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The future is female

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PM Amarasuriya and Saroja

by Farzana Haniffa

In February 2023, I wrote a piece for Kuppi entitled, The future is female? There I discussed how while most of our undergraduate students were female, the University system was not doing enough to equip them to address the violence and misogyny in our society. In that article, I also illustrated the nature of violence and misogyny that students and young women in general face in our country.

Today, nearly two years after, I want to revisit some of the points made there in relation to recent political changes. After the election of the current government, with the participation of an array of women leaders, and the mobilization of a constituency, specifically identified as women, there is much to assess and a lot to celebrate. In the long road towards addressing the violence and misogyny in our society, the improvements in women’s leadership in Parliament is significant. I argued back then that young women, who graduate from university, enter a world where women face a significant threat of violence. I suggested that they needed to be equipped to both face as well as transform such a world. Such a transformation requires that women take on greater leadership roles. The new government has enabled the beginning of such a transformation through supporting a significant number of competent and experienced activist women to enter Parliament. This column would like to recognize and endorse this transformation and speculate as to what this might mean for our female student population today.

As Gamage and Dassanayake recently pointed out in Himal South Asian, the NPP actively mobilized women voters in a manner that was substantively different from earlier attempts. They mobilized women, highlighting women’s unpaid care work and the gendered nature of discourses regarding women’s bodies. The NPP capitalized on the fact that women in Sri Lanka who had already made great strides in other spheres were quite ready to assume leadership in politics. (Women’s groups had been agitating for decades for greater representation in government). Coming into the general elections of 14th November, 2024, the NPP nominated 36 women candidates, and 20 of them were elected. The numbers of women in Parliament—never more than a paltry 5% of the legislature since independence – is now almost 10%. However, the party’s nonrecognition of these women’s capabilities for greater leadership in the Cabinet and as Deputy Ministers was disappointing. Only two women Harini Amarasuriya, Prime Minister and Minister of Education, and Saroja Paulraj, Minister of Women and Child Affairs, were considered worthy of leadership in the Cabinet.

Our Parliament, long a (Sinhala) male bastion, has hardly been exemplary of the leadership needed for the country. It has rarely been a place that women and sexual and gender minorities have been able to have their voices heard. Victorian era laws banning same sex sexuality remain in the law books. The Muslim Marriage and Divorce Act-MMDA, a problematic relic from the 1950s, has been left unchanged for decades. Any women-friendly legislation has been hard fought. In fact, Parliament has been the locus of some of the most discriminatory, dismissive and derogatory discourse on women. (The nature of parliamentary speech regarding women has been documented by the Women and Media Collective in a 2016 publication.) While it remains too early to speak of legislation, there is at least a discernible difference in the parliamentary discourse on women as a result of the contribution by the new women MPs. Additionally, some of the female MPs’ contributions have led to substantive debates on issues ranging from debt restructuring to social protections.

In her maiden speech, NPP MP Kaushalya Ariyarathne asserted that the country depended on the labour of women but gave them few rights and privileges and subjected them to abuse. She reminded the Chamber of the many laws that needed amending in relation to the discrimination faced by women, as well as bisexual and gender minorities. She referenced the failure to amend the MMDA and the inability to bring about legislation to control micro-finance, as issues the previous political regimes needed to account for. NPP MP Lakmali Hemachandra, arguing against the portrayal of the government’s decision to not renegotiate with the IMF as a continuation of the Wickremasinghe agenda, reminded the Chamber that the goal of the current government was not to further burden the citizenry but to encourage the greater participation of those who were pushed out of economic activity in the past years. Regardless of what position we may hold on the IMF reforms, and regardless of our critique of government policies, Ariyarathne and Hemachandra’s (and others’) elevation of discussions in Parliament to the substantive issues facing the country should be recognised.

Harini Amarasuriya, in addition to being the Premier, is also Minister of Education. In keeping with her long years of activism in the education sector, if Amarasuriya is able to improve our struggling education sector, her contribution will be significant, not just for future generations of students but also for women’s leadership. Saroja Paulraj, in charge of the Ministry of Women and Child Affairs, too, has a challenge. The Women’s Ministry generally assigned the herculean task of addressing all issues related to women, experienced a 50% budget cut under the last government and has traditionally enjoyed very little substantive support to carry out its responsibilities. It has long lacked the transformative feminist potential needed for substantive change and it has been providing little more than social services. It is hoped that under this government, with Amarasuriya, Paulraj and the other women leaders of the NPP that worked for women’s political mobilization, this will change. The Ministry must reflect the progressive ethos that the women leaders of the NPP have cultivated and Paulraj must have the space to bring in her own vision emerging from decades of feminist grassroots activism into the work of the Ministry. The expectations from the women in leadership positions is significant and their achieving their goals will depend on the support they have from within the government and from the public.

