Connect with us

Features

The build-up, 1962 coup d’etat, the aftermath and secret mission to London

Published

on

Sirimavo Bandaranaike

Continuing Mrs. Bandaranaike’s first term as PM

(Excerpted from Rendering Unto Caesar, by Bradman Weerakoon)

Although her political aspiration was “to lighten the burden on the suffering masses” Sirimavo soon found that the economic realities would not allow her a free hand. In the early sixties the terms of trade, which had been favourable in the fifties, declined sharply. The Korean war boom had run its course. The rise in the price of tea had plateaued and the trend was now downwards. Our external assets were diminishing and when Felix became finance minister he had no alternative but to cut down on imports drastically.

Use of the scarce foreign exchange resource was controlled and foreign travel, education and medical treatment abroad were strictly limited. Tariffs were increased on a large number of items other than food, fertilizer and medicines and the import of private motor cars was totally banned. As the situation worsened textiles, motor car and bicycle tyres and even common household items like batteries for torches and blades for shaving were hard to come by. I found that a welcome gift for a friend, when you had a chance of going abroad, was to bring him back a packet of Wilkinson blades.

Sirimavo had also to face the rising costs of the social-welfare measures which could not be reduced, except at great political risk, and which ensured a reasonable level of nutrition, health and education to the mass of the people. This cushioning of the cost of living by the rice subsidy, free health services and free education was becoming harder to maintain with each passing year. Something had to give and Felix preparing for the 1963 July budget, proposed to the Cabinet a reduction in the rice ration per family. He had of course got Sirimavo’s nod for the proposal but it was opposed by the Government Parliamentary Group and led to Felix’s resignation a few days before budget day.

T B Ilangaratne, a Bandaranaike old-timer well to the left of the party, was hurriedly sworn in as finance minister and there was no cut in the ration when the speech was read out. Once again, as in Dudley’s time, rice and its price had become a potent political instrument. Felix was given the ministry of agriculture but not without a delay of about two months, when he would often sit at my desk in the Temple Trees office wondering when and which portfolio Sirimavo would give him this time.

Ethnic Politics

The Federal Party, which had voted to defeat Dudley’s minority UNP government at the vote on the ‘Throne speech in March 1960 gave its support to Sirimavo Bandaranaike and the SLFP in the July elections. In return the Federal Party expected some movement on the proposals made in the BC Pact which had been further elaborated in its Statement of Minimum Demands which had been put both to the UNP and the SLFP.

These referred to the four basic objectives of regional autonomy for the Northern and Eastern Provinces, suspension of state-aided colonization, Tamil language rights especially regarding entry of Tamil speaking persons to government service and amendments to the Citizenship Act of 1948 which had deprived thousands of up-country Tamils of their right to vote.

However, Sirimavo’s immediate priority concerns were elsewhere and had more to do with reviving the economy which was in decline. But her economic policies of increasing state control over the commanding heights of the economy while providing relief to the majority was of little help to the Tamils as the industrial enterprises were located mainly in the South and the preference for Sinhala language proficiency in the public sector did not enable the Tamils to reap any benefit from this policy.

The other strand of her policy of exercising more state control over education through the virtual take-over of the assisted schools also indirectly created resentment among the Tamil middle classes and the Tamil Christians. Education in the Jaffna peninsula – the heartland of the Tamils – was largely in the hands of missionary schools. Sirimavo although educated throughout her school career in mission schools – Ferguson College in Ratnapura in the primary classes and then St Bridget’s Convent, Colombo, a leading Roman Catholic institution, was to pursue a determined policy of bringing the assisted schools under state control and eliminating the difference which existed between the privileged and the well-endowed mission schools and the state-run schools.

Some of the leading schools which had opted to remain outside of the state system and be fee levying private institutions, continued but with the changes introduced by Sirimavo a large number of important schools, including her own St Bridget’s lost the grant-in-aid from the state which had enabled them to run without charging fees. These in future were to be under the direct control of the state as regards recruitment of staff and the content of the education they imparted.

