Features
The Downplaying of Our National Languages: the Advantages of English
I recognized the advantages that we had inherited from the British through our knowledge of the English language. But I also began to realize that we had so exalted our knowledge of English that it had been at the expense of the neglect of our national languages. For example in India, although the members of its upper/middle classes spoke impeccable English, they conversed at home in Hindi or in their regional languages, whereas in Ceylon the middle class usually spoke English at home, with the local languages being reserved only for the servants.
I wondered why this was so. I reasoned that since India was a big country, English could hardly be expected to percolate deeply within it. Besides, India’s upper classes had access to independent wealth, whereas in Ceylon, much of the middle-class wealth was milked from the British through the cinnamon and rubber trades, arrack-renting, etc. Whatever the reason, the fact is that we ‘learned’ to look down on our national languages, more than the other countries of Asia.
This bias against the local languages was also reflected in the education in our Colombo schools. The Sinhalese and Tamil classes were treated as a joke by us schoolboys, with much fun being had at the expense of our unfortunate Sinhala and Tamil teachers. The point is that we were ‘conditioned’ to look down on our national languages, while becoming more erudite in English literature and history, which was the legacy that we inherited from colonial times.
Some knowledge of English brought advantages to those who had access to it. The seamless absorption of the Ceylonese Burgher community into Australia in the 1950s-1960s was possible (apart from their colour) mainly due to their command of English. Similarly, it enabled the later migrations of middle-class professionals into high income countries such as the UK, USA and Canada.
For persons like me who joined international organizations, English education was the key to our success. I was called upon repeatedly to re-write the reports written by my English/British colleagues, while I also found that I knew more British and European History than they did! Although I was aware that this knowledge was acquired at the cost of our local languages, I also realized that there was no reason why we could not have had both, as has been achieved by many other countries, such as India, Malaysia and the Philippines, among others.
Communal Concord
It would seem appropriate to add a word on ethnic relations in Ceylon at the end of the colonial period (1930-1945). I remember the easy camaraderie between my Sinhala friends and myself, a Ceylon Tamil, at a time when ethnicity or race was not an issue. I remember that in Royal Prep (at around the age of eight years) we would split into two teams to play ‘Police and Rogues’ or ‘Cops and Robbers’. SoThe Downplaying of Our National Languages:
the Advantages of Englishmetimes we would switch into ‘Sinhalese and Tamils’ to play the same game, often with Sinhalese friends joining the Tamil side to equalize numbers. The main thing is that we did not care a hoot whether one was Sinhalese or Tamil!
This easy, amicable relation between races reminds me of a similar situation in ex-colonial Jamaica. While in Jamaica around 1971, I was out walking with my young nephew and his three best friends. These friends, around 15-16 years of age, happened to be an African of former slave origin, a Chinese boy whose ancestors had worked in the mines, and an Indian boy whose forbears worked as ‘coolies’ in the sugar plantations. I was witness to their boyhood banter, in which racially-offensive epithets were freely and affectionately used.
To something that the Indian boy said, the African black replied ‘Don’t talk sh-t, you bloody Indian coolie-man’. To which the Indian boy replied, ‘Go to hell, you bloody niggi- (nigger) man’. When the Chinese boy interrupted, they all shouted, ‘Shut up, you bloody Chini-man!’ While this boyhood exchange occurred in Jamaica in 1971, in Ceylon by that time, any discussion of race had to be approached cautiously. Meanwhile, in the USA, ‘politically correct’ speech is consciously being used to mask the reality of racial rancour.
Life in the Plantations
I cannot presume to give a full picture of the life as lived by the hardy planters of yore, because I did not know it well enough. Although I knew little of the planters’ life, I envied their life in the rolling hills of our beautiful hill country. But many were the problems of management of the big tea estates and of the labour within them. Even the management tasks of a planter’s household were complicated by the lack of electricity and refrigeration in the 1940s. Hence a lot of time was spent on ensuring adequate provisions for the household, growing vegetables at home, ensuring that there was enough bread, and enough beef in the ‘beef box’.