Responding to the presence of strong women in Parliament, social media and middle- and upper-class drawing rooms have rarely been interested in their competence or their possibly transformative impact. Peppered with praise for the change that is being promised and lived, the conversation has been mostly about the Prime Minister’s sexual orientation. In the case of the younger MPs speaking in Parliament, the response has been more virulent. Two of them have been the target of sexualized fake news reporting. In one instance, a social media account, claiming to be of an MP, state that a woman parliamentarian had sex with the said MP in a hotel in a Colombo suburb. In another, an MP’s illicit affair is reported to the Police by his spouse, citing another of the government women MPs as the individual concerned. Both social media and a prominent newspaper reported this news, naming the woman MP. There is little or no recourse for those whose names appear on such posts, and they are shared with great glee—anticipating no personal consequences. These sorts of reportage and amplification indicate a problem with the social media platforms, the lack of regulation of such abuse as well as the rampant and violent misogyny in our society.

The political leadership’s long dismissal and derogatory treatment of women has leached into our public institutions and our daily lives. The high rates of intimate partner violence in the country have been documented. (See the 2016 report by the Department of Census and Statistics). The dismissive treatment of cases of sexual and gender-based violence by the Police and other state institutions concerned with responding to women suffering abuse have also been documented. The male population in general—across class and ethnicity—seems to have no filter with regards to the nature of insults levied against women on social media and elsewhere. The media, too, has no compunctions about reporting only that which borders on the defamatory and abusive.

The world that our students will enter today, therefore remains malevolent and thick with the possibility of violence. Overturning the culture of misogyny will take law reform and regulations, as well as time. Our students therefore need to be prepared to contribute to and lead such processes in the future. However, the thoughtful and competent activists, women currently in Parliament are figures that our students can emulate and political leadership is now a possibility that all young women can aspire to. Although there is much work still to be done, there is also much to be hopeful in the new year.

(Farzana Haniffa is professor in the Department of Sociology, University of Colombo)

Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies.



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Culture shift; research for people’s benefit

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Image courtesy Columbia University

by Professor Athula Sumathipala

Two elections went without much fuss unlike in the past, particularly without any post-election violence. The new cabinet of ministers have sworn in, especially with a Minister for Science and Technology and the parliament has started its business. However, cannot be ‘business as usual’.

During the inauguration of the first session of the tenth parliament, President Anura Kumara Dissanayake reiterated the role of science, technology and research in nation building. He stated that “we believe that the area where our economy can undergo a significant transformation is science and technology. If we examine the developed countries around the world, each has invested a substantial portion of its annual budget in new research”.

He also went on to say that “our goal is to make a significant leap in the field of scientific research. This is why we have established a dedicated Ministry of Science and Technology and appointed former Professor Chrishantha Abeysena from the Ragama Medical Faculty, who has vast experience in the field”. We have also appointed individuals like Prof Gomika Udugamasuriya, who has conducted major research in the United States and brought international recognition to Sri Lanka, as the Advisor to the President on Science and Technology. We expect this transformation in science and technology to bring about a major impact”.

The two-thirds mandate received by the President was ensured by the floating voters paving the way for a new political culture. The strong powerful message via a two-thirds mandate is not only for the politicians. It sends a strong signal to the government officials, and it does not stop there. It’s an equally strong, message for intellectuals, academic, and scientists.

It is also important to realise that the positions given to people in top research institutions are not privileges to be abused based on personal agenda, and the issue of zero tolerance for corruption and abuse of power is equally applicable to them too. Similarly, the message to the researchers is not just ‘publish or perish’. It’s not going to be business as usual and therefore the new slogan is, culture shift – research for peoples benefit; research for service and product development.

Research & Development, Innovation and Technology Transfer

The post-industrial knowledge economy of today clearly displays the close correlation among economic growth, innovation and indigenous research capacity. University-based research has been the most effective driver of such economically-relevant innovation. As a result, leveraging the public investment in universities and other institutions to stimulate innovative research and development (R&D) is now a critical need for a country to remain competitive in the global arena.

Most high-ranking universities in the world are not just teaching universities but they have transformed into to research universities. However, Sri Lanka needs a paradigm shift to make research and innovation core components of and not just in postgraduate education, but also in undergraduate to produce individuals with both a creative vision for innovation as well as sufficient intellectual breadth and depth to realise that vision. There is a clear association between a country’s health, research and development investment.

What is a strategy?

