Editorial
The ayes had it

The first budget proper of the Ranil Wickremesinghe presidency was concluded on Thursday with the third reading vote comfortably passed. So also the second reading. This was widely predicted and there were no surprises at voting time. The Tamil National Alliance (TNA) and some of the other northern MPs absented themselves during the vote as they had earlier assured they would while former Justice CV Wigneswaran abstained as he had done on the second reading. This reflected Tamil expectations of something tangible coming out of the president’s promised effort to take steps to finally resolve what has been called the Tamil National Question – a matter outstanding in the national agenda from 1956 if not earlier.
President Wickremesinghe, wearing the finance minister’s hat as two of his predecessors, Presidents Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga and Mahinda Rajapaksa did before him, was a frequent presence in parliament during the budget debate, much more so than either CBK or MR had been when they were similarly placed. Wickremesinghe clearly is a parliamentary president who, given his history of an unbroken presence in the House from 1977 to August 2020 when he lost his seat, obviously enjoys its hurly burly. This was clearly demonstrated in the just concluded budget debate where he made it a point to be in the chamber or otherwise be physically present in his parliament office to exercise his constitutional right to participate or intervene in the proceedings of the legislature.
It has been widely speculated that Wickremesinghe, who was elected the ninth president of this country by the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) on July 20 this year to serve out Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s balance term, has been under considerable pressure to expand his present 20-member cabinet. Such pressure is believed to have increased with the return to the country of Basil Rajapaksa credited to be the puppeteer pulling the SLPP strings. RW of course is very well aware of the public hatred of politicians, particularly those very visible during the Rajapaksa Raj demonstrating affluence beyond their known means. The Rajapaksas were kept out in the first round of cabinet making. But eldest brother Chamal’s son was one among the new state ministers. MR’s ambitions for Namal is a given. But will the president cave into a demand that Mahinda’s son returns to cabinet office? Is he strong enough to resist that if push comes to shove?
Many have beens have been knocking on the cabinet door anxious to remount their previous pedestals. Wickremesinghe who would have far preferred to have a lean and mean cabinet, particularly at this time when many sacrifices are demanded of the common man, braved unpopularity to appoint a clutch of non-cabinet state ministers last September after the cabinet appointments in July. This was under SLPP pressure but several seniors of that party and other claimants are still out in the cold. Following the final budget vote on Thursday, parliament watchers have been wondering whether there were signals from the voting that some cabinet and state ministry appointments are due shortly. It was noted that a Tamil Progressive Alliance MP abstained courting disciplinary action by his party. Dr. Sudarshini Fernandopulle and Duminda Dissanayake voted in favour provoking speculation that they may return to office.
The outcome of the voting obviously signals that there is no political instability in the country that the opposition wishfully hopes for. The steam generated by the aragalaya, as claimed by the government during the budget debate, has now died down to a large extent. There are no kilometers long petrol/diesel queues, cooking gas is freely available although the recent price reduction has been reversed, milk powder is available though at a largely unaffordable price that has depressed demand, and the power cuts are tolerable thanks to the rain gods. State Minister of Finance Ranjith Siyambalapitiya did try to credit the present administration for these favourable developments during the closing stages of the budget debate. But as pointed out by JVP leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake, the fact that we have stopped repaying our foreign debt some months ago and are not servicing interest has eased pressure on the critical foreign exchange problem and enabled what appears to be some flexibility.
State Minister Diana Gamage, whose parliamentary seat is at risk if ongoing investigations establish that she is a British citizen made some waves during the concluding stages of the budget as our front page news story reports today. Gamage who wants to grow ganja commercially and is advocating a night economy in the interests of the tourism industry has threatened the SJB in Parliament saying “If I go down, you go down with me.” The state minister who claims that the Samagi Jana Balavegaya belongs to her is now on record in Hansard saying that this party would be ‘null and void’ if she is deemed to be a foreign citizen. There is no doubt that the hurriedly cobbled SJB took over a party already recognized and registered with the Elections Commission to run at the last general election in August 2020. Gamage was, of course, rewarded for this with an SJB national list seat in the incumbent parliament.
While she has now joined the government and taken office as a state minister for which she has been pilloried not so long ago, what direction the whole business will take remains to be seen. The SJB wants to kick her out of the party she says belongs to her. Such expulsion will cost her national list seat. She, like Geetha Kumarasinghe before her, will also lose her seat if it is determined that she held the citizenship of another country when nominations for the last parliamentary election was received. But these are still early days. A lot of ground will have to be covered in Hultsdorp before there’s finality. Given the laws delays, whether this will happen before the next election is anybody’s guess.