The planter’s life was a lonely one, shut away on a remote estate, with his children away in boarding school and left alone at home in the evening with no electricity, TV or telephone. It strikes me that an unhappily married couple would have been doomed to confinement with a morose partner every evening! On the positive side, I remember an FAO colleague telling me that their happiest years were spent on an estate in Talawakelle. The lady had feared the worst when the bridegroom had proposed to go away to far off Ceylon. Instead, compared to her life in England, she was welcomed to a posh home, served with cocktails before dinner, formal dressing-up for dinner, which was served by liveried waiters.
Compared to their middle-class or lower-middle class lives in England, the planters lived (or acted out) their versions of the landed gentry in their native lands, setting a difficult example for the Ceylonese planters to follow. The saving social grace of a planter’s lonely life was the social evenings at the Club, located usually in the nearest big town. These Club events usually centered round a game of cricket or rugby, and were an occasion for social gossip as well as for drinking and dancing.
I was also struck by the manners and social graces required to survive as a planter among the aspiring plantation gentry. Despite being alone, the English planter and his wife would dress up formally for dinner each evening: he in a formal dinner jacket, and she in a long evening gown. They would meet at the appointed hour for cocktails, after which dinner would be served with wine. It was important to use the correct knives, forks and glasses for the different courses and for different occasions. The young Ceylonese trainee planters had to learn these culinary and social etiquette in order to be respected by the servants and the workers on the estate. If word got around that they were not up to the Englishman’s social etiquette standards, there was no future for them in the plantations.
Life in the Provinces
Since I served in only one district, the Batticaloa district in the Eastern Province, my comments are confined only to that district. I was able to see, first, how the British handled their affairs during the last years of colonial rule, and later, when I served as Assistant Government Agent in the 1950s, how the colonial traditions still lingered on. For various reasons particular to this district, things had changed little from British times till the 1950s, with the Government Agent and Assistant Government Agent still being accorded a much higher status than in other districts.
Even in 1957, a full ten years after independence, I was often addressed as ‘Your Honour, Sir’, while even senior clerks would address me in the third person, as a mark of respect. When I drove every morning through the portals of the old Dutch Fort in which the Batticaloa Kachcheri was housed, all the people in the large courtyard would stand up. They would continue standing as a show of respect, causing me (at 26 years of age) to cringe past them guiltily in order to reach my own office! Thus the colonial mentality lingered on, even long after the colonial period was over – if only in this particular district.
This exaggerated regard for the high government officials was reflected also in the district’s social life. In British times, the social scene was dominated by the Gymkhana Club, which was open only to the higher officials of the government. This in effect ensured that all the members were British. But in my father’s time (1936-1941), Ceylonese officials holding higher-level posts (like my father, a medical doctor) were allowed to become members. I remember my mother hitching up her sari and hammering forearm drives (her backhand was weak!) to win the Eastern Province Tennis Championship over Mrs. Poole, the English Superintending Engineer’s wife, whose short skirts were ‘magic’ in those days.
However, when I became AGA some 20 years later in 1955, I found that the Government Agent was still the ex-officio President of the Club and I, the AGA (at 26 years), its Vice-President! Meanwhile, the best sportsmen were still being excluded from the Club because they did not rank high enough in government service. The GA and I decided to resign our posts in the Club and had to struggle to get the Club’s rules changed – and so to end the last social vestiges of colonial rule.
The end of the colonial period did not, however, change the beauty of the district: its people, its jungles, lagoons, and beaches. I know of tea planters who would come all the way from Uva for long weekends of swimming, fishing and snipe shooting before returning to their mountain retreats. Living by the lagoon, I still remember its calmness in the morning and the lulling lap of its waves at night. Both the happiest years of my childhood and the most productive years of my professional life were spent in this district.
(Excerpted from Fallen Leaves, an anthology of memoirs by LC Arulpragasam)
Features
Disaster-proofing paradise: Sri Lanka’s new path to global resilience
iyadasa Advisor to the Ministry of Science & Technology and a Board of Directors of Sri Lanka Atomic Energy Regulatory Council A value chain management consultant to www.vivonta.lk
As climate shocks multiply worldwide from unseasonal droughts and flash floods to cyclones that now carry unpredictable fury Sri Lanka, long known for its lush biodiversity and heritage, stands at a crossroads. We can either remain locked in a reactive cycle of warnings and recovery, or boldly transform into the world’s first disaster-proof tropical nation — a secure haven for citizens and a trusted destination for global travelers.
