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The early years of Dickmans Road and its environs

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by Hugh Karunanayake

Dickmans Road in Bambalapitiya was given its name at the end of the 19th century. The road itself connecting Galle Road to Havelock Road (then called Bambalapitiya Road) existed even before the 1880s and at the time was one of the few roads linking the western seaboard with Colombo’s hinterland, but in its early years did not have a name.

There is no information available on how the road got its name. It was possibly after Cornelius Dickman a descendant from the Dutch who compiled and published a Manual of the Ceylon Civil Service. He was appointed to the Civil Service in 1868 and was Assistant Auditor General for 18 years before he retired in 1886. He however lived most of his life in Dematagoda, so there is a question mark against that possibility.

What we know for certain is that the Dickman name was tagged to this road around 1901 and remained so for more than a century until it was changed a few years ago to Lester James Peiris Mawatha to honour the well known film director who took up residence on that road in recent years.

The prominent landmark situated at the Galle Road end of the road is that of the Church of St Paul at Milagiriya built in 1848 on a large plot of land granted by the government. The area from Galle Road right up to Jawatte was called Milagiriya after a Portuguese church dedicated to Our Lady of Miracles which stood on the site of the Jawatte cemetery. At the site of the church was a well which supposedly had healing properties. St Paul’s Church, Milagiriya was located in a largely uninhabited area at the time known as Bambalapitiya.

St Paul’s Girls School which was established as a Parish School attached to the Church in 1887 is a national school today with over 4,000 pupils. At the turn of the twentieth century this area consisted of coconut and cinnamon estates. Among these was Bambalapitiya Estate a coconut estate of 42-acres and Bamabalapitiya watte, a cinnamon estate of 37-acres both belonging to Mudaliyar Pereira of Kollupitiya. Mrs Jeronis Peiris owned a 14-acre cinnamon estate also called Bambalapitiya. Stuart Peiris owned Richiewatte a 42-acre cinnamon estate which occupied much of the land between Lauries Road and Dickmans Road. Most of today’s suburb of Thimbirigasyaya was a 48-acre coconut cum cinnamon estate called Thimbirigasyaya owned by Adrian de Abrew Jayasekera.

Havelock Town was opened in 1901 with the creation of Layards Road, Elibank Road, and Skelton Road all leading off Dickmans Road. Havelock Park was also opened up during that time; the name commemorating the gubernatorial work of former Governor of Ceylon Sir Arthur Havelock. The Havelock Golf Club had its humble origins with a four hole course on the Havelock Park in the early 1900s.

The Burgher Recreation Club was for many years known as the Bambalapitiya Recreation Club also found its home on the Havelock Park in1906. The club itself was established in 1896 , its foundation meeting held in the verandah of a house called Ardgowan belonging to Mr. FJ Lucas Fernando Snr a wealthy landowner who was one of the first to build in the newly established Havelock Town. His property, “Norwood” on Layards Road extended into Elibank Road and its large grounds were used by the Bambalapitiya Recreation Club for its sports activities including cricket until it moved to Havelock Park.

Mr Fernando’s family including his two sons-in-law, Dr DC de Fonseka and JB de Fonseka and extended family were pioneer settlers in the Layards Road, Elibank Road area where successive generations resided for over a 100 years.

St Paul’s Milagiriya originally stood on extensive lands part of which were sold to finance the building of a new Church adjoining the site of the old one. The sale of land which occurred in1902 realised Rs 44,000 which went towards the construction of the new church. Mr HJ Peiris, a well known renter and plantation owner purchased some of the land which was later gifted to his elder daughter, Bernice, who married Dr EA Cooray one time member of the State Council, in 1911.

A few years later the Coorays built their palatial home, Belvoir, which stood opposite the church across Galle Road. Dr Cooray also gifted to the church the clock and its chiming bells which are in use at the church to this day. They also built two large two storied houses on Dickmans Road one of which was named Doniford which were for decades leased to Brown and Co as residence for its Chairman. Mr W. A. Mudie who was appointed Managing Director of Brown and Co in 1938 lived in “Doniford” for over 20 years. Those buildings were later amalgamated to form the Havelock Tour Inn during the 1970s and today form together with Belvoir, the Belvoir International School.