Her education policy, which was seen as part of the socialist orientation of the government was much resented by powerful elites, especially in the city of Colombo and among the higher bureaucracy, which had largely been recruited from the leading public schools. It was to trigger one of the principal challenges Sirimavo had to face, the attempted coup d’etat in January 1962.

The state take-over of assisted schools meant that state patronage and financial assistance, extended from colonial times to schools run by religious denominations, would cease. This followed earlier moves to curtail the visas of the nursing nuns of the Catholic orders who had for many years been the mainstay of the country’s health institutions, particularly in the cities.

The prime mintilster’s permanent secretary in the ministry of defence and external affairs NQ (Neil Quintus) Dias was well-known for his strong stand against ‘Catholic Action’ as it was then called. His actions in regard to the defence establishment and police were also being watched by the upper echelons of the three forces which were then largely manned by non-Buddhist officers who had had their secondary education mainly, in the denominational schools.

As these actions of the government continued, and there rose an influential lobby against the schools’ take-over, an important religious dignitary, Ignatius Cardinal Gracias, came over from Bombay, in a hurried visit to talk to the prime minister. Although he was courteously received and given high hospitality, Sirimavo did not retract from the stand she had taken. The Cardinal returned to Bombay mission unaccomplished.

The seeming lack of interest by the administration to the problems of the Tamils, as articulated by the FP and put forward in the Minimum Demands, led to the FP calling for a non-violent hartal at its party convention in Jaffna in January 1962. On February 20, 1962, Chelvanayakam led the satyagraha by lying down on the floor in front of the entrance to the Jaffna kachcheri and blocking entry to it. This soon became a mass movement of defiance to government authority and when on April 14 a postal service was inaugurated by the Federal Party, the government moved to declare a state of emergency.

The armed forces were sent in, the satyagrahis were dispersed and the Federal Party members were arrested. The satyagraha had collapsed but its echoes and the images of a Sinhalese army in occupation of the ‘Tamil homeland’ began to reverberate and form the genesis of the militant movement which was to emerge later. Brigadier Richard Udugama, later to be Army Commander, was an important figure in the restoration of law and order in the North.

The January 1962 Abortive Coup d’etat

This was the troublesome background in which the coup d’etat by military and police high-ups was planned to take place on the night of January 27, 1962, a Saturday. I believe this date was chosen since the prime minister was scheduled to be at Kataragama for a pirith ceremony that evening.

According to the program prepared by her aide D P Amerasinghe, Sirimavo was to leave Colombo on Friday, attend the puja on Saturday night and return to Colombo on Sunday. This decision was made 10 days before the date of the planned coup. However, on seeing the program for Kataragama, I recalled that about a month earlier the prime minister had received a letter from the Chief Incumbent of the Getambe Temple (Peradeniya) inviting her to a ceremony there on the same night. Sirimavo had asked me to write to the priest saying that she was unable to accept the invitation as some urgent work compelled her to remain in Colombo that evening.

As soon as I realized that the dates were clashing I quickly pointed out to the prime minister that it would not be proper for her to go to Kataragama on the night of January 27 particularly since she had informed the Getambe Temple priest that she was forced to remain in Colombo for some urgent duty. I told her that when the priest read in the newspapers that she was at Kataragama on the 27th night it would create a bad impression in his mind about her credibility. Mrs Bandaranaik appreciated my point and asked Amerasinghe to cancel the Kataragama trip. The coup leaders had planned their strategy assuming that Sirimavo would be at Kataragama that night. If Sirimavo had, in fact gone to Kataragama the coup may well have succeeded.

Planning for the take-over of the government had gone on for quite some time by a very few at the top. Security precautions based on the principle of those who ‘need to know’ had been strictly observed. The detailed plans were revealed to most of those involved only less than 48 hours from ‘H’ hour.

Colonel Maurice de Mel and Colonel F C de Saram were in charge of army arrangements for the coup, while Sydney de Zoysa and C C Dissanayake were in charge of police arrangements. Royce de Mel former Captain of the Navy, was also associated in the detailed planning of the coup, and it seems that the co-ordination and army and police operations was undertaken by Sydney de Zoysa, a retired DIG of police.