The Presidential declaration to transition within one year from a limited, rainfall-and-cyclone-dependent warning system to a full-spectrum, science-enabled resilience model is not only historic — it’s urgent. This policy shift marks the beginning of a new era: one where nature, technology, ancient wisdom, and community preparedness work in harmony to protect every Sri Lankan village and every visiting tourist.
The Current System’s Fatal Gaps
Today, Sri Lanka’s disaster management system is dangerously underpowered for the accelerating climate era. Our primary reliance is on monsoon rainfall tracking and cyclone alerts — helpful, but inadequate in the face of multi-hazard threats such as flash floods, landslides, droughts, lightning storms, and urban inundation.
Institutions are fragmented; responsibilities crisscross between agencies, often with unclear mandates and slow decision cycles. Community-level preparedness is minimal — nearly half of households lack basic knowledge on what to do when a disaster strikes. Infrastructure in key regions is outdated, with urban drains, tank sluices, and bunds built for rainfall patterns of the 1960s, not today’s intense cloudbursts or sea-level rise.
Critically, Sri Lanka is not yet integrated with global planetary systems — solar winds, El Niño cycles, Indian Ocean Dipole shifts — despite clear evidence that these invisible climate forces shape our rainfall, storm intensity, and drought rhythms. Worse, we have lost touch with our ancestral systems of environmental management — from tank cascades to forest sanctuaries — that sustained this island for over two millennia.
This system, in short, is outdated, siloed, and reactive. And it must change.
A New Vision for Disaster-Proof Sri Lanka
Under the new policy shift, Sri Lanka will adopt a complete resilience architecture that transforms climate disaster prevention into a national development strategy. This system rests on five interlinked pillars:
Science and Predictive Intelligence
We will move beyond surface-level forecasting. A new national climate intelligence platform will integrate:
AI-driven pattern recognition of rainfall and flood events
Global data from solar activity, ocean oscillations (ENSO, MJO, IOD)
High-resolution digital twins of floodplains and cities
Real-time satellite feeds on cyclone trajectory and ocean heat
The adverse impacts of global warming—such as sea-level rise, the proliferation of pests and diseases affecting human health and food production, and the change of functionality of chlorophyll—must be systematically captured, rigorously analysed, and addressed through proactive, advance decision-making.
This fusion of local and global data will allow days to weeks of anticipatory action, rather than hours of late alerts.
Advanced Technology and Early Warning Infrastructure
Cell-broadcast alerts in all three national languages, expanded weather radar, flood-sensing drones, and tsunami-resilient siren networks will be deployed. Community-level sensors in key river basins and tanks will monitor and report in real-time. Infrastructure projects will now embed climate-risk metrics — from cyclone-proof buildings to sea-level-ready roads.
Governance Overhaul
A new centralised authority — Sri Lanka Climate & Earth Systems Resilience Authority — will consolidate environmental, meteorological, Geological, hydrological, and disaster functions. It will report directly to the Cabinet with a real-time national dashboard. District Disaster Units will be upgraded with GN-level digital coordination. Climate literacy will be declared a national priority.
People Power and Community Preparedness
We will train 25,000 village-level disaster wardens and first responders. Schools will run annual drills for floods, cyclones, tsunamis and landslides. Every community will map its local hazard zones and co-create its own resilience plan. A national climate citizenship programme will reward youth and civil organisations contributing to early warning systems, reforestation (riverbank, slopy land and catchment areas) , or tech solutions.
Reviving Ancient Ecological Wisdom
Sri Lanka’s ancestors engineered tank cascades that regulated floods, stored water, and cooled microclimates. Forest belts protected valleys; sacred groves were biodiversity reservoirs. This policy revives those systems:
Restoring 10,000 hectares of tank ecosystems
Conserving coastal mangroves and reintroducing stone spillways
Integrating traditional seasonal calendars with AI forecasts
Recognising Vedda knowledge of climate shifts as part of national risk strategy
Our past and future must align, or both will be lost.