By the 1950s Dickmans Road and its connecting roads, Dickmans Lane, Dickmans Path, Bethesda Place, Ebert Place De Fonseka Place, Anderson Road, together with Layards Road, Elibank Road, and Skelton Road had developed into a tranquil cosmopolitan suburbia with much sought after homes of distinctive character. It is the aim of this article to recall some of the homes and associated personalities which breathed life to this area in mid twentieth century Ceylon.

The area was then populated with homes that were spacious and elegant and owned and occupied by professionals and landed proprietors who could afford an establishment usually with three or four domestic aides including cook, houseboy, chauffeur and the ubiquitous “ayah”. The average house had neatly tended gardens and in keeping with the trend of that era each house had a distinctive name often an anglicised one also in keeping with the times.

One family that lived on Dickmans Road for over 100 years is that of Magdon Ismail whose house was called Noor Mahal located at the Galle Road end of Dickmans Road opposite the St. Paul’s Church. Magdon Ismail was Director of the company called Taylor and Mackay and it was at his home that the inaugural meeting of the Havelock Golf Club took place in 1904 and he was elected its first President. In recent times this house was subject to an armed home invasion which attracted much publicity.

A couple of doors away was the home of lawyer Abdul Cader. On the opposite side was Donegal the two storied home of Heptula Abdulaly whose father established Eastern Aquaria in the back yard of their home and was a centre for the sale of tropical fish for many years. The Abdulalys continue to live in the house which is a well known landmark on the street. Dickmans Path which ran on the side of this home has been subsumed by the newly constructed Duplication Road running parallel to Galle Road. Among the well known residents of Dickmans Path was Dr C Amirthalingam, then Director of Fisheries and JL Silva, for many years General Manager of Ceylon Insurance Co.

Dickmans Lane which was on the opposite side to Dickman’s Path has also been obliterated from the map being swallowed by Duplication Road. Bethesda Place named after Bethesda Hall which adjoins it is a small road with about a dozen homes connecting De Fonseka Road. Bethesda Gospel Hall is a large building standing back from the road and carrying a banner permanently encrypted on the front facade of its main entrance porch with the words “The Lord Jesus is coming again . Are you ready?”. Hundreds of thousands of passers by would have over the years, read these words which could still be seen 95 years after they were inscribed.

The hall was built in April 1919. The land and the hall were gifted to the church by Isabel Amelia Loos a wealthy lady and wife of F.C. Loos, leading attorney of the day. Further on the same side of Dickmans Road was “Gitanjali” for many years the home of leading criminal lawyer GG Ponnambalam It was from this home that his son, Kumar, attended school at Royal College. The Ponnambalams later moved to Queens Road taking the name of the house to their new residence.

Lester James Peiris, the film director lived in this property. A few doors away from here was the home of Dr Turab Fazlebas, ENT Surgeon who moved to his newly built home “Gulistan” from Castle Street where he previously resided. Turab’s daughter, Sakina, was a well known speech pathologist working from the father’s home. Turab was the son in law of A Mamujee, a well known businessman of the day whose portrait was immortalised with its appearance in the much sought after book on Lionel Wendt published by Praeger in 1950.

Around here was Stubbs Place which had about a dozen homes including that of AM Rahim, the first Ceylonese MD of Henderson and Co. Two doors away was lawyer E.G.(Guy) Wikramanayake’s home “Sri Mahal” which stood beside Ebert Place. He migrated to Australia in the early 1970s where he passed away a few years later.

There were a few homes in Ebert place which was a “cul-de-sac”. A long resident family was the Seneviratnes headed by Postmaster-General Seneviratne and a large brood of children of whom the boys attended St Peter’s College. Almost every evening school friends and associates of the Seneviratne boys used to assemble at the turn off to Ebert Place and hang around chatting away even long after evening shadows had fallen. This very informal group was for some years in the 1950s/60s a part of social life in the area and participation extended to other young men from near and far.

The inevitable smoke was bought from the “kadai” adjoining Ebert Place which by itself was a popular shop in the locality for vegetables and groceries. Next to the kadai was the Havelock Town Post Office a popular public institution in the area. The home of Dunstan de Silva, the first President of the Aero Club of Ceylon founded in 1928, adjoined De Fonseka Place which led off Dickmans Road. Further down the road lived C.I Gunasekera famous cricketer and tennis player and vintage car enthusiast.