To me, a strategy is about capturing opportunities arising in a dynamic world, as scientific opportunities cannot always be foreseen. The flexibility to respond to novel ideas with solid potential is therefore crucial for success. For example, the Covid-19 pandemic created an unprecedented window of opportunity for research worldwide. Sri Lanka requires innovative R&D contributions to re-stabilise the economy, to ensure national security and for sustainable development in strategically important areas.

Therefore, a ‘culture shift’ is a must if research is for peoples benefit.

Culture shift – what does it entail?

Any culture shift demands change in thinking, feelings and behaviours; the triad. According to the cognitive theory thoughts are central to any feelings or behaviour. The way people think determine how they feel and behave. Therefore, ‘attitudes’ which is a significant component of thinking need to change for any modification in thinking or behaviour to happen.

What is success?

At the end of the day what we all want, either as individuals or as a society is ‘success’. It’s also crucial to understand that success is not a destination but it’s a journey But how do you define success?

The definition of ‘success’ is determined by one’s attitude towards ‘success’. Does it mean personal success or material gains for one’s own benefits or does it mean the public good arising from one’s efforts? Therefore, the resulting vision, strategy, focus all heavily depend on the attitude towards success, which is the driving force.

But that success should essentially be beyond “self”. Hence if one gets his attitude wrong, the resulting vision, strategy, focus all can be directed towards a ‘success’ which may even be a destructive one. The classic example is the LTTE separatist war, the war that brought destruction to every one irrespective of the language one spoke. Similarly, where knowledge is power and that too can cater to a destructive end.

Success in research

For a researcher, an institution where he is affiliated may have a proud history, may be a place of research excellence with a reputation for cutting edge research, an institution supporting future research leaders. But what does it mean to an ordinary citizen? What would such an institution offer for them? The ‘so what’ question, for the ordinary citizen.

It’s high time to reflect on this – research for whose benefit?

An academic or research institution can be a place that can offer a degree, a job, better life, promotion, good marriage, patent, opportunity to see the world through academic travel, publications, a thesis to hang dust in a library. However, let’s question over selves – what is there beyond us and for public good.

Serious reflection on what is beyond us is an urgent need; that is what the culture shift – research for people’s benefits demands. A paradigm shift in the way we look at the benefits and impact of research one does. In simplest term, impact is making a difference to people’s lives.

Why beyond us? Because we are products of free public education, we use public funds for research, and even public knowledge; the knowledge is also on most occasions is something others have left behind and we are enriching them through research.

Therefore, we have a moral and ethical obligation to think beyond us. It’s not only the politicians who should be transparent and accountable. We academics too are answerable to the public. This is the salient feature not recognised enough by the academia.

This is the culture shift I am talking about. Therefore, in the journey towards a ‘culture shift’, the ethos and the attitudes are crucial. Bad attitude is like a flat tire, you cannot go anywhere without changing it. Hence attitude change is central to everything.

Please also do remember change is generally resisted and challenging the ‘norm’ may be faced with significant animosity, especially from ego centric, self-centred, especially insecure personalities and power brokers.

In order to achieve an attitude change, it has to come within. Such an internal change will ignite the change externally. It’s a synergistic process. That is where agents of change are needed, it’s a prerequisite for a culture shift.

Hence to make this ‘culture shift; research for peoples benefit’, the agents of change should be scientists and researchers themselves. We need far sighted future research leaders, to be role models and genuine and committed research leaders. Such leadership attributes will count much more than academic brilliance. Hence a serious reflection of the attitudes of scientists of our time is demanded by the prevailing circumstances; especially in the current context.

In doing so we need to realise that, an action without a vision is drudgery and vision without action is only dreaming. Never dream, because those can easily be forgotten, instead we should have targets. Hence such a vision coupled with action can change the word.

We should remember any such change especially, a culture shift in research for peoples benefits need good teams and ethos to ignite transferable and sustainable changes. In such teams we need visionaries, theoreticians, but also pragmatists and activists. All these attributes will be rare in one person, and that is why we need teams. However, in a team; a true leader is different from a manager or a boss. Leaders manage the future and managers manage the day to day ‘mess’.

However, a ‘boss is even different to a manager. A true leader is a coach, a mentor, relies on goodwill, generates enthusiasm among the team members, say we, develop people, give credits to others and share benefits while accept the blame and defeat. They bind team members together. However, a ‘Boss’, demand and rely on authority only, says I, use people, take credit for success but blame others for failures, and thinks only about ‘my way’, and are ego centric and self-centred people.

The art of science is very much different from science. Most of the scientists are generally very good at their science. But what they lack is the art of science. That is the art of delivering scientific benefits by communicating about them to policy planners for public good and converting them into products and services. Ironically the conceptual frame work is non-existent in majority.