A Global Destination for Resilient Tourism
Climate-conscious travelers increasingly seek safe, secure, and sustainable destinations. Under this policy, Sri Lanka will position itself as the world’s first “climate-safe sanctuary island” — a place where:
Resorts are cyclone- and tsunami-resilient
Tourists receive live hazard updates via mobile apps
World Heritage Sites are protected by environmental buffers
Visitors can witness tank restoration, ancient climate engineering, and modern AI in action
Sri Lanka will invite scientists, startups, and resilience investors to join our innovation ecosystem — building eco-tourism that’s disaster-proof by design.
Resilience as a National Identity
This shift is not just about floods or cyclones. It is about redefining our identity. To be Sri Lankan must mean to live in harmony with nature and to be ready for its changes. Our ancestors did it. The science now supports it. The time has come.
Let us turn Sri Lanka into the world’s first climate-resilient heritage island — where ancient wisdom meets cutting-edge science, and every citizen stands protected under one shield: a disaster-proof nation.
Features
The minstrel monk and Rafiki the old mandrill in The Lion King – I
Why is national identity so important for a people? AI provides us with an answer worth understanding critically (Caveat: Even AI wisdom should be subjected to the Buddha’s advice to the young Kalamas):
‘A strong sense of identity is crucial for a people as it fosters belonging, builds self-worth, guides behaviour, and provides resilience, allowing individuals to feel connected, make meaningful choices aligned with their values, and maintain mental well-being even amidst societal changes or challenges, acting as a foundation for individual and collective strength. It defines “who we are” culturally and personally, driving shared narratives, pride, political action, and healthier relationships by grounding people in common values, traditions, and a sense of purpose.’
Ethnic Sinhalese who form about 75% of the Sri Lankan population have such a unique identity secured by the binding medium of their Buddhist faith. It is significant that 93% of them still remain Buddhist (according to 2024 statistics/wikipedia), professing Theravada Buddhism, after four and a half centuries of coercive Christianising European occupation that ended in 1948. The Sinhalese are a unique ancient island people with a 2500 year long recorded history, their own language and country, and their deeply evolved Buddhist cultural identity.
Buddhism can be defined, rather paradoxically, as a non-religious religion, an eminently practical ethical-philosophy based on mind cultivation, wisdom and universal compassion. It is an ethico-spiritual value system that prioritises human reason and unaided (i.e., unassisted by any divine or supernatural intervention) escape from suffering through self-realisation. Sri Lanka’s benignly dominant Buddhist socio-cultural background naturally allows unrestricted freedom of religion, belief or non-belief for all its citizens, and makes the country a safe spiritual haven for them. The island’s Buddha Sasana (Dispensation of the Buddha) is the inalienable civilisational treasure that our ancestors of two and a half millennia have bequeathed to us. It is this enduring basis of our identity as a nation which bestows on us the personal and societal benefits of inestimable value mentioned in the AI summary given at the beginning of this essay.
It was this inherent national identity that the Sri Lankan contestant at the 72nd Miss World 2025 pageant held in Hyderabad, India, in May last year, Anudi Gunasekera, proudly showcased before the world, during her initial self-introduction. She started off with a verse from the Dhammapada (a Pali Buddhist text), which she explained as meaning “Refrain from all evil and cultivate good”. She declared, “And I believe that’s my purpose in life”. Anudi also mentioned that Sri Lanka had gone through a lot “from conflicts to natural disasters, pandemics, economic crises….”, adding, “and yet, my people remain hopeful, strong, and resilient….”.
“Ayubowan! I am Anudi Gunasekera from Sri Lanka. It is with immense pride that I represent my Motherland, a nation of resilience, timeless beauty, and a proud history, Sri Lanka.
“I come from Anuradhapura, Sri Lanka’s first capital, and UNESCO World Heritage site, with its history and its legacy of sacred monuments and stupas…….”.