Around here was Anderson Road which is no more a cul de sac .Among the more notable residents on Anderson Road was Hildon Sansoni, reputed tennis player and ADC to successive Governors. His wife Barbara was equally renowned as a pioneer promoter of handloom fabrics and the founder of Barefoot in Kollupitiya. Their home became a sales centre for handloom fabrics in the sixties.

The Dickmans Road /Havelock Road intersection was the site for the second set of traffic lights to be installed in Colombo-the first was at the Turret Road/Galle Road Junction. At the end of Dickmans Road on the opposite side were the Bogala Flats built by graphite magnate Sir Ernest (E.P.A.) Fernando who built these apartments in the late 1940s on a site previously owned by a Maldivian and called “Didi Villa”. Sir Ernest opened his private nine hole golf course in Nawinna in 1958 but died not long after and the property was acquired by the government for the Ayurvedic Institute which still functions there.

Proceeding towards Galle Road on the left hand side of Dickmans Road was the home of AL Jayasuriya, later occupied by Dr CJC de Silva. The Jeevanjees lived a few doors away. Around here was “Cliveden” the home of Dr Leembruggen and “Clovelly” the home of Electrical Engineer GB Misso whose son, Vincent, a tea planter known to some Ceylon Society of Australia (CSA) members may still be resident there.

The turn off to Skelton Road was here and this road too hosted some well known families of that era. Among them was Sir Donatus Victoria who owned Victoria Hotel in the Pettah and who ran the railway catering service for many years. He lived in a house called “Alcoque” almost opposite to his brother JS Victoria’s residence on the same road. Architect Alles was another resident and Dr Thillainathan lived in a home called “Land’s End” which was located near the Wellawatte canal which skirted the end of the road.

Between Skelton Road and Elibank Road were a few houses on Dickmans Road. At Elibank Road at its corner with Dickmans Road stood the home of Mudaliyar Silva, a ship chandler. Next door was “Delmar ” the home of Dr Leo Peries whose brother Wilfred lived two doors away in his home “Leawood”. Wilfred Peries was Produce Broker at Mackwoods and later Director of the company. His only son Tony an esteemed former President of our CSA was the first Ceylonese Chairman of the leading mercantile firm of the time, George Steuart and Co.Tony would certainly have pleasant memories growing up in that area.

Other well known residents were the Ebramjees who lived in “Sadikot”, Dr Eric Schockman in “Havelock House” and Dallas Gunasekera brother of the cricketer C.I in “Thurlestone”. Former Chief Justice H.H. Basnayake lived in “Elibank House” to which he moved in the 1950s from his home on Havelock Road. His house had a reputation among legal circles for its well stocked library mainly of law books.

While the Lucas Fernanado property was easily the largest down Layards Road with its sprawling home “Norwood” it also had a large tract of unbuilt land adjoining it which was used as a place for drying laundered clothes by a cluster of washer families who were given access to the property. A couple of years after Lucas Fernando Jnr’s death in 1958 his family blocked out the land and was fully built upon . Among those who acquired a sub division was Mr Kasi Choksy a former. Finance Minister.

Almost opposite Norwood was the popular Trevine Gardens run by Ian Oorloff. The property was first owned by Phillip de Silva, a plumbago mine owner from whom the Nagel family acquired it. EF Don who was a former Secretary of the Havelock Golf Club during its tenure at Havelock Park lived down this road in his home named “Myrtles”. Another well known resident was Lyn Ludowyke who had the distinction of being appointed Professor of English at the University of Ceylon at the early age of 30 years.

The end of Layards Road connected with Lorenz Road which commenced from Galle Road. Lorenz Road was bordered on one side by the grounds of the Wellawatte kovil and on the other by an uninterrupted row of houses running almost the entire length of the road. The entire property including the section that abutted Layards Road originally belonged to Bambalapitiya Estate of Mudaliyar Pereira and later by his kinsman Wellawattage William Peiris whose descendants still live in adjoining homes at the end of Layards Road.

The Dickmans Road – Havelock Town area is now part of a bustling metropolis partly blighted by subdivided housing and commercial buildings that have had an impact on the area’s serene genteel tranquillity. It is only inevitable that the environmental impact of changing land use patterns and skyrocketing land values will bring in its wake social change. The blight of commercial tide which will eventually overrun this once elegant and fashionable neighbourhood seems inevitable, however unwelcome. These notes will hopefully help evoke some pleasant memories of a not too distant past especially to those who have known the area.