That is why there is plenty of research describing the problem (descriptive research) but no intervention research to rectify the problem. There is so much of descriptive research on CKDU (chronic kidney disease of unknown origin) but people continue to suffer from kidney failure and finally die short of their life. There is a load of research on human and elephant conflict but people continue to die being attacked by elephants. People still have to talk about monkeys challenging human life.

That is why a culture shift – research for people’s benefit is needed. But what should be the process.

The new government has a Ministry science and technology. However, is it only the duty of the Minister, the Ministry officials and the scientist and the far-sighted research leaders? No, the public also has an equal duty and responsibility. Why?

The public has an equal responsibility as they should not be expected to be passive recipients of the benefits. But a critique may say ‘do the general public have any insight into the word research’. Such an attitude is also a serious misperception that needs to change if one is expected to have a tangible culture shift. But is it a utopia?

Patient and public involvement and engagement (PPIE) or community engagement in medical research is firmly established in the West. It is now extending as a fundamental element of health research in low- and middle-income countries (LMIC). It place public contributors at the centre of research and its outcomes, and helps ensure that its scope, processes, and evaluation are more relevant, appropriate and beneficial to the end users of research. There is overwhelming research evidence that the public frequently prioritise themes topics for research that are different to those of academics and health professionals. Research evidence also demonstrates that the quality and appropriateness of research is enhanced and the likelihood of successful recruitment to studies increased, and implementation of the findings is improved when the public are involved and engaged in research.

It is a process of active partnership between researchers, professionals, and members of the public in prioritising, designing and delivering research. It is defined as “research being carried out ‘with’ or ‘by’ members of the public rather than ‘to’, ‘about’ or ‘for’ them”.

The above is an absolutely essential component if one is serious in making this culture shift- research for peoples benefit.

Beyond any doubt what so ever we have brilliant researchers’ world leading in terms of conventional indicators of ‘success’ entirely from and academic point of view. However even that is also fragmented and patchy. There has to be an overarching research culture but even that will not deliver as it will be ‘business as usual’.

Finally it also demands not working in silos but in a truly respectful and mutually beneficial partnership. In such an ethos plagiarism (taking someone else’s work or ideas and passing them off as one’s own.) should be thoroughly condemned as it is a moral violation of research ethics. Patents will never be the sole protection against plagiarism. The silent good majority should be educated and empowered. Such a collective effort with public engagement and involvement will pave the way for the culture shift- research for peoples benefit which is a slogan of a minority right now. But it can be made ‘infectious’.

So once again let me reiterate – we need a culture shift – research for people benefit

Let’s work collectively not just to make Sri Lanka the granary of Asia, but also the intelligence warehouse/hub of Asia.

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A winter surge of Respiratory Infections sweeps across China

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Covid-like HMPV virus outbreak in China: HMPV is primarily spread through close contact with an infected individual or by touching contaminated surfaces.

by Dr B. J. C. Perera
MBBS(Cey), DCH(Cey), DCH(Eng), MD(Paed), MRCP(UK), FRCP(Edin), FRCP(Lond),
FRCPCH(UK), FSLCPaed, FCCP, Hony. FRCPCH(UK), Hony. FCGP(SL)
Specialist Consultant Paediatrician and Honorary Senior Fellow, Postgraduate Institute of Medicine, University of Colombo, Sri Lanka.
Joint Editor, Sri Lanka Journal of Child Health
Section Editor, Ceylon Medical Journal
Past President, Sri Lanka Medical Association (2013).
Founder President, Sri Lanka College of Paediatricians (1996-97)

There is considerable global concern regarding the current escalation of respiratory infections in China. Of course, the main reason for worldwide apprehension on the present situation is linked to the everlasting memory of COVID-19 pandemic that was claimed to have originated in China and caused havoc and mayhem right across the globe. The memories of the dire effects of that miserable virus are quite fresh in the mind of the entire planetary population.

This time however, as winter gripped China, that entire nation is made to grapple with a surge in respiratory infections, a confluence of viruses and bacteria overwhelming their healthcare systems. It is reported that all health services in China are tried to the extreme maximum and stretched to the limit. While COVID-19 still remains quite a concern in China, it is now joined by a formidable cast of microorganisms or bugs, including influenza, respiratory syncytial virus (RSV), adenovirus, rhinovirus, human metapneumovirus (HMPV), and Mycoplasma pneumoniae. The last-mentioned mycoplasma organism is a somewhat strange bacterium that is known to cause significant lung infections, especially in children and the elderly. However, it is the only one out of that entire lot against which there are effective antibacterial therapies.

In the face of evolving information about human infections being caused by this plethora of different organisms, the present situation in China, aptly described as a huge storm of many types of respiratory infections, has now sparked fears of a widespread health crisis in that country. That would concomitantly lead to shivers down the spines of inhabitants of many other countries, especially in view of the memories of the terrible consequences that followed COVID-19.