The “inspiring words” that Anudi quoted are from the Dhammapada (Verse 183), which runs, in English translation: “To avoid all evil/To cultivate good/and to cleanse one’s mind -/this is the teaching of the Buddhas”. That verse is so significant because it defines the basic ‘teaching of the Buddhas’ (i.e., Buddha Sasana; this is how Walpole Rahula Thera defines Buddha Sasana in his celebrated introduction to Buddhism ‘What the Buddha Taught’ first published in1959).
Twenty-five year old Anudi Gunasekera is an alumna of the University of Kelaniya, where she earned a bachelor’s degree in International Studies. She is planning to do a Master’s in the same field. Her ambition is to join the foreign service in Sri Lanka. Gen Z’er Anudi is already actively engaged in social service. The Saheli Foundation is her own initiative launched to address period poverty (i.e., lack of access to proper sanitation facilities, hygiene and health education, etc.) especially among women and post-puberty girls of low-income classes in rural and urban Sri Lanka.
Young Anudi is primarily inspired by her patriotic devotion to ‘my Motherland, a nation of resilience, timeless beauty, and a proud history, Sri Lanka’. In post-independence Sri Lanka, thousands of young men and women of her age have constantly dedicated themselves, oftentimes making the supreme sacrifice, motivated by a sense of national identity, by the thought ‘This is our beloved Motherland, these are our beloved people’.
The rescue and recovery of Sri Lanka from the evil aftermath of a decade of subversive ‘Aragalaya’ mayhem is waiting to be achieved, in every sphere of national engagement, including, for example, economics, communications, culture and politics, by the enlightened Anudi Gunasekeras and their male counterparts of the Gen Z, but not by the demented old stragglers lingering in the political arena listening to the unnerving rattle of “Time’s winged chariot hurrying near”, nor by the baila blaring monks at propaganda rallies.
Politically active monks (Buddhist bhikkhus) are only a handful out of the Maha Sangha (the general body of Buddhist bhikkhus) in Sri Lanka, who numbered just over 42,000 in 2024. The vast majority of monks spend their time quietly attending to their monastic duties. Buddhism upholds social and emotional virtues such as universal compassion, empathy, tolerance and forgiveness that protect a society from the evils of tribalism, religious bigotry and death-dealing religious piety.
Not all monks who express or promote political opinions should be censured. I choose to condemn only those few monks who abuse the yellow robe as a shield in their narrow partisan politics. I cannot bring myself to disapprove of the many socially active monks, who are articulating the genuine problems that the Buddha Sasana is facing today. The two bhikkhus who are the most despised monks in the commercial media these days are Galaboda-aththe Gnanasara and Ampitiye Sumanaratana Theras. They have a problem with their mood swings. They have long been whistleblowers trying to raise awareness respectively, about spreading religious fundamentalism, especially, violent Islamic Jihadism, in the country and about the vandalising of the Buddhist archaeological heritage sites of the north and east provinces. The two middle-aged monks (Gnanasara and Sumanaratana) belong to this respectable category. Though they are relentlessly attacked in the social media or hardly given any positive coverage of the service they are doing, they do nothing more than try to persuade the rulers to take appropriate action to resolve those problems while not trespassing on the rights of people of other faiths.
These monks have to rely on lay political leaders to do the needful, without themselves taking part in sectarian politics in the manner of ordinary members of the secular society. Their generally demonised social image is due, in my opinion, to three main reasons among others: 1) spreading misinformation and disinformation about them by those who do not like what they are saying and doing, 2) their own lack of verbal restraint, and 3) their being virtually abandoned to the wolves by the temporal and spiritual authorities.
(To be continued)
By Rohana R. Wasala ✍️
Features
US’ drastic aid cut to UN poses moral challenge to world
‘Adapt, shrink or die’ – thus runs the warning issued by the Trump administration to UN humanitarian agencies with brute insensitivity in the wake of its recent decision to drastically reduce to $2bn its humanitarian aid to the UN system. This is a substantial climb down from the $17bn the US usually provided to the UN for its humanitarian operations.
Considering that the US has hitherto been the UN’s biggest aid provider, it need hardly be said that the US decision would pose a daunting challenge to the UN’s humanitarian operations around the world. This would indeed mean that, among other things, people living in poverty and stifling material hardships, in particularly the Southern hemisphere, could dramatically increase. Coming on top of the US decision to bring to an end USAID operations, the poor of the world could be said to have been left to their devices as a consequence of these morally insensitive policy rethinks of the Trump administration.