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Driving high-tech exports: The pivotal role of R&D

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High-tech exports serve as a critical driver of economic growth and global competitiveness for nations. In an era marked by rapid technological advancements and globalization, the ability of a country to expand its high-tech exports hinges significantly on its investment in research and development (R&D). By fostering innovation, enhancing product quality, and improving production efficiency, R&D plays a pivotal role in determining a country’s success in the high-tech export sector. This essay explores the significance of R&D in driving high-tech exports, highlighting its impact on product innovation, international competitiveness, and economic sustainability. Figure 1 compares High-Tech Exports among India, Malaysia and Sri Lanka. (See Graph 01)

The Link Between R&D and High-Tech Exports

R&D is the backbone of high-tech industries, enabling firms to develop cutting-edge products and services that cater to evolving global market demands. Technological innovations, resulting from R&D investments, enhance the quality, efficiency, and uniqueness of products, making them more attractive to international buyers. Countries with robust R&D ecosystems, such as the United States, Germany, and South Korea, have consistently led the world in high-tech exports. Their ability to create and commercialize innovative technologies underscores the direct correlation between R&D spending and export growth in the high-tech sector. Figure 2 compares High-Tech Exports and Research and Development expenses among India, Malaysia and Sri Lanka. (See Graph 2)

Figure 3 shows a comparison of High-Tech Exports and Research and Development expenses of Sri Lanka with Germany, Malaysia and the US. (See Graph 03)

Other Factors Influencing High-Tech Exports

While R&D is the primary driver of high-tech exports, several other factors also influence a country’s ability to compete in global technology markets. These include:

* Infrastructure and Logistics:

Efficient infrastructure, including transportation networks, digital connectivity, and advanced manufacturing facilities, is crucial for exporting high-tech products. However, without strong R&D, infrastructure alone cannot drive technological advancements.

* Trade Policies and Regulations:

Favourable trade policies, such as low tariffs, export incentives, and intellectual property protections, facilitate high-tech exports. Yet, without continuous innovation from R&D, trade policies alone cannot sustain competitiveness.

* Human Capital and Skilled Workforce:

A highly educated and technically skilled workforce is essential for high-tech industries. While talent is important, it must be complemented by R&D investments to create and commercialize innovations.

* Foreign Direct Investment (FDI):

FDI brings capital, expertise, and market access, enhancing a country’s ability to export high-tech products. However, nations that do not invest in R&D risk becoming mere assembly hubs rather than innovation leaders.

* Access to Capital and Financial Support:

Access to venture capital, government funding, and financial incentives supports high-tech industries. Yet, financial resources alone do not guarantee technological progress without active R&D efforts.

Why R&D is the Most Powerful Factor

Despite the influence of these factors, R&D remains the most powerful driver of high-tech exports because it is the source of continuous innovation and competitive advantage. Infrastructure, policies, human capital, and financial support can facilitate high-tech exports, but without groundbreaking research and new technological developments, a country risks stagnation in global markets. Nations that lead in high-tech exports—such as the US, Japan, and China—have consistently prioritized R&D, enabling them to pioneer new technologies and set industry standards.

Enhancing International Competitiveness

A strong R&D culture equips businesses with the ability to maintain a competitive edge in global markets. By developing proprietary technologies and advanced manufacturing processes, firms can reduce production costs, improve product functionality, and increase overall efficiency. This, in turn, enhances their competitive standing in international markets, allowing them to secure long-term trade relationships. Additionally, R&D-driven innovation fosters brand reputation and consumer trust, leading to increased demand for high-tech exports.

Economic Sustainability and Knowledge-Based Growth

Investing in R&D facilitates long-term economic sustainability by transitioning economies from resource-based models to knowledge-driven ones. High-tech exports contribute significantly to GDP growth, employment generation, and foreign exchange earnings. Countries that prioritize R&D in their high-tech sectors experience increased productivity, reduced dependency on traditional industries, and higher value-added output. Moreover, R&D fosters entrepreneurship and the development of start-ups, further strengthening the high-tech export ecosystem.

The Role of Government Policies and Industry Collaboration

Governments play a crucial role in fostering R&D through policy frameworks, financial incentives, and strategic collaborations. Public-private partnerships, tax incentives, and funding for research institutions are essential mechanisms that stimulate innovation. Additionally, collaboration between universities and industries facilitates technology transfer and the commercialization of research outcomes, leading to the development of exportable high-tech products.