The present wave of chest infections in China is a stark reminder of the ever-evolving nature of respiratory illnesses. While COVID-19 dominated headlines for quite a few years, the recent easing of restrictions has also allowed other viruses and bacteria to resurge. The current respiratory infection surge in China is a complex phenomenon driven by multiple pathogens.

Of all these bugs that are causing havoc in China, influenza is well-known to be perennial winter threat, and remains as a very significant player. Both influenza A and B strains are circulating, causing fever, cough, sore throat, and muscle aches. In severe cases, influenza can lead to pneumonia and even death, particularly among the elderly and those with underlying health conditions.  Respiratory Syncytial Virus, primarily affects young children, has the potential to cause mild cold-like symptoms to severe bronchiolitis and pneumonia. Its resurgence has overwhelmed paediatric wards in many parts of China. Adenoviruses are also known to cause problems in children, leading to a range of illnesses, from mild respiratory infections to severe pneumonia as well as eye involvement in the form of conjunctivitis. Rhinovirus, the most common cause of the common cold, can contribute to the overall burden of respiratory infections. There are major concerns regarding the Human Metapneumovirus. Often overlooked, HMPV can cause symptoms similar to the flu, including fever, cough, and difficulty breathing. However, it poses a particular risk to infants, young children, and the elderly, in whom it could go on to a life-threatening illness. Mycoplasma pneumoniae can cause a type of pneumonia known as “walking pneumonia,” characterized by a persistent cough and mild fever but we cannot forget that in some cases the illness becomes quite severe.

The timing of this surge coincides with the onset of winter in China, a period when respiratory infections are typically more prevalent. Cold weather can weaken the immune system, making individuals more susceptible to infection. In the Western countries that have winter weather, respiratory infections are quite common but has not assumed the proportions that are presently seen in China. Additionally, in many countries, including China, the prolonged period of COVID-19 restrictions may have weakened population immunity to other respiratory pathogens as well, contributing to the severity of the current wave in China.

As indicated above, certain groups are particularly vulnerable to severe illness from these infections. In young children the immune systems are still developing, making them more susceptible to severe infections from all kinds of viruses. The elderly have already weakened immune systems as well as other underlying health conditions that put them at increased risk of severe illness and complications. Individuals with chronic health conditions, including young and the middle-aged who are afflicted by asthma, diabetes, and heart disease are more likely to experience severe complications from respiratory infections. Pregnancy too can weaken the immune system, making pregnant women more susceptible to severe illness.

The relentless surge in sheer numbers of affected people has put a significant strain on China’s healthcare system. Hospitals are overflowing with patients, and medical staff are working tirelessly to provide care. This has led to concerns about the quality of care and the potential for further strain on the system. The current situation in China serves as a stark reminder of the importance of preparedness for epidemics of respiratory infections. It highlights the need for robust surveillance systems, access to vaccines and antiviral medications, and strong public health measures to mitigate the impact of these infections.

All these causative organisms spread to humans through the nose and the respiratory tract and the majority of them are exquisitely infectious, thereby leading to rapid spread of the diseases caused by them. One cannot help but reiterate the mantra of the usefulness of wearing masks, avoiding crowded places, maintaining reasonable distances from others and scrupulous washing of hands as time-tested means of preventing respiratory infections. Preparedness and proactive public health measures are crucial to mitigate the impact of future respiratory infection outbreaks. This aspect is particularly important for countries like Sri Lanka as the modern-day fast air travel could make it not too difficult for these infections to come into the country. It calls for cat-like vigilance on the part of our health authorities to enable them to act decisively when the occasion demands it.

As winter progresses, it remains crucial to monitor the situation closely and implement measures to protect vulnerable populations. By staying informed and taking precautions, we can help mitigate the impact of this ongoing health challenge. There is no cause for alarm as yet for us in this Pearl of the Indian Ocean but we need to follow the adage that “a stitch in time saves nine.”

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Unfolding AKD security strategy

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By Shamindra Ferdinando

On the eve of Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) General Shavendra Silva’s retirement, Defence Secretary Air Vice Marshal (retd.) Sampath Thuyacontha declared the National People’s Power (NPP) government’s intention to review the armed force structures to ensure, what he called, optimal utilization of resources.

AVM Thuyacontha also proposed to enhance the armed forces operational efficiency by implementing targeted recruitment and focusing on quality over quantity in personnel selection.

Reforms in our opinion, too, are a must, especially knowing that many made a business out of the war against the separatist terrorists for it to drag on unnecessarily for so long, with the country suffering immeasurably in terms of lost lives and limbs, broken families, etc., etc. But such reforms should not have any kind of political connotations other than to fight wastage and corruption.