F C (Derrick) de Saram, was a key figure and wanted to ‘take the rap’ as he put it for the attempted coup. On hearing that something was seriously amiss that Sunday morning I reported to Sirimavo and Felix who were already at work at Temple Trees. F C de Saram, smartly turned out in his Colonel’s uniform – he was in the volunteer corps – and as usual, cheerful and confident, was at the front porch around 9.00 am. On my inquiring what was up since I was quite unaware of the night’s happenings, grinning broadly he replied breezily that there was some small matter which had come up on which he was wanted and went upstairs to where Felix had set up an investigating unit. I did not see him again until he was released from prison four years later.

Derrick was connected to the Bandaranaike family through marriage to an Obeysekere. He was a highly talented and popular figure with many sides to his character. I knew him well and admired him for his sportsmanship and his outstanding leadership for the Sinhalese Sports Club and his captaincy of All Ceylon at cricket. I did not realize that he had political sensitivities of any kind, until one evening after ‘nets’ at the SSC, he engaged me in a long conversation about his Oxford days and the part he had played in the agitation for Indian independence in the Indian Majlis — a vibrant agitational group at the time, in England. The conversation turned soon to the Sirimavo government’s socialist programs and the disastrous effect it was having on the country. I felt he was trying to draw me out and therefore, was cautious in my response.

As more and more military officers, many of them my acquaintances of the sports field, came in, the magnitude and widespread nature of the attempted coup came into focus. All of the Ministers of the Government, the Permanent Secretary for Defence and External Affairs, the Inspector-General of Police, the Deputy Inspector-General in charge of the Criminal Investigation Department, and some leftist leaders were among the persons to be arrested at some time after midnight on the 27th. The acting Captain of the Navy, Rajan Kadirgamar was also marked for arrest, while the other service commanders were to be restrained, and prevented from leaving their houses that night after a certain hour.

The persons arrested in Colombo were to be taken to army headquarters and imprisoned in the Ammunition Magazine, which is a reinforced concrete structure, partially underground. Those arrested outside Colombo were to be taken to the police headquarters of the area pending further instructions.

Soon after midnight, police cars equipped with radio and loud hailers were to be sent out to announce an immediate curfew in the city of Colombo.

As more and more details were revealed with the younger officers making long confessions” hoping that this would earn them a pardon, Felix tightened security and threw a cordon around Temple Trees. That evening I saw Rajan Kadirgamar dressed in blue battledress, toting a sub-machine gun and prowling up and down the front corridor. As he put it he was out there because no one knew, as of then, who was in and who was not and whether the coup was still on.

The atmosphere was very, very tense. Felix was in his element getting all the facts of the case and breaking down the evidence of those who tried to downplay what the plotters were doing on the Saturday night. They, the plotters were trying to make out that all they intended to do was a full dress rehearsal, to deal with an imminent breakdown of law and order that, they, the military top brass wished to avert in the national interest.

A feature of the investigation was the work of the DIG, CID, S A Dissanayake, the brother of C C Dissanayake, one of the chief suspects. The brothers had joined the force together as assistant superintendents, had been excellent policemen throughout and were competitive rivals. Blood was certainly not going to stand in the way of duty and Jingle (S A) was assiduous in unearthing fresh evidence against Jungle (C C) his own brother. This duty consciousness, in which duty transcended blood relationship, was perhaps part of a colonial inheritance, which is unheard of today.

Based on the facts revealed during the investigations, which were being conveyed to her each day, the prime minister was quick to act. Speedy changes were made in certain key positions in the armed forces and police. The attorney-general was consulted regarding the possibility of new laws to prosecute the plotters since existing legislation and procedures might be insufficient to deal with the case, and since there had been several references in the statements to the possible involvement of the Governor-General Oliver Goonetilleke, action to neutralize and remove him from office had to be effected as soon as possible.