The most appropriate and suitable types of R&D for driving high-tech exports include:

1. Applied Research

Applied research is crucial for fostering high-tech exports as it focuses on developing new technologies with immediate commercial applications. Unlike basic research, which is theoretical in nature, applied research is directed toward practical outcomes that enhance global competitiveness. For example, advancements in nanotechnology and artificial intelligence (AI) have significantly contributed to the global expansion of semiconductor and automation industries. Furthermore, applied research helps in bridging the gap between scientific discovery and market implementation, ensuring that new technologies can be effectively utilized in high-tech exports.

2. Product Development R&D

Product development R&D plays a key role in creating innovative products with unique features, enabling firms to differentiate themselves in international markets. It involves activities, such as prototype testing, performance enhancement, and feature innovation, which contribute to the competitive advantage of high-tech firms. For instance, the global smartphone industry continuously invests in R&D to develop new functionalities, improve user experience, and introduce cutting-edge designs, thereby sustaining consumer demand in highly competitive markets. The strategic focus on product innovation allows firms to maintain premium pricing and brand loyalty in high-tech sectors.

3. Process Innovation R&D

Process innovation R&D enhances production efficiency and cost-effectiveness, making high-tech exports more competitive in price-sensitive markets. This type of R&D focuses on improving manufacturing techniques, reducing waste, and integrating automation to optimize resource utilization. For example, the use of additive manufacturing (3D printing) in aerospace and biomedical industries has resulted in cost reductions and faster production cycles, leading to improved market penetration of high-tech exports. Companies that invest in process innovation are able to achieve economies of scale and maintain long-term cost advantages in global markets.

4. Collaborative R&D

Collaborative R&D, involving partnerships between academia, industry, and government, accelerates the commercialization of new technologies. Public-private partnerships (PPPs) facilitate knowledge exchange, reduce R&D costs, and increase the likelihood of successful innovation. A notable example is the European Union’s Horizon 2020 programme, which funds cross-border collaborative research to enhance industrial competitiveness and technological leadership. Additionally, collaboration between multinational corporations and research institutions has led to breakthrough innovations in biotechnology, renewable energy, and telecommunications. By leveraging diverse expertise and shared resources, collaborative R&D enhances the scalability and global reach of high-tech exports.

5. Market-Driven R&D

Market-driven R&D aligns research efforts with global consumer trends and regulatory requirements to maximize export potential. Unlike traditional R&D approaches that focus solely on technological advancements, market-driven R&D emphasizes consumer needs, sustainability, and compliance with international standards. For example, the increasing demand for environmentally friendly products has prompted R&D investments in electric vehicles (EVs) and sustainable packaging solutions, ensuring market acceptance and regulatory approval in various regions. Companies that integrate market intelligence into their R&D strategies are better positioned to develop products that meet international demand, enhance brand reputation, and drive high-tech export growth.

Conclusion

R&D stands as a cornerstone in driving high-tech exports, shaping a nation’s ability to compete in the global economy. While factors such as infrastructure, trade policies, human capital, FDI, and financial support play a role in high-tech exports, they are secondary to the fundamental necessity of continuous innovation. By fostering technological advancements, enhancing competitiveness, and promoting economic sustainability, R&D investments serve as the ultimate catalyst for high-tech export growth. Countries aiming to strengthen their high-tech export sectors must prioritize R&D policies and create an ecosystem that supports innovation, ensuring long-term prosperity in an increasingly technology-driven world.

Investing in different types of R&D is essential for fostering high-tech exports. Applied research drives technological advancements, product development R&D ensures market differentiation, and process innovation R&D enhances cost efficiency. Additionally, collaborative R&D accelerates innovation through strategic partnerships, while market-driven R&D ensures alignment with global consumer trends and regulatory standards. A comprehensive approach that incorporates all these R&D types will enable firms to sustain their competitive advantage and expand their presence in the global high-tech market.

(The writer, a senior Chartered Accountant and professional banker, is Professor at SLIIT University, Malabe. He is also the author of the “Doing Social Research and Publishing Results”, a Springer publication (Singapore), and “Samaja Gaveshakaya (in Sinhala). The views and opinions expressed in this article are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the institution he works for. He can be contacted at saliya.a@slit.lk and www.researcher.com)

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Will NPP continue Sri Lanka’s path of Economic Suicide?