Earlier, the UN had warned that it would be compelled to reduce its aid programs in the face of ‘the deepest funding cuts ever.’ In fact the UN is on record as requesting the world for $23bn for its 2026 aid operations.
If this UN appeal happens to go unheeded, the possibilities are that the UN would not be in a position to uphold the status it has hitherto held as the world’s foremost humanitarian aid provider. It would not be incorrect to state that a substantial part of the rationale for the UN’s existence could come in for questioning if its humanitarian identity is thus eroded.
Inherent in these developments is a challenge for those sections of the international community that wish to stand up and be counted as humanists and the ‘Conscience of the World.’ A responsibility is cast on them to not only keep the UN system going but to also ensure its increased efficiency as a humanitarian aid provider to particularly the poorest of the poor.
It is unfortunate that the US is increasingly opting for a position of international isolation. Such a policy position was adopted by it in the decades leading to World War Two and the consequences for the world as a result of this policy posture were most disquieting. For instance, it opened the door to the flourishing of dictatorial regimes in the West, such as that led by Adolph Hitler in Germany, which nearly paved the way for the subjugation of a good part of Europe by the Nazis.
If the US had not intervened militarily in the war on the side of the Allies, the West would have faced the distressing prospect of coming under the sway of the Nazis and as a result earned indefinite political and military repression. By entering World War Two the US helped to ward off these bleak outcomes and indeed helped the major democracies of Western Europe to hold their own and thrive against fascism and dictatorial rule.
Republican administrations in the US in particular have not proved the greatest defenders of democratic rule the world over, but by helping to keep the international power balance in favour of democracy and fundamental human rights they could keep under a tight leash fascism and linked anti-democratic forces even in contemporary times. Russia’s invasion and continued occupation of parts of Ukraine reminds us starkly that the democracy versus fascism battle is far from over.
Right now, the US needs to remain on the side of the rest of the West very firmly, lest fascism enjoys another unfettered lease of life through the absence of countervailing and substantial military and political power.
However, by reducing its financial support for the UN and backing away from sustaining its humanitarian programs the world over the US could be laying the ground work for an aggravation of poverty in the South in particular and its accompaniments, such as, political repression, runaway social discontent and anarchy.
What should not go unnoticed by the US is the fact that peace and social stability in the South and the flourishing of the same conditions in the global North are symbiotically linked, although not so apparent at first blush. For instance, if illegal migration from the South to the US is a major problem for the US today, it is because poor countries are not receiving development assistance from the UN system to the required degree. Such deprivation on the part of the South leads to aggravating social discontent in the latter and consequences such as illegal migratory movements from South to North.
Accordingly, it will be in the North’s best interests to ensure that the South is not deprived of sustained development assistance since the latter is an essential condition for social contentment and stable governance, which factors in turn would guard against the emergence of phenomena such as illegal migration.
Meanwhile, democratic sections of the rest of the world in particular need to consider it a matter of conscience to ensure the sustenance and flourishing of the UN system. To be sure, the UN system is considerably flawed but at present it could be called the most equitable and fair among international development organizations and the most far-flung one. Without it world poverty would have proved unmanageable along with the ills that come along with it.
Dehumanizing poverty is an indictment on humanity. It stands to reason that the world community should rally round the UN and ensure its survival lest the abomination which is poverty flourishes. In this undertaking the world needs to stand united. Ambiguities on this score could be self-defeating for the world community.
For example, all groupings of countries that could demonstrate economic muscle need to figure prominently in this initiative. One such grouping is BRICS. Inasmuch as the US and the West should shrug aside Realpolitik considerations in this enterprise, the same goes for organizations such as BRICS.
The arrival at the above international consensus would be greatly facilitated by stepped up dialogue among states on the continued importance of the UN system. Fresh efforts to speed-up UN reform would prove major catalysts in bringing about these positive changes as well. Also requiring to be shunned is the blind pursuit of narrow national interests.
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