tax payers and defaulters in the country (Tax default 8 billion rupees as of 2026). There was at least one distillery owner who was a leading politician and a powerful minister in a long ruling government. Politicians in public office recruited and maintained the loyalty to the party by issuing recruits lucrative bar licences. Alcoholic drinks (sura pana) are a libation offered freely to gods that hold sway over voters. There are innuendos that strong men, not wholly lay, are not immune from seeking pleasures in alcohol. It is well known that many celibate religious leaders wallow in comfort on intricately carved ebony or satin wood furniture, on uccasayana, mahasayana, wearing robes made of comforting silk. They do not quite observe the precept to avoid seeking excessive pleasures (kamasukhallikanuyogo). These simple rules of ethical behaviour laid down in panca sila are so commonly denied in the everyday life of Buddhists in this country, that one wonders what guides them in that arduous journey, in samsara. I heard on TV a senior bhikkhu say that bhikkhu sangha strives to raise persons disciplined by panca sila. Evidently, they have failed.
So, it transpires that there is one Buddhism in the books and another in practice. Inquiries into the Buddhist writings are mainly the work of historians and into religion in practice, the work of sociologists and anthropologists. Many books have been written and many, many more speeches (bana) delivered on the religion in the books. However, very, very little is known about the religion daily practised. Yes, there are a few books and papers written in English by cultural anthropologists. Perhaps we know more about yakku natanava, yakun natanava than we know about Buddhism is practised in this country. There was an event in Colombo where some archaeological findings, identified as dhatu (relics), were exhibited. Festivals of that nature and on a grander scale are a monthly regular feature of popular Buddhism. How do they fit in with the religion in the books? Or does that not matter? Never the twain shall meet.
by Usvatte-aratchi
Opinion
Hippocratic oath and GMOA
Almost all government members of the GMOA (the Government Medical Officers’ Association). Before joining the GMOA Doctors must obtain registration with Sri Lanka Medical Council (SLMC) to practice medicine. This registration is obtained after completing the medical studies in Sri Lanka and completing internship.
The SLMC conducts an Examination for Registration to Practise Medicine in Sri Lanka (ERPM) – (Formerly Act 16 in conjunction with the University Grants Commission (UGC), which the foreign graduates must pass. Then only they can obtain registration with SLMC.
When obtaining registration there are a few steps to follow on the as stated in the “
GUIDELINES ON ETHICAL CONDUCT FOR MEDICAL & DENTAL PRACTITIONERS REGISTERED WITH THE SRI LANKA MEDICAL COUNCIL” This was approved in July 2009, and I believe is current at the time of writing this note. To practice medicine, one must obtain registration with the SLMC and complete the oath formality. For those interested in reading it on the web, the reference is as follows.
https://slmc.gov.lk/images/PDF_Main_Site/EthicalConduct2021-12.pdf
I checked this document to find the Hippocratic Oath details. They are noted on page 5. The pages 6 & 7 provide the draft oath form that every Doctor must complete with his/her details. Oath must be administered by
the Registrar/Asst. Registrar/President/ Vice President or Designated Member of the Sri Lanka Medical Council and signed by the Doctor.
Now I wish to quote the details of the oath.
I solemnly pledge myself to dedicate my life to the service of humanity;
The health of my patient will be my primary consideration and I will not use my profession for exploitation and abuse of my patient;
I will practice my profession with conscience, dignity, integrity and honesty;
I will respect the secrets which are confided in me, even after the patient has died;
I will give to my teachers the respect and gratitude, which is their due;
I will maintain by all the means in my power, the honour and noble traditions of the medical profession;
I will not permit considerations of religion, nationality, race, party politics, caste or social standing to intervene between my duty and my patient;
I wish to ask the GMOA officials, when they engage in strike action, whether they still comply with the oath or violate any part of the oath that even they themselves have taken when they obtained registration from the SLMC to practise medicine.