Finally, the Cabinet decided to formulate new legislation to proceed with the case against 29 suspects. But this itself contained the seeds of failure. After conviction by the courts in Ceylon, the Privy Council to which the case was appealed proceeded to rule in favour of the accused now in remand on the grounds that the legislation was ultra vires to the Constitution. The defence had successfully pleaded the ground of the retroactive nature of the law and the Privy Council, the final court of appeal at the time had held with the appellants. The Privy Council judgment was delivered after the UNP had come back in 1965 and the government was not inclined to go any further. Whereupon those who had now spent around four years in detention and remand prison returned home and continued albeit at a lower profile to pursue their normal avocations both on the sports fields and in civil society.

As for the other line of action against the governor-general, this required two sets of measures. Firstly, informing the Queen since the governor-general was her appointee although the prime minister made the recommendation in the first instance. Secondly, to find a suitable alternative in case the Queen was prepared to drop Sir Oliver. There was fortunately for Sirimavo an appropriate candidate in William Gopallawa, then Ambassador in Washington. In Bandaranaike’s time Gopallawa who had been municipal commissioner of Kandy had been brought to Colombo as commissioner. Later he had been appointed Ambassador to China and thereafter in Sirimavo’s time Ambassador to Washington.

There had been some comment in the gossip columns of the weeklies that these appointments smacked of a little family bandyism since Gopallawa was the father-in-law of Mackie, Sirimavo’s brother. However, Bandaranaike had shrugged this off as Gopallawa had proved himself an efficient and clean municipal commissioner and a cautious and loyal ambassador and although not holding a particularly distinguished public service record, was fully eligible for the highest position in the political hierarchy.

On February 18, 1962 Felix Dias Bandaranaike made a statement in the House of Representatives and said that during the investigations of the attempted coup, the name of Sir Oliver Goonetilleke too had been mentioned. Sir Oliver indicated that he had no objection to being questioned like any other citizen. However, nobody had the power to question the duly appointed representative of the Queen without obtaining her permission.

I was sent on a secret mission to London – to see the Queen

One morning when I went to office, Sirimavo asked me to fly to London immediately with a ‘dangerous’ letter. I packed a suitcase and left for London in a hurry.Suffice it to say that when I returned to Ceylon after a week’s stay in London my mission had proved a success.

On the afternoon of February 26, 1962, we informed all newspaper offices and Radio Ceylon to stand by for a very important announcement to be released at midnight. Accordingly, Radio Ceylon too extended night transmissions beyond the normal closing times.

The announcement made under the name of Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike was broadcast at 12 midnight. It said that Her Majesty, the Queen of England, had kindly consented to a proposal made by the Queen’s Government in Ceylon to appoint Mr William Gopallawa as the governor-general of Ceylon to succeed Sir Oliver Goonetilleke. The appointment was to be effective from March 20, 1962, the announcement added. At the same time a similar announcement was made by Buckingham Palace, in London.



Continue Reading
Click to comment

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

Features

Rebuilding Sri Lanka Through Inclusive Governance

Published

on

Management Committee of the 'Rebuilding Sri Lanka' Fund Appointed with Representatives from the Public and Private Sectors - PMD

In the immediate aftermath of Cyclone Ditwah, the government has moved swiftly to establish a Presidential Task Force for Rebuilding Sri Lanka with a core committee to assess requirements, set priorities, allocate resources and raise and disburse funds. Public reaction, however, has focused on the committee’s problematic composition. All eleven committee members are men, and all non-government seats are held by business personalities with no known expertise in complex national development projects, disaster management and addressing the needs of vulnerable populations. They belong to the top echelon of Sri Lanka’s private sector which has been making extraordinary profits. The government has been urged by civil society groups to reconsider the role and purpose of this task force and reconstitute it to be more representative of the country and its multiple  needs.

 The group of high-powered businessmen initially appointed might greatly help mobilise funds from corporates and international donors, but this group may be ill equipped to determine priorities and oversee disbursement and spending. It would be necessary to separate fundraising, fund oversight and spending prioritisation, given the different capabilities and considerations required for each. International experience in post disaster recovery shows that inclusive and representative structures are more likely to produce outcomes that are equitable, efficient and publicly accepted. Civil society, for instance, brings knowledge rooted in communities, experience in working with vulnerable groups and a capacity to question assumptions that may otherwise go unchallenged.

