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Editorial

The carnival will continue

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Nobody would be surprised that both India and Japan are most unhappy about the Government of Sri Lanka (GOSL) allowing itself to be stampeded by port and other unions, together with a section of the Buddhist clergy, to abandon its commitment to develop and run the East Container Terminal (ECT) of the Colombo Port as a 51-49 percent joint venture (JV). The Sri Lanka Ports Authority (SLPA) was to retain its controlling interest and would thereby have collected over half the profits earned by the JV. Moreover, the minority shareholder would have funded the completion of the phase two of the project involving the building a second 600 m berth to supplement the 450 m berth already commissioned. This involves a massive investment of billions of rupees that an already debt-strapped economy cannot afford. Foreign investment and assistance for this purpose in the context of the first fiasco is most unlikely. All the wrong signals have been given.

A lot of false propaganda that the country’s national assets are being sold, with ECT being touted as the latest such instance, was allowed to gather steam during the controversy that has now reached its unhappy conclusion. Eventually the unions railroaded the government into giving in and announcing that the project will be totally handled by the SLPA which will manage and develop the terminal at its own expense. This has been hailed as a great victory. Sowing the wind by caving into union and other pressure will result in having to reap the whirlwind resulting in many dangerous implications for future governance. The unions having already had the first taste of blood, can surely be expected to look for more. They, together with others who helped scuttle the ECT deal, have already indicated that they would do as much over the development of the West Container Terminal (WCT). Having withdrawn from its original commitment, the government has indicated that 85% of WCT would be granted to Indian and other investors in an attempt to win them over. But this obviously placatory measure, which some of the unions and their backers are saying they would resist, does not seem to have any buyers. Sri Lanka’s former High Commissioner to Delhi is on record saying that India rejected WCT in 2018.

The agreed ECT arrangement covered a 35-year period during which the SLPA would have received handsome royalties and dividends from the yet incomplete deep water terminal. Management, technical and marketing expertise that the country woefully lacks would have flowed in. On top of that, the foreign partners would have completed the second phase of the project with no investment from the government. Both Japan and India are friends we cannot afford to lose. For many years Japan has been one of our biggest aid donors, if not the biggest, with grant and concessional loans running into billions extended. Good relations with India must necessarily be a cornerstone of our foreign policy, a reality that government’s of different political complexions have long acknowledged. Give the looming crisis in Geneva in March, this is hardly the time to antagonize Big Brother. While Japan has restricted itself to diplomatically expressing “regret” for what has happened, India has been less restrained with its High Commission in Colombo, obviously with the nod from New Delhi, issuing a strong statement in this regard.

A lot of geopolitics is involved in the ECT matter. China’s presence with an 85 percent interest in the Colombo International Container Terminal (CICT), with SLPA holding the balance, obviously influenced India’s interest in a countervailing presence here. Over and above that, the lion’s share of the Colombo Port’s activity involves transshipment to India. This would logically favour an Indian role in the business. The unions did not resist the arrangements at CICT, or even the 99-year lease of the Hambantota Port to China. But their approach to ECT was totally different. Undoubtedly India’s intervention in Sri Lanka’s ethnic crisis and the civil war which followed fueled nationalist sentiments, including from the Buddhist clergy, that strongly supported opposition to the Indian entry into the Colombo port. Japanese participation, as agreed, would have helped dilute such concerns. But in the event, the unions threatening strike action pushed the government to the wall. The result was the scuttling of the 2019 trilateral agreement between the governments of Sri Lanka, India and Japan.

As much as eight billion rupees of SLPA’s revenue, according to its 2018 annual report (the latest available), comes from the privately managed South Asia Gateway Terminal (SAGT) and CICT that are privately run. The Jaya Container Terminal (JCT) SLPA manages is inefficient and its profitability is not commensurate with revenue. As is the case with most state-run enterprises in this country, JCT has over 10,000 employees when the actual requirement is 3,000 by the admission of the SLPA chairman at a recent television talk show. This is the result of politically motivated ‘jobs for the boys’ philosophy that has bedeviled state enterprise in our country. An article we run today arguing that the government should have honoured its agreement on ECT with India and Japan, points out that the two privately owned terminals in the Colombo port handles more than twice the volume of containers handled handled at the SLPA-managed JCT. It says that according to SLPA figures, around Rs. 20 billion is paid annually to less than 9,000 employees averaging Rs. 2.2 million per employee. No wonder then that port employees want the carnival to continue.