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By Sunil Abhayawardhana

Though Sri Lanka has a new government, its first budget for 2025 remains within the conditions and targets of the ongoing IMF programme (which will continue until the end of 2027).

A major shortfall in the budget is the lack of a ‘developmental thrust,’ which is essential for the country to grow out of the current crisis. Rather than discussing the minutiae of the budget, it is worth looking at how Sri Lanka got into this situation by making the same mistakes over and over again.

Though these mistakes can be pointed out, mainstream economists prefer to stick to the outdated textbook economics taught at university even when proven wrong. Therefore, the best way to bring up Sri Lanka’s mistakes is through a comparative approach with the High Performing Asian Economies (HPAEs).

Missed Opportunities

At independence in 1948, Sri Lanka (then Ceylon) was expected to develop rapidly due to advantages such as its strategic location, which was expected to be a multiplier by itself. This ‘strategic location’ has not fully been made use of to this day.

The oil tank farm in Trincomalee was a big storage facility in 1948. If the government had negotiated to buy the facility from the British (which was finally done in 1965 for 250,000 sterling pounds) and set up a refinery, Trincomalee could have become the oil hub of Asia, long before Singapore. This could have saved the country from the perennial forex crisis that it had to deal with due to the diminishing returns from the plantation economy.

The plantation economy had reached its peak over two decades before Independence and was not able to sustain a growing population. Yet, the immediate post-Independence governments did nothing about this. Though funds were available, there was a deficit in the thinking and a lack of vision for the future. The lack of immediate effort to diversify and industrialise the economy was the first act of economic suicide.

At around the same time, HPAEs such as Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan (China) embarked on their development programmes, which have brought results far exceeding their own expectations. What was it that the HPAEs got so right, and what did Sri Lanka get so wrong?

A comparison between Sri Lanka and the HPAEs brings up many differences. The four major points of interest that stand out were as follows:

1) No plan

2) Bad theory

3) Bad advice

4) Not understanding development

No Plan

A sovereign country should know where it wants to go and how it hopes to reach its objectives. This is normally expressed in a development plan that provides the public with a clear roadmap. A plan becomes more necessary when countries start out from a very low level of development. An initial burst of energy is required before markets can take over.

A fair amount of strategic thinking goes into the formulation of such a plan. It should take into account the natural and human resources available and the strategic sectors that need development. The plan should aim to keep the cost of development as low as possible.

In a country with different communities, the plan should also unite people to work towards a common objective. A development plan looks not only at growth but also at the pattern of growth. When growth becomes more widespread, it opens up more opportunities for the public.

All HPAEs began their journeys with development plans covering many decades. Some countries, like China and Vietnam, still adhere to five-year plans. Sri Lanka is the one country that tried to develop without a plan. The World Bank mission of 1952 recommended a planning process for Sri Lanka, though it was hardly implemented. The first Ten-Year Plan of 1959 (which took three years to formulate) was never implemented. The Five-Year Plan of 1972 was derailed by the 1973 oil shock.

While Sri Lanka struggled to plan, the HPAEs were already implementing their plans and seeing results. Sri Lanka drifted to depending on ad-hoc methods without long-term objectives. Even after 77 years of Independence, the country is still unable to identify the sectors for industrial development.

Bad Theory

At independence, the country did not have much know-how in economics. The few who had been educated in economics at the UK universities were taught neoclassical economics with a Keynesian tinge. The Quantity Theory of Money (QTM) was the guiding orthodoxy of the time. What the QTM says is that if the quantity of money is increased, there would be a corresponding increase in prices and therefore inflation.

However, the HPAEs realised that if new money was directed towards investment in productive industry, the result would be an expansion of the economy rather than inflation. The bulk of their funds for development came from monetary financing from the Central Bank. They would have taken inspiration from examples such as Canada in the 1940s and Japan in the 1930s, both of which used monetary financing for specific purposes.

Another point to note is the fact that all the HPAEs had multiple development banks, which helped in the development drive. In contrast, Sri Lanka got rid of its two development banks on advice from the West, thereby reducing the availability of long-term credit for the development process.

Due to Sri Lanka’s adherence to the QTM, we have had to rely on other methods of finance, which has created a dependency on foreign aid and a huge foreign currency debt. Though there is so much evidence that monetary financing used wisely can bring great results, many in Sri Lanka still adhere to the QTM. While most universities still teach the old concepts, it is sad that students at the master’s level and beyond do not think for themselves.