Defence Secretary Thuyacontha made the announcement at a Navy passing out parade at the ‘Naval and Maritime Academy’ (NMA) in Trincomalee on the evening of Dec. 28.

Present on the occasion were the then Navy Commander Vice Admiral Priyantha Perera and Commandant of the NMA Commodore R Joseph, a former Sri Lankan Defence Advisor at the Sri Lankan High Commission in New Delhi.

Against the backdrop of NPP leader Anura Kumara Disanayake (AKD) achieving the impossible at the presidential and parliamentary elections in September and November, last year, respectively, the new turn of events is certainly not surprising.

AVM Thuyacontha, who had been blacklisted by the SLAF, in March 2023, at the behest of the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government for throwing his weight behind the NPP, is now at the helm of the country’s war-winning security forces. The then government found fault with the SLAF veteran for appearing on the NPP political platforms at a time the then government was fighting back the growing political threat posed by AKD. Along with the AVM, the government blacklisted two more SLAF personnel. They were barred from even entering any military facility.

The decorated helicopter gunship pilot successfully moved the Supreme Court against the SLAF decision and in early Sept. 2023, the SC bench, comprising Justices Yasantha Kodagoda and Arjuna Obeysekera, ordered that Thuyacontha be granted all retirement benefits he was deprived of a couple of months before. The government and the SLAF top brass ended up with egg on their faces.

Another senior retired officer, targeted by the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government, is Maj. Gen. Aruna Jayasekara, as he, too, earned the wrath of the government for publicly declaring his support for the NPP.

The government, as well as the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB), politically feared the grouping of retired military and police officers openly supporting NPP. Action directed at Thuyacontha and Jayasekara was meant to discourage not only the retired but serving armed forces and their families. While Thuyacontha, in Sept. 2024 received appointment as the Defence Secretary, Jayasekara, one-time post-war Security Forces Commander, East, emerged as Deputy Defence Minister. AKD brought Jayasekara into Parliament through the NPP National List to ensure continuous supervision.

Whatever the differences between them, Wickremesinghe and Premadasa realized the unprecedented political threat posed by the retired armed forces fraternity and the serving military being supportive of NPP against the backdrop of Aragalaya activists overthrowing President Gotabaya Rajapaksa through unconstitutional means and nearly overrunning the Parliament thereafter.

By the time Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s successor moved against Thuyacontha, in March 2023, the ruling Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) had already lost its politically commanding position over the retired armed forces and police. Following the eradication of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), in May 2009, the Rajapaksas consolidated their position vis-a-vis armed forces. In fact, the process began during the 2007-2008 period as the then Lt. Gen. Sarath Fonseka’s Army turned things around in the Eastern and Northern theatres.

But let me stress that wouldn’t have been a reality without supportive and strategic roles played by then Vice Admiral Wasantha Karannagoda’s Navy and then Air Vice Marshal Roshan Goonetilleke’s spearheading those two services. Even though Fonseka wanted to collect all the trophies for himself, it was the frontline military commanders that did the bulk of the work, undoubtedly very ably led by Fonseka, from Colombo, after he miraculously survived an attempt on his life by a female LTTE suicide bomber inside the Army Headquarters complex in April 2006.

AVM Thuyacontha, in his capacity as the Commanding Officer of No 09 attack helicopter squadron, earned a name for himself at the risk of his life. What really prompted Thuyacontha to throw his weight behind the NPP after his retirement?

AKD’s agenda

When the writer recently sought an explanation from an authoritative source regarding planned changes, without hesitation he underscored President Disanayake’s decision not to grant extensions to incumbent service commanders Lt. Gen. Vikum Liyanage (Army), Vice Admiral Priyantha Perera (Navy) and Air Marshal Udeni Rajapaksa (Air Force).

Although, the government hasn’t disclosed or given any indication yet regarding the proposed review of armed forces structures or what it intended to achieve, President Disanayake has effected changes. Lt. Gen. Liyanage and VA Perera were on their second extension and weren’t considered for further extensions. They were replaced by Lt. Gen. Lasantha Rodrigo, Deputy Chief of Staff and Chief of Staff VA Kanchana Banagoda.

Army Chief of Staff Maj. Gen. Dinesh Nanayakkara hadn’t been considered for the top post. Nanayakkara, one-time Military Liaison Officer (MLO) at the time Gen. Kamal Gunaratne had served as the Defence Secretary, obviously failed to earn the confidence of the new political leadership.

Air Marshal Rajapaksa will retire on January 29, this year, and the obvious replacement is Chief of Staff AVM Sampath Wickramaratne, a celebrated fighter pilot.