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Editorial

Misplaced priorities

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Sri Lanka has a very ‘promising’ government and a perennially protesting Opposition. The government makes various promises, which are like piecrusts made to be broken. The Opposition in a perpetual state of agitation bursts into protests at the drop of a hat. The two sides have been clashing in Parliament instead of sinking their political differences and cooperating at least in the aftermath of a disaster.

The Opposition has requested Speaker Dr. Jagath Wickramaratne to appoint a Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC) to probe the government’s alleged failure to mitigate the impact of Cyclone Ditwah despite repeated warnings issued by the Meteorology Department and the Irrigation Department. The government is determined to avoid a fate similar to that which befell the Yahapalana government following the Easter Sunday terror attacks, which became the undoing of that dysfunctional regime. It is therefore very unlikely to meet the Opposition’s demand at issue. Even if it agrees to appoint a PSC to probe its own alleged lapses, by any chance, it will not allow an Opposition MP to chair the committee and will go all out to frustrate its rivals’ efforts to ruin its political future.

Interestingly, some of the key Opposition members are former Yahapalana MPs who sought to derail a PSC probe into the 2015 Treasury bond scam. They craftily appointed a member of the JVP, which was a Yahapalana partner in all but name, as the Chairman of that PSC, and incorporated a slew of footnotes into the committee report in a bid to dilute it.

In this country, PSCs rarely help get to the bottom of the issues they probe. The PSC on the Treasury bond scam went out of its way to clear the then Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe’s name, and helped the UNP scapegoat former Central Bank Governor Arjuna Mahendran and throw him to the wolves. In 2012, Mahinda Rajapaksa government turned a PSC probe into a witch-hunt against then Chief Justice Dr. Shirani Bandaranayake, who was subsequently wrongfully impeached. The PSC that investigated the Easter Terror attacks (2019) gathered a lot of valuable information but its findings, conclusions and recommendations were tainted by a glaring political bias.

Going by the government’s determined bid to let its MP Asoka Ranwala off the hook, following a road accident, how ruthless the JVP-led NPP will be in warding off threats to its political survival is not difficult to imagine. The Opposition can go on shouting until it is blue in the face but it will not be able to have the government’s alleged failure to heed disaster warnings and save lives investigated properly as long as the JVP/NPP is in power.

What we are witnessing on the political front, especially in Parliament, is like a drunken brawl at a funeral. The government and the Opposition are fighting while the country is mourning those who perished in recent floods and landslides.

What the political parties represented in Parliament ought to do at this juncture is to get their priorities right. They must stop clashing and make a concerted effort to carry out post-disaster rebuilding operations and strengthening the economy. They must not lose sight of the rapid depreciation of the rupee, and the disconcerting forecasts of an economic slowdown. The much-advertised revenue bubble, created by an unprecedented increase in vehicle imports, is about to burst, and the possibility of the country having a rupee crisis to contend with again cannot be ruled out. Foreign reserve targets are far from achieved, and there is a pressing need to boost the forex inflow and ensure that the country will be able to honour its pledge to resume foreign debt repayment in 2028.

All political parties have done precious little for the disaster victims. They have been only visiting the welfare centres and distributing relief materials collected from the considerate public. They ought to engage in post-disaster rebuilding actively. Reconstruction is a labour-intensive task. The self-righteous political leaders should mobilise their community level organisation for post-disaster rebuilding. Sadly, they have not even helped clean flood-hit houses.

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Editorial

Cops as whipping boys?

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Saturday 20th December, 2025

Disciplinary action has reportedly been taken against several police officers for their alleged failure to conduct a proper investigation into a recent accident caused by NPP MP Asoka Ranwala in Sapugaskanda. This move, we believe, has the trappings of a diversionary tactic. The police would have incurred the wrath of the government if they had conducted a breathalyzer test on Ranwala and produced him before a Judicial Medical Officer immediately after the crash where an infant, his mother and grandmother were injured.

Ranwala was subjected to a blood alcohol test more than 12 hours after the accident, according to media reports. The police would not have dragged their feet of their own volition. They were obviously made to do what they did. The law applies equally only to ordinary people. Will the police top brass explain why no disciplinary action was taken against the police officers who unashamedly sided with a group of JVP members involved in grabbing an office of the Frontline Socialist Party (FSP) in Yakkala in September 2025. After turning a blind eye to that blatant transgression, the police provided security to the JVP members who were forcibly occupying the FSP office. Thankfully, a judicial intervention made them leave the place. The current rulers claim they have not placed themselves above the law, unlike their predecessors. A wag says they have placed the law below them instead!