Bad Advice

When a country lacks knowledge and experience, it becomes necessary to seek advice from others. The World Bank and the IMF did perform this function in the early days. However, since the neoliberal onslaught, the purpose of these institutions has taken a more politicised turn.

The advice given by the IMF and other international advice has to be analysed, as it often turns out to be more damaging. For example, austerity has been proven to be counterproductive and causes more damage to the economy and social life. The present advice the government is receiving from the IMF, the CBSL, and the Ministry of Finance is no different.

When South Korean President Park Chung-Hee was offered Western economic advisors, he knew exactly what their advice would be. So, he declined the offer and obtained economic advisors from Japan instead.

Sri Lanka, on the other hand, accepted whatever came from the West. Our leaders accepted the ‘Washington Consensus,’ which we follow to this day, even though the author of the document, John Williamson, has himself declared it a dead document.

Economists advise governments towards suicidal actions without observing what has been done around the world before. There are political aspects to this bad advice. As there is an overproduction of global money, such bad advice is actually beneficial to the Western financial sector and its political interests.

Not Understanding Development

Sri Lanka has still not understood what development means. This can be seen from the fact that despite having a potential 30,000 MW of wind power generation, the government wants to give this opportunity to foreign companies and buy back the power with foreign exchange. Even the export potential is given to foreign companies, while local companies lose that opportunity.

If such a situation had been in any of the HPAEs, they would have first developed a local windmill manufacturing industry to meet their needs. That is what development is – developing productive capabilities and creating a productive ecosystem. There are many opportunities that Sri Lanka has missed because the concept of development has not been understood.

Had local inventors been encouraged and supported, a true industrial base would have been flourishing today. One example is Ray Wijewardene’s hand tractor, to which one Sri Lankan asked, “Why do we need hand tractors when there are so many buffaloes around?”. Imagine what the HPAEs would have done with a brilliant, innovative mind like Ray Wijewardene’s.

Even the few sectors of industry built up to world-class levels have been destroyed by bad government policy. One such industry was the heavy construction industry, which is vital for infrastructure development. A local company had built up its capacity to do international projects funded by the World Bank and had performed many projects in the country, but the change of policy after 1977 destroyed the company and opened the doors to foreign companies at inflated prices, for which the country struggles to pay off its loans.

The local highway construction projects are an example, where Sri Lanka’s highways are considered the most expensive in the world, which opened opportunities for corruption. The very first industry developed in the HPAEs was the heavy construction industry in order to keep the cost of development low. Sri Lanka did the opposite.

Conclusion

It is quite clear that Sri Lanka’s present position is of its own making, following quite the opposite of what the HPAEs did. However, though many learn from mistakes, Sri Lanka does not seem to have learnt any lessons. Our advisors keep telling us to repeat our mistakes, and we keep listening to them.

It was expected that the NPP government would make a radical change in thinking, but it has not expressed any meaningful change of thinking with regard to major issues. Without such a change, Sri Lanka will continue on its suicidal path.

(Sunil Abhayawardhana was CEO of Sri Lanka’s largest heavy construction company. He has a master’s degree from the University of Wales and is working on a PhD in economics. He is a member of the Asia Progress Forum, which is a collective of like-minded intellectuals, professionals, and activists dedicated to building dialogue that promotes Sri Lanka’s sovereignty, development, and leadership in the Global South. APF can be contacted at asiaprogressforum@gmail.com).

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Coping with Batalanda’s emergence to centre stage

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Bimal Ratnayake tabling the Batalanda report in Parliament recently.

by Jehan Perera

The Batalanda Commission report which goes into details of what happened during the JVP insurrection of 1987-89 has become the centre of public attention. The controversy has long been a point of contention and a reminder of the country’s troubled past and entrenched divisions that still exist. The events that occurred at Batalanda during the violent suppression of the JVP-led insurgency, remain a raw wound, as seen in the sudden resurfacing of the issue. The scars of violence and war still run deep. At a time when the country is grappling with pressing challenges ranging from economic recovery to social stability, there is a need to keep in focus the broader goal of unity for long-term peace and prosperity. But the ghosts of the past need also to be put to rest without continuing to haunt the present and future.