 A positive and important development is that the government has been responsive to these criticisms and has invited at least one civil society representative to join the Rebuilding Sri Lanka committee. This decision deserves to be taken seriously and responded to positively by civil society which needs to call for more representation rather than a single representative.  Such a demand would reflect an understanding that rebuilding after a national disaster cannot be undertaken by the state and the business community alone. The inclusion of civil society will strengthen transparency and public confidence, particularly at a moment when trust in institutions remains fragile. While one appointment does not in itself ensure inclusive governance, it opens the door to a more participatory approach that needs to be expanded and institutionalised.

Costly Exclusions

 Going  down the road of history, the absence of inclusion in government policymaking has cost the country dearly. The exclusion of others, not of one’s own community or political party, started at the very dawn of Independence in 1948. The Father of the Nation, D S Senanayake, led his government to exclude the Malaiyaha Tamil community by depriving them of their citizenship rights. Eight years later, in 1956, the Oxford educated S W R D Bandaranaike effectively excluded the Tamil speaking people from the government by making Sinhala the sole official language. These early decisions normalised exclusion as a tool of governance rather than accommodation and paved the way for seven decades of political conflict and three decades of internal war.

Exclusion has also taken place virulently on a political party basis. Both of Sri Lanka’s post Independence constitutions were decided on by the government alone. The opposition political parties voted against the new constitutions of 1972 and 1977 because they had been excluded from participating in their design. The proposals they had made were not accepted. The basic law of the country was never forged by consensus. This legacy continues to shape adversarial politics and institutional fragility. The exclusion of other communities and political parties from decision making has led to frequent reversals of government policy. Whether in education or economic regulation or foreign policy, what one government has done the successor government has undone.

 Sri Lanka’s poor performance in securing the foreign investment necessary for rapid economic growth can be attributed to this factor in the main. Policy instability is not simply an economic problem but a political one rooted in narrow ownership of power. In 2022, when the people went on to the streets to protest against the government and caused it to fall, they demanded system change in which their primary focus was corruption, which had reached very high levels both literally and figuratively. The focus on corruption, as being done by the government at present, has two beneficial impacts for the government. The first is that it ensures that a minimum of resources will be wasted so that the maximum may be used for the people’s welfare.

Second Benefit

 The second benefit is that by focusing on the crime of corruption, the government can disable many leaders in the opposition. The more opposition leaders who are behind bars on charges of corruption, the less competition the government faces. Yet these gains do not substitute for the deeper requirement of inclusive governance. The present government seems to have identified corruption as the problem it will emphasise. However, reducing or eliminating corruption by itself is not going to lead to rapid economic development. Corruption is not the sole reason for the absence of economic growth. The most important factor in rapid economic growth is to have government policies that are not reversed every time a new government comes to power.

 For Sri Lanka to make the transition to self-sustaining and rapid economic development, it is necessary that the economic policies followed today are not reversed tomorrow. The best way to ensure continuity of policy is to be inclusive in governance. Instead of excluding those in the opposition, the mainstream opposition in particular needs to be included. In terms of system change, the government has scored high with regard to corruption. There is a general feeling that corruption in the country is much reduced compared to the past. However, with regard to inclusion the government needs to demonstrate more commitment. This was evident in the initial choice of cabinet ministers, who were nearly all men from the majority ethnic community. Important committees it formed, including the Presidential Task Force for a Clean Sri Lanka and the Rebuilding Sri Lanka Task Force, also failed at first to reflect the diversity of the country.