Editorial
Transparency compromised

Monday 7th April, 2025
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Sri Lanka visit saw the signing of seven MoUs between New Delhi and Colombo. Prominent among them are the MoU on the implementation of HVDC Interconnection for import/export of power, the MoU on cooperation among the governments of India, Sri Lanka, and the United Arab Emirates on developing Trincomalee as an energy hub, and the MoU on defence cooperation between India and Sri Lanka.
The signing of those MoUs, especially the one on defence cooperation, on 05 April, is a textbook example of irony. The significance of that day may not have been lost on keen political observers. The JVP, which leads the ruling NPP coalition, launched its first abortive insurrection on 05 April 1971, and one of the five classes it held to indoctrinate its new recruits, before sending them on a suicidal mission, was on Indian expansionism.
There is no gainsaying that Sri Lanka must not allow its land, sea and airspace to be used against India in any manner—or against any other nation for that matter. President J. R. Jayewardene, in his wisdom, got too close to the US in a bipolar world, and antagonised India in the process. He had the scourge of separatist terror and the Indo-Lanka Accord to contend with. The JVP went all out to scuttle the implementation of that accord, albeit in vain. The US and India have closed ranks today in a bid to thwart China’s rise, and a government led by the JVP has signed an MoU with India on defence cooperation!
The NPP government has violated one of the fundamental tenets of good governance––transparency. There has been no transparency about the aforesaid MoUs, especially the one on defence cooperation.
When the JVP/NPP was in the Opposition, it would flay governments for signing vital MoUs and pacts without transparency. It has kept Parliament in the dark about the MoUs in question. It is apparently emulating its bete noire, Ranil Wickremesinghe, not only in managing the economy but also signing vital MoUs!
India has demonstrated its ability to render Sri Lankan political parties malleable. PM Modi can justifiably pat himself on the back for having tamed the once anti-Indian JVP, which unleashed brutal violence purportedly to extricate Sri Lanka from what it described as India’s tentacles, in the late 1980s.
In 2024, the Modi government gave a diplomatic leg-up to the JVP/NPP, enabling its rise in national politics as a political party with some international recognition, and boosting its chances of winning elections. There is reason to believe that the JVP-led NPP would not have been able to win any parliamentary seats in the North and the East if it had not been in the good books of India. Interestingly, in October 2015, Dissanayake himself stated in Parliament that Jaffna had become a den of RAW spies. “They attempt to create political instability in Jaffna and we should put a stop to it,” he said. Today, the JVP is at India’s beck and call! In 2021, the then former MP Dr. Nalinda Jayatissa, who had been a member of the Parliamentary Select Committee that probed the Eastern Sunday terror attacks (2019), told BBC that he believed India had been behind the carnage, and his conclusion was based on ‘investigative evidence’. Dr. Jayatissa is the incumbent Media Minister. The JVP/NPP no longer inveighs against India for what it accused the latter of, in the past. Worryingly, its government stands accused of having blocked local media out of some key events related to PM Modi’s Sri Lanka visit over the weekend.
It is toe-curling to see some JVP leaders who resorted to mindless terror in a bid to scuttle the signing of the Indo-Lanka Accord , in 1987, going all out to justify the inking of an MoU on defence cooperation between their government and India, more than three and a half decades later. The signing of that particular MoU marked the JVP’s biggest-ever Machiavellian U-turn. If it had refrained from unleashing terror in 1987, tens of thousands of lives and state assets worth billions of US dollars could have been saved. Most of all, how would the JVP have reacted if a previous government had entered into MoUs with India?
Editorial
Bottom trawling: Right and Might

Indian Prime Minister Narndra Modi’s three-day visit here was predictably heralded by a blaze of publicity in the local press and electronic media. This was no cause for surprise given that good relations with our giant neighbour, or Big Brother as some would prefer to style it, must remain the cornerstone of Sri Lanka’s foreign policy. New Delhi accurately judged in which direction the political winds were blowing well ahead of last year’s presidential and parliamentary elections and invited the soon to be President Anura Kumara Dissanayake to visit India where he was well received. Weeks after being elected president, and scoring a better than two thirds majority in the parliamentary election that followed shortly thereafter, Dissanayake paid a state visit to India, his very first after being elected and was very warmly welcomed.
Prime Minister Modi is now here on a reciprocal visit and has a crowded agenda including a visit to Anuradhapura where he will pay homage to the sacred Jaya Sri Maha Bodhiya, grown from a sapling of the bo tree in India under which the Buddha attained enlightenment; and formally inaugurate the Maho-Anuradhapura railway signaling system and the newly upgraded Maho-Omanthai railway line, both assisted by India. Several memorandums of understanding, including possibly a Defence Co-operation Agreement, kept under wraps at the time of writing this comment, are due to be exchanged. Official word on the subject is that matters to be covered in the MOUs include energy, digitization, security and healthcare along with agreements relating to India’s debt restructuring assistance. But no details have been forthcoming.