Grisly accounts of what transpired at Batalanda now fill the social media even in the Tamil media, though Tamils were not specifically targeted at that time. There was then a ceasefire between the government and LTTE. The Indo-Lanka Accord had just been signed and the LTTE were fighting the Indian peacekeeping army. The videos that are now circulating on social media would show the Tamil people that they were not the only ones at the receiving end of counter-terrorist measures. The Sinhalese were in danger then, as it was a rebellion of Sinhalese against the state. Sinhalese youth had to be especially careful.

It appears that former president Ranil Wickremesinghe was caught unprepared by the questions from a team from Al Jazeera television. The answers he gave, in which he downplayed the significance of the Batalanda Commission report have been viewed differently, depending on the perspective of the observer. He has also made a statement in which he has rejected the report. The report, which demands introspection, referred to events that had taken place 37 years earlier. But the ghosts of the past have returned. After the issue has come to the fore, there are many relatives and acquaintances of the victims from different backgrounds who are demanding justice and offering to come forward to give evidence of what they had witnessed. They need closure after so many years.

MORE POLARISATION

The public reaction to the airing of the Al Jazeera television programme is a reminder that atrocities that have taken place cannot be easily buried. The government has tabled the Batalanda Commission report in parliament and hold a two-day debate on it. The two days were to be consecutive but now the government has decided to space them out over two months. There is reason to be concerned about what transpires in the debate. The atrocities that took place during the JVP insurrection involved multiple parties. Batalanda was not the only interrogation site or the only torture chamber. There were many others. Former president Ranil Wickremesinghe was not the only prominent protagonist in the events that transpired at that time.

The atrocities of the late 1980s were not confined to one location, nor were they the responsibility of a single individual or group. The JVP engaged in many atrocities and human rights violations. In addition to members of the former government and military who engaged in counter-terrorism operations there were also other groups that engaged both in self-defence and mayhem. These included members of left political parties who were targeted by the JVP and who formed their own para-military groups. Some of the leaders went on to become ministers in succeeding governments and even represented Sri Lanka at international human rights forums. Even members of the present government will not be able to escape the fallout of the debate over the Batalanda Commission report.

If the debate becomes a battleground for assigning blame rather than seeking solutions, it could have far-reaching consequences for Sri Lanka’s social and political stability. Economic recovery, governance reform, and development require stability and cooperation. The present storm caused by the Batalanda Commission report, and the prospects for increased polarisation and hatred do not bode well for the country. Rather than engaging in potentially divisive debates that could lead to further entrenchment of opposing narratives, Sri Lanka would be better served by a structured and impartial approach to truth-seeking and reconciliation.

NATIONAL HEALING

Earlier this month at the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva, the government rejected the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights assertion that the external evidence gathering unit would continue to collect evidence on human rights violations in Sri Lanka. This evidence gathering unit has a mandate to collect information on a wide range of human rights violations including intimidation and killings of journalists but with a focus on the human rights violations and war crimes during the course of the LTTE war and especially at its end. The government’s position has been that it is determined to deal with human rights challenges including reconciliation through domestic processes.

Addressing the High-Level Segment of the 58th Regular Session of the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) in Geneva in February this year, Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath said: “The contours of a truth and reconciliation framework, will be further discussed with the broadest possible cross section of stakeholders, before operationalisation to ensure a process that has the trust of all Sri Lankans. Our aim is to make the domestic mechanisms credible and sound within the constitutional framework. This will include strengthening the work towards a truth and reconciliation commission empowered to investigate acts of violence caused by racism and religious extremism that give rise to tensions within Sri Lankan society.”

The concept of a truth and reconciliation commission was first broached in 2015 by then prime minister Ranil Wickremesinghe’s government. In 2019 after winning the presidential elections, former president Gotabaya Rajapaksa too saw merit in the idea, but neither of these two leaders had the commitment to ensure that the process was completed. Promoting reconciliation in Sri Lanka among divergent political actors with violent political pasts requires a multi-faceted approach that blends political, social, and psychological strategies.

Given the country’s complex history of armed conflict, ethnic tensions, and political polarisation, the process must be carefully designed to build trust, address grievances, and create a shared vision for the future. A truth and reconciliation process as outlined in Geneva by the government, which has teeth in it for both punishment and amnesty, can give the country the time and space in which to uncover the painful truths and the path to national healing.

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