 In a multi ethnic and multi religious society like Sri Lanka, inclusivity is not merely symbolic. It is essential for addressing diverse perspectives and fostering mutual understanding. It is important to have members of the Tamil, Muslim and other minority communities, and women who are 52 percent of the population, appointed to important decision making bodies, especially those tasked with national recovery. Without such representation, the risk is that the very communities most affected by the crisis will remain unheard, and old grievances will be reproduced in new forms. The invitation extended to civil society to participate in the Rebuilding Sri Lanka Task Force is an important beginning. Whether it becomes a turning point will depend on whether the government chooses to make inclusion a principle of governance rather than treat it as a show of concession made under pressure.

by Jehan Perera

Continue Reading

Features

Reservoir operation and flooding

Published

on

Floods caused by Cyclone Ditwah

Former Director General of Irrigation, G.T. Dharmasena, in an article, titled “Revival of Innovative systems for reservoir operation and flood forecasting” in The Island of 17 December, 2025, starts out by stating:

“Most reservoirs in Sri Lanka are agriculture and hydropower dominated. Reservoir operators are often unwilling to acknowledge the flood detention capability of major reservoirs during the onset of monsoons. Deviating from the traditional priority for food production and hydropower development, it is time to reorient the operational approach of major reservoirs operators under extreme events, where flood control becomes a vital function. While admitting that total elimination of flood impacts is not technically feasible, the impacts can be reduced by efficient operation of reservoirs and effective early warning systems”.

Addressing the question often raised by the public as to “Why is flooding more prominent downstream of reservoirs compared to the period before they were built,” Mr. Dharmasena cites the following instances: “For instance, why do (sic) Magama in Tissamaharama face floods threats after the construction of the massive Kirindi Oya reservoir? Similarly, why does Ambalantota flood after the construction of Udawalawe Reservoir? Furthermore, why is Molkawa, in the Kalutara District area, getting flooded so often after the construction of Kukule reservoir”?

“These situations exist in several other river basins, too. Engineers must, therefore, be mindful of the need to strictly control the operation of the reservoir gates by their field staff. (Since) “The actual field situation can sometimes deviate significantly from the theoretical technology… it is necessary to examine whether gate operators are strictly adhering to the operational guidelines, as gate operation currently relies too much on the discretion of the operator at the site”.

COMMENT

For Mr. Dharmasena to bring to the attention of the public that “gate operation currently relies too much on the discretion of the operator at the site”, is being disingenuous, after accepting flooding as a way of life for ALL major reservoirs for decades and not doing much about it. As far as the public is concerned, their expectation is that the Institution responsible for Reservoir Management should, not only develop the necessary guidelines to address flooding but also ensure that they are strictly administered by those responsible, without leaving it to the arbitrary discretion of field staff. This exercise should be reviewed annually after each monsoon, if lives are to be saved and livelihoods are to be sustained.

IMPACT of GATE OPERATION on FLOODING

According to Mr. Dhamasena, “Major reservoir spillways are designed for very high return periods… If the spillway gates are opened fully when reservoir is at full capacity, this can produce an artificial flood of a very large magnitude… Therefore, reservoir operators must be mindful in this regard to avoid any artificial flood creation” (Ibid). Continuing, he states: “In reality reservoir spillways are often designed for the sole safety of the reservoir structure, often compromising the safety of the downstream population. This design concept was promoted by foreign agencies in recent times to safeguard their investment for dams. Consequently, the discharge capacities of these spill gates significantly exceed the natural carrying capacity of river(s) downstream” (Ibid).

COMMENT

The design concept where priority is given to the “sole safety of the structure” that causes the discharge capacity of spill gates to “significantly exceed” the carrying capacity of the river is not limited to foreign agencies. Such concepts are also adopted by local designers as well, judging from the fact that flooding is accepted as an inevitable feature of reservoirs. Since design concepts in their current form lack concern for serious destructive consequences downstream and, therefore, unacceptable, it is imperative that the Government mandates that current design criteria are revisited as a critical part of the restoration programme.

CONNECTIVITY BETWEEN GATE OPENINGS and SAFETY MEASURES

It is only after the devastation of historic proportions left behind by Cyclone Ditwah that the Public is aware that major reservoirs are designed with spill gate openings to protect the safety of the structure without factoring in the consequences downstream, such as the safety of the population is an unacceptable proposition. The Institution or Institutions associated with the design have a responsibility not only to inform but also work together with Institutions such as Disaster Management and any others responsible for the consequences downstream, so that they could prepare for what is to follow.