In line with the overall changes in the defence sector, the NPP government may abolish the Office of the Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) thereby paving the way for the Defence Ministry to enhance its overall role. Perhaps, those who had been crushed by AKD at the presidential and parliamentary elections may have believed he would opt for a civilian Defence Secretary. They may never have thought AKD was going to accommodate a retired Maj. Gen. on its National List and make him Deputy Defence Minister.

AKD’s strategy should be examined with that of President Maithripala Sirisena (2015 January to 2019 November) who dealt a deadly blow to the defence setup by appointing four civilian defence secretaries, B.M.U.D. Basnayake (2015 Jan.-2015 Sept.), Karunasena Hettiarachchi (2015 Sept.-2017 July), Kapila Waidyaratne, PC (2017 July to 2018 Oct), and Hemasiri Fernando (2018 Oct. to 2019 April). The deterioration that had been caused by the Yahapalana political leadership that created an environment for the National Thowheed Jamaat (NTJ) to carry out the Easter Sunday carnage during Hemasiri Fernando’s tenure.

Perhaps the Easter Sunday massacre could have been averted if the post of Defence Secretary was held by a retired military officer. The pathetic way Sirisena had handled Defence proved that he simply lacked even the basic knowledge in handling the vital subject, in spite of his experience as a Cabinet Minister.

After the humiliating security debacle, Sirisena brought in retired Army Commander Gen. Shantha Kottegoda. The country was in such turmoil with Sirisena at loggerheads with his Prime Minister Wickremesinghe at that time, he couldn’t fill the Secretary Defence post immediately after Fernando’s removal. Hemasiri Fernando was removed on April 25. Kottegoda received his appointment on April 29th.

AKD, who is also the leader of the Janatha Vimukthi Peremuna (JVP) that waged two unsuccessful terror campaigns in ’71 and 1987-1990, in a bid to grab power, did something no previous President had done. The President who holds the Defence portfolio brought in a retired senior officer to Parliament on the National List, specifically to serve as his Deputy. AKD also holds a Finance portfolio and, over the past couple of months, proved that regardless of his critics repeatedly questioning his experience is equal to the task, despite some serious blemishes in the form of shortages of basics, like quality rice and coconuts.

New appointments

AKD has declared that State Ministers wouldn’t be appointed. This decision is based on the NPP’s assertion that appointment of State Ministers is meant to appease lawmakers and nothing but a waste of public funds.

Since the presidential election AKD has made some key appointments/changes: (1) Within a week after winning the presidential election, Senior DIG Priyantha Weerasooriya was appointed as the Acting IGP. The appointment sealed the fate of Deshabandu Tennakoon who enjoyed the backing of the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government, but was unceremoniously suspended by the Supreme Court on July 24, 2024. The SC declared that the order would be effective until the final determination of nine Fundamental Rights applications filed challenging his appointment as IGP. That dealt a severe blow to Wickremesinghe’s presidential election campaign. For the first time in our history, a national election was conducted in the absence of an IGP. Police headquarters handled the security admirably.

Weerasooriya’s appointment will be made permanent once the SC announced its determination in respect of FR applications filed against Tennakoon.

(2) In the first week of Oct., 2024, AKD replaced State Intelligence Service (SIS) head Maj. Gen. Suresh Sally. Intelligence services veteran Sally who had held the top post since 2019 after the presidential election, was replaced by DIG Dhammika Kumara. The SIS had been always run by a senior police officer until Gotabaya Rajapaksa brought in Sally in place of Senior DIG Nilantha Jayawardena, the man in the centre of controversy over the failure on the part of the Yahapalana leadership to thwart the Easter Sunday carnage.

Successive governments bent backwards to appease influential Jayawardena to such an extent the senior DIG was able to continue in police regardless of proven allegations against him in respect of the Easter Sunday security failure. The National Police Commission (NPC) sent him on compulsory leave only in July 2024, five years after near simultaneous NTJ suicide blasts claimed the lives of 270 Lankans and foreigners and caused injuries to over 400 others.

(3) In December last year, Brigadier Deepatha Ariyasena received appointment as head of Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI), the premier intelligence arm of the government. Like the new head of SIS, Dhammika Kumara, Brig. Ariyasena, in spite of not having an intelligence background, is expected to build up the respective ‘formations.’ Ariyasena replaced Brigadier Chandrika Mahathanthila.

(4) Maj. General Ruwan Wanigasooriya was brought in as new Chief of National Intelligence (CNI), a post held by Maj. Gen. Ruwan Kulathunga since June 2019. The Yahapalana administration erred in bringing in a retired senior policeman, much respected investigator DIG Sisira Mendis as CNI. Coupled with the appointment of civilians as Secretary Defence, the appointment of the retired DIG Mendis as directed by the then Premier Ranil Wickremesinghe, too, contributed to the overall intelligence failure that led to the horrific Easter Sunday carnage.