Hemal Perera
Opinion
Where nature dared judges hid
Dr. Lesego the Surgical Registrar from Lesotho who did the on-call shift with me that night in the sleepy London hospital said a lot more than what I wrote last time. I did not want to weaken the thrust of the last narrative which was a bellyful for the legal fraternity of south east Asia and Africa.
Lesego begins, voice steady and reflective, “You know… he said, in my father’s case, the land next to Maseru mayor’s sunflower oil mill was prime land. The mayor wanted it. My father refused to sell. That refusal set the stage for everything that followed.
Two families lived there under my dad’s kindness. First was a middle-aged man, whose descendants still remain. The other was an old destitute woman. My father gave her timber, wattle, cement, Cadjan, everything free, to build her hut. She lived peacefully for two years. Then having reconciled with her once estranged daughter wanted to leave.
She came to my father asking for money for the house. He said: ‘I gave you everything free. You lived there for two years completely free and benefitting from the produce too. And now you ask for money? Not a cent.’ In hindsight, that refusal was harsh. It opened the door for plunderers. The old lady ‘sold’ the hut to Pule, the mayor’s decoy. Soon, Pule and his fellow compatriots, were to chase my father away while he was supervising the harvesting of sunflowers.
My father went to court in September 1962, naming Thasoema, the mayor, his Chief clerk, and the trespassers as respondents. The injunction faltered for want of an affidavit, and under a degree of compulsion by the judge and the attending lawyers, my father agreed to an interim settlement of giving away the aggressors total possession with the proviso that they would pay the damages once the court culminates the case in his favour. This was the only practical alternative to sharing the possession with the adversaries.
From the very beginning, the dismissals and flimsy rulings bore the fingerprints of extra‑judicial mayoral influence. Judges leaned on technicalities, not justice. They hid behind minutiae.
Then nature intervened. Thasoema, the mayor, hale and hearty, died suddenly of what looked like choking on coconut sap which later turned out to be a heart attack. His son Teboho inherited the case. Months later, the Chief clerk also died of a massive heart attack, and his son took his place. Even Teboho, the mayor’s young son of 30 years died, during a routine appendectomy, when the breathing tube was wrongly placed in his gullet.
About fifteen years into the case, another blow fell. A 45‑year‑old judge, who had ruled that ‘prescription was obvious at a glance, while adverse possession was being contested in court all the time, died within weeks of his judgment, struck down by a massive heart attack.
After that, the case dragged on for decades, yo‑yoing between district and appeal courts. Judges no longer died untimely deaths, but the rulings continued to twist and delay. My father’s deeds were clear: the land bought by his brother in 1933, sold to him in 1936, uninterrupted possession for 26 years. Yet the courts delayed, twisted, and denied.
Finally, in 2006, the District Court ruled in his favour embodying every detail why it was delivering such a judgement. It was a comprehensive judgement which covered all areas in question. In 2015, the Appeal Court confirmed it, his job being easy because of the depth the DC judge had gone in to. But in October 2024, the Supreme Court gave an outrageously insane judgment against him. How? I do not know. I hope the judge is in good health, my friend said sarcastically.
Lesego paused, his voice heavy with irony “Where nature dared, judges hid. And that is the truth of my father’s case.”
Dr.M.M.Janapriya
UK
-
Features2 days agoWhy does the state threaten Its people with yet another anti-terror law?
-
Features2 days agoVictor Melder turns 90: Railwayman and bibliophile extraordinary
-
Features2 days agoReconciliation, Mood of the Nation and the NPP Government
-
Features1 day agoLOVEABLE BUT LETHAL: When four-legged stars remind us of a silent killer
-
Features2 days agoVictor, the Friend of the Foreign Press
-
Latest News4 days agoNew Zealand meet familiar opponents Pakistan at spin-friendly Premadasa
-
Latest News4 days agoTariffs ruling is major blow to Trump’s second-term agenda
-
Latest News4 days agoECB push back at Pakistan ‘shadow-ban’ reports ahead of Hundred auction