Having made a mockery of its much-advertised commitment to upholding the rule of law by intervening to prevent Ranwala from undergoing an alcohol test immediately after the aforesaid accident, the government is making attempts at face-saving. Curiously, blood samples obtained from Ranwala have been sent to the Government Analyst for testing! The government seems to have a very low opinion of the intelligence of the public, who voted for it overwhelmingly, expecting a ‘system change’.

It is being argued in some quarters that the disciplinary inquiry against the police officers has been scripted, and the charges against them will be dropped when the issue fizzles out. This argument is not without some merit, but there is a possibility of the government going to the extent of trying to clear its name at the expense of the police officers concerned if push comes to shove.

Successive governments have scapegoated police personnel and other state employees to safeguard their interests, and the incumbent administration is no exception; it has already sought to shift the blame for its failure to mitigate the impact of Cyclone Ditwah to the Meteorological Department, which, it has claimed, did not warn it about the extreme weather events fairly in advance. Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa told Parliament on Thursday that the government had muzzled some senior officials of the Meteorological Department.

Some leaders of the incumbent government are bound to face legal action for their commissions and omissions when they lose power, and the state officials pandering to their whims and fancies will have to do likewise.

The public officials who are at the beck and call of politicians and carry out illegal orders should realise that they run the risk of being left without anyone to turn to in case they have to face legal action for their transgressions. Their ruthlessly self-seeking political masters will not scruple to sacrifice them.

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Editorial

Disaster relief mired in dirty politics

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Friday 19th December, 2025

Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa has accused the government of interfering with the ongoing disaster relief programmes. Speaking in Parliament, on Thursday, he produced what he described as documentary proof to support his claim that disaster victims were required to have their applications for compensation endorsed by the heads of the Prajashakthi committees controlled by the JVP apparatchiks. Several other Opposition MPs have levelled the same allegation against the government in Parliament.

Two trade unions representing the Grama Niladharis have complained of political interference with their work, and even threatened to pull out of the disaster relief programmes unless they are allowed to carry out their duties and functions, free from political pressure.

Sri Lanka United Grama Niladhari Association (SLUGNA) President Nandana Ranasinghe told the media on 08 December that JVP/NPP politicians and their supporters were meddling with the disaster relief programmes at all levels and even obstructing the Grama Niladharis (GNs). He claimed that the political authority had sent letters to the District and Divisional Secretaries, directing them to appoint JVP/NPP members to the state-run welfare centres. SLUGNA Secretary Jagath Chandralal said state officials had been directed to obtain approval from the government members of the Prajashakthi committees for carrying out relief work. A few days later, addressing the media, Convenor of the Sri Lanka Grama Niladhari Association Sumith Kodikara also made a number of similar allegations. He said the NPP politicians were arbitrarily helping their supporters obtain Rs. 25,000 each as compensation. He stressed that only the disaster victims had to be paid compensation, and never had disaster relief programmes been politicised in that manner. These allegations are shocking enough to warrant probes, as we said in a previous comment.

Initially, the government denied the involvement of its Prajashakthi members in the process of selecting disaster relief beneficiaries, but now it allows them to work alongside state officials openly. This is an instance of the arrogance of power, which became the undoing of several previous governments, especially the ones led by the UNP and the SLPP. Minister K. D. Lal Kantha has gone on record as claiming that the Prajashakthi functionaries too should have a say in relief provision!

Funds the government is distributing among disaster victims belong to the state, and therefore no political party must be allowed to influence or control their disbursement. One can argue that it is prima facie unlawful for anyone other than authorised public officials to get involved in the process of distributing state funds as disaster relief. The Opposition should find out whether there is any legal provision for the involvement of the Prajashakthi functionaries in relief distribution or whether they are committing a transgression.

The government is apparently labouring under the mistaken belief that it can use disaster relief to shore up its approval rating as well as electoral prospects in view of the next election––the Provincial Council polls which it is coming under increasing pressure to hold next year. Political interference with disaster relief only exasperates the public beyond measure. A large number of disaster victims have held protests in several areas, claiming that they have been overlooked.

The JVP/NPP, which came to power promising to depoliticise the state institutions and revitalise the public service, should be ashamed of having stooped so low as to politicise the process of providing disaster relief. Politicians have a sense of shame only when they are out of power.

If the JVP/NPP leaders are wise, they will learn from the predicament of the Rajapaksas, who had to pay a heavy price for testing the patience of the public. The latter had to head for the hills with angry people in close pursuit. Now that the people have successfully got rid of a bunch of failed rulers, they may take to the streets again if their patience runs out. The government would do well to follow the established procedures in carrying out disaster relief programmes, without subjugating them to its political agenda and undermining their integrity.

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