Regardless of various investigations, at different levels, the country still does not know why the Easter Sunday carnage couldn’t have been thwarted. Although many questioned the failure on the part of the intelligence community to act on specific information provided by India, perhaps sufficient attention hadn’t been paid to the pathetic way the government disregarded its own investigations.

SS retirement

Gen. Shavendra Silva, wartime General Officer Commanding (GoC) of the celebrated 58 Division, in his farewell message made reference to only one other officer who served with him. That was military leader and strategist Chagie Gallage, who retired in late August 2018. Both Gajaba Regiment veterans played crucial roles in the war against the LTTE and as Gen. Silva recalled his senior colleague had been the war-winning Army Chief Sarath Fonseka’s first choice as the Commanding Officer of Task Force 1 established to conduct offensive action on the Mannar theatre.

Due to sudden illness that befell Gallage, Silva was named the TF 1 commander and the rest is history. Like Gallage, Silva, too, retired while facing unsubstantiated war crimes accusations. Gallage remained to date the only officer to boldly raise the contentious issue at the time he delivered his farewell speech at the regimental headquarters.

A week after his retirement on Aug. 31, 2018, Gallage praised the Gajaba Home at Saliyapura, Anuradhapura: “Gajaba was engraved in golden letters in the annals of the history of the Sri Lanka Army, if not in the history of Sri Lanka … and I’m certain it will never be reversed by any.”

“So, I’m happy to be retired being a tiny particle of that proud chapter of our history, though designated as a ‘War Criminal.”

In a few lines, Gallage delivered a devastating attack on all those who had shirked their responsibility for countering lies propagated by interested parties until sections of the Army were categorised as war criminals. Gallage’s was a case in point.

Gallage dealt with a range of issues on the eve of the 35th anniversary of the Gajaba Regiment. There had never been a previous instance of an officer having the courage to question at a farewell banquet, about him being unfairly categorized as a war criminal. It would be pertinent to examine why Gallage declared: “So, I’m happy to be retired being a tiny particle of that proud chapter of history, though designated as a ‘War Criminal.’”

Now that the new government has declared its intention to review the armed force structures to ensure what he called optimal utilization of resources, it should without further delay pay attention to war crimes accusations. Mahinda Rajapaksa’s war-winning government, as well as subsequent governments, pathetically failed to build a proper defence on the basis of Lord Naseby’s revelations in Oct. 2017, made two years after the treacherous Yahapalana leadership betrayed our war-winning valiant armed forces at the Geneva-based United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC).

Led by Sirisena and Wickremesinghe, it became the only government in the world to move resolution against its own armed forces before the world.

Australia denied a visa to Gallage during the Yahapalana government. The government did nothing. The US declared a travel ban on Silva in Feb. 2020. Let me reproduce the declaration made by the then US Secretary of State, Mike Pompeo, on Feb. 13, 2020: “I am designating Shavendra Silva making him ineligible for entry into the US due to his involvement in extrajudicial killings during Sri Lanka’s Civil War. The US will not waver in its pursuit of accountability for those who commit war crimes and violate human rights.”

Sri Lanka never had a cohesive action plan to defend its armed forces, thereby allowing those who couldn’t stomach Sri Lanka’s triumph over the Tiger terrorist and their supporters’ project to relentlessly pursue war crimes accusations against the country. Lord Naseby’s disclosure, based on information obtained from the UK government, proved that Sri Lanka never pursued a policy meant to kill Tamils and 40,000 civilians didn’t perish as alleged by the UN Panel of Experts in March 2011. Not only that Sri Lanka also disregarded wartime US Defence Advisor Lt. Col. Lawrence Smith’s declaration against the unsubstantiated claims of battlefield executions. In other words, the US official contradicted retired General Sarath Fonseka’s utterly irresponsible and treacherous accusations pertaining to battlefield executions carried out by the 58 Division.

Gen. Silva, on the eve of his retirement, mentioned battlefield exploits of his Division. But, what really interested the writer was his denial of serving the interests of foreign powers bent on ousting Gotabaya Rajapaksa in line with US-India geopolitical strategy as alleged by National Freedom Front (NFF) leader Wimal Weerawansa. The economic, political and social crisis created by the Gotabaya Rajapaksa government as ruled by the Supreme Court facilitated external interventions. Under no circumstances can we forget that no less a person than then Speaker Mahinda Abeywardena declared in Parliament that external power made an overt intervention and, according to Weerawansa, that was the US.

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