Without working in isolation and without limiting it only to, informing related Institutions, the need is for Institutions that design reservoirs to work as a team with Forecasting and Disaster Management and develop operational frameworks that should be institutionalised and approved by the Cabinet of Ministers. The need is to recognize that without connectivity between spill gate openings and safety measures downstream, catastrophes downstream are bound to recur.

Therefore, the mandate for dam designers and those responsible for disaster management and forecasting should be for them to jointly establish guidelines relating to what safety measures are to be adopted for varying degrees of spill gate openings. For instance, the carrying capacity of the river should relate with a specific openinig of the spill gate. Another specific opening is required when the population should be compelled to move to high ground. The process should continue until the spill gate opening is such that it warrants the population to be evacuated. This relationship could also be established by relating the spill gate openings to the width of the river downstream.

The measures recommended above should be backed up by the judicious use of the land within the flood plain of reservoirs for “DRY DAMS” with sufficient capacity to intercept part of the spill gate discharge from which excess water could be released within the carrying capacity of the river. By relating the capacity of the DRY DAM to the spill gate opening, a degree of safety could be established. However, since the practice of demarcating flood plains is not taken seriously by the Institution concerned, the Government should introduce a Bill that such demarcations are made mandatory as part of State Land in the design and operation of reservoirs. Adopting such a practice would not only contribute significantly to control flooding, but also save lives by not permitting settlement but permitting agricultural activities only within these zones. Furthermore, the creation of an intermediate zone to contain excess flood waters would not tax the safety measures to the extent it would in the absence of such a safety net.

CONCLUSION

Perhaps, the towns of Kotmale and Gampola suffered severe flooding and loss of life because the opening of spill gates to release the unprecedented volumes of water from Cyclone Ditwah, was warranted by the need to ensure the safety of Kotmale and Upper Kotmale Dams.

This and other similar disasters bring into focus the connectivity that exists between forecasting, operation of spill gates, flooding and disaster management. Therefore, it is imperative that the government introduce the much-needed legislative and executive measures to ensure that the agencies associated with these disciplines develop a common operational framework to mitigate flooding and its destructive consequences. A critical feature of such a framework should be the demarcation of the flood plain, and decree that land within the flood plain is a zone set aside for DRY DAMS, planted with trees and free of human settlements, other than for agricultural purposes. In addition, the mandate of such a framework should establish for each river basin the relationship between the degree to which spill gates are opened with levels of flooding and appropriate safety measures.

The government should insist that associated Agencies identify and conduct a pilot project to ascertain the efficacy of the recommendations cited above and if need be, modify it accordingly, so that downstream physical features that are unique to each river basin are taken into account and made an integral feature of reservoir design. Even if such restrictions downstream limit the capacities to store spill gate discharges, it has to be appreciated that providing such facilities within the flood plain to any degree would mitigate the destructive consequences of the flooding.

By Neville Ladduwahetty

Continue Reading

Features

Listening to the Language of Shells

Published

on

The ocean rarely raises its voice. Instead, it leaves behind signs — subtle, intricate and enduring — for those willing to observe closely. Along Sri Lanka’s shores, these signs often appear in the form of seashells: spiralled, ridged, polished by waves, carrying within them the quiet history of marine life. For Marine Naturalist Dr. Malik Fernando, these shells are not souvenirs of the sea but storytellers, bearing witness to ecological change, resilience and loss.

“Seashells are among the most eloquent narrators of the ocean’s condition,” Dr. Fernando told The Island. “They are biological archives. If you know how to read them, they reveal the story of our seas, past and present.”

A long-standing marine conservationist and a member of the Marine Subcommittee of the Wildlife & Nature Protection Society (WNPS), Dr. Fernando has dedicated much of his life to understanding and protecting Sri Lanka’s marine ecosystems. While charismatic megafauna often dominate conservation discourse, he has consistently drawn attention to less celebrated but equally vital marine organisms — particularly molluscs, whose shells are integral to coastal and reef ecosystems.

“Shells are often admired for their beauty, but rarely for their function,” he said. “They are homes, shields and structural components of marine habitats. When shell-bearing organisms decline, it destabilises entire food webs.”

Sri Lanka’s geographical identity as an island nation, Dr. Fernando says, is paradoxically underrepresented in national conservation priorities. “We speak passionately about forests and wildlife on land, but our relationship with the ocean remains largely extractive,” he noted. “We fish, mine sand, build along the coast and pollute, yet fail to pause and ask how much the sea can endure.”

Through his work with the WNPS Marine Subcommittee, Dr. Fernando has been at the forefront of advocating for science-led marine policy and integrated coastal management. He stressed that fragmented governance and weak enforcement continue to undermine marine protection efforts. “The ocean does not recognise administrative boundaries,” he said. “But unfortunately, our policies often do.”

He believes that one of the greatest challenges facing marine conservation in Sri Lanka is invisibility. “What happens underwater is out of sight, and therefore out of mind,” he said. “Coral bleaching, mollusc depletion, habitat destruction — these crises unfold silently. By the time the impacts reach the shore, it is often too late.”

Seashells, in this context, become messengers. Changes in shell thickness, size and abundance, Dr. Fernando explained, can signal shifts in ocean chemistry, rising temperatures and increasing acidity — all linked to climate change. “Ocean acidification weakens shells,” he said. “It is a chemical reality with biological consequences. When shells grow thinner, organisms become more vulnerable, and ecosystems less stable.”

Climate change, he warned, is no longer a distant threat but an active force reshaping Sri Lanka’s marine environment. “We are already witnessing altered breeding cycles, migration patterns and species distribution,” he said. “Marine life is responding rapidly. The question is whether humans will respond wisely.”

Despite the gravity of these challenges, Dr. Fernando remains an advocate of hope rooted in knowledge. He believes public awareness and education are essential to reversing marine degradation. “You cannot expect people to protect what they do not understand,” he said. “Marine literacy must begin early — in schools, communities and through public storytelling.”

It is this belief that has driven his involvement in initiatives that use visual narratives to communicate marine science to broader audiences. According to Dr. Fernando, imagery, art and heritage-based storytelling can evoke emotional connections that data alone cannot. “A well-composed image of a shell can inspire curiosity,” he said. “Curiosity leads to respect, and respect to protection.”

Shells, he added, also hold cultural and historical significance in Sri Lanka, having been used for ornamentation, ritual objects and trade for centuries. “They connect nature and culture,” he said. “By celebrating shells, we are also honouring coastal communities whose lives have long been intertwined with the sea.”

However, Dr. Fernando cautioned against romanticising the ocean without acknowledging responsibility. “Celebration must go hand in hand with conservation,” he said. “Otherwise, we risk turning heritage into exploitation.”

He was particularly critical of unregulated shell collection and commercialisation. “What seems harmless — picking up shells — can have cumulative impacts,” he said. “When multiplied across thousands of visitors, it becomes extraction.”

As Sri Lanka continues to promote coastal tourism, Dr. Fernando emphasised the need for sustainability frameworks that prioritise ecosystem health. “Tourism must not come at the cost of the very environments it depends on,” he said. “Marine conservation is not anti-development; it is pro-future.”

Dr. Malik Fernando

Reflecting on his decades-long engagement with the sea, Dr. Fernando described marine conservation as both a scientific pursuit and a moral obligation. “The ocean has given us food, livelihoods, climate regulation and beauty,” he said. “Protecting it is not an act of charity; it is an act of responsibility.”

He called for stronger collaboration between scientists, policymakers, civil society and the private sector. “No single entity can safeguard the ocean alone,” he said. “Conservation requires collective stewardship.”

Yet, amid concern, Dr. Fernando expressed cautious optimism. “Sri Lanka still has immense marine wealth,” he said. “Our reefs, seagrass beds and coastal waters are resilient, if given a chance.”

Standing at the edge of the sea, shells scattered along the sand, one is reminded that the ocean does not shout its warnings. It leaves behind clues — delicate, enduring, easily overlooked. For Dr. Malik Fernando, those clues demand attention.

“The sea is constantly communicating,” he said. “In shells, in currents, in changing patterns of life. The real question is whether we, as a society, are finally prepared to listen — and to act before silence replaces the story.”

 

By Ifham Nizam

Continue Reading

Trending