Additionally, the visiting prime minister and his delegation who will have bilateral discussions with Sri Lanka’s president is also due to virtually inaugurate several India assisted projects. These include the Sampur solar power plant, the 5,000 mt temperature and humidity controlled cold storage facility in Dambulla and the installation of 5,000 solar panels across 5,000 religious sites here. Sri Lanka cannot forget the massive assistance provided by India in 2022 when this country faced the worst economic crisis in its contemporary history. At that time India provided multi-pronged assistance, including a $4 billion financing package through multiple credit lines and currency support, to help this country sustain essential imports and avoid defaulting on its debts.
Sri Lanka is undoubtedly benefiting from great power rivalry between India and China in the Indian Ocean where India seeks advantages through its Neighbourhood First policy while China seeks leverage through its Belt and Road initiative. The fact that the new Sri Lanka president chose to make his first state visit to India and thereafter follow with a visit to China may be an indication of priorities in Colombo. There is no escaping the reality that all countries must, where foreign relations are concerned, place their own national interest above all other considerations. This is so be it for Sri Lanka, India, China or any other country. Thus while not looking gift horses in the mouth, we must always be conscious that there is no such thing as a free lunch and be protective of our own interests.
Relations between Sri Lanka and India saw both high and low points during this century. The low was during the civil war Sri Lanka waged against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in the earlier stages of which India allowed the insurgents to train and base on Indian territory. India, in fact, provided them with weapons and military training and other assistance through its RAW (Research and Analysis Wing). state intelligence agency. It may be argued that the communal disharmony between the Sinhalese and the Tamils that escalated into civil war was a problem of Sri Lanka’s own making and sub-regional sentiment in Tamil Nadu greatly influenced New Delhi’s hand in intervening.
Relations thereby plummeted and were restored to a point by the signing the Indo- Sri Lanka Peace Accord between President J.R. Jayewardene and Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi in July 1987. With two insurrections raging in the north and south of the country, Jayewardene had no option but seek Indian assistance on India’s terms. What followed including Rajiv Gandhi’s assassination, as he campaigned for re-election as India’s prime minister is contemporary history that requires no elaboration. But since then, in the post 2022 situation when Sri Lanka faced an unprecedented economic crisis and was forced to declare bankruptcy, India came to our rescue with massive assistance and relations between the two countries have never been better.
At this point of time when Sri Lanka is headed in a new political direction under new leadership, will it be possible for the greatest irritant in present Indo-Lanka relations – bottom trawling by Indian fishermen poaching in Sri Lanka waters and destroying the marine environment – to be conclusively resolved? India has always adopted the position that this issue must be resolved in what she calls a “humanitarian manner.” It is undoubtedly a livelihood issue for fishermen – on both sides. Indian fishermen enjoyed free rein on the Sri Lanka side of the International Maritime Boundary during the war when Lankan fishermen were prohibited from going into deep sea. The Indians claim fishing in our waters to be their “traditional right.”
Prime Minister Modi’s party attempted to win votes in Tamil Nadu during the last election by accusing the Congress of “ceding” Kachchativu to Sri Lanka. The right on this issue is on our side while the might is on India’s. In the midst of honeyed words that will be much of the picture during until Sunday when the visit ends, result in might conceding to right? Even at least as far as stopping bottom trawling, illegal on our side though not in India’s goes?
Editorial
Dulling the pangs of hunger

Saturday 5th April, 2025
The government has, with the help of the National Food Promotion Board, the Ministry of Health and the Ministry of Agriculture, launched a programme to provide the public with nutritious food at reasonable prices as part of its Clean Sri Lanka initiative. The public, fleeced by private eatery owners ruthlessly, will surely benefit from this programme, which deserves praise. It will also help improve the government’s approval rating significantly. A way to a person’s heart is said to be through his or her stomach.
A widely-held misconception is that every prospect pleases in this country, and only politicians are vile. True, most politicians are thought to be bad, but it is not fair to single them out for castigation. There are many others who are either equally bad or even worse. The blame for people’s hardships due to the high cost of living should be apportioned to the business community, given to unconscionably exploitative practices; its members, from wayside eatery owners to corporate fat cats, jack up the prices of their products and services according to their whims and fancies, at the expense of the public. The rice millers have become a law unto themselves.
Why food inflation is high is not difficult to understand. A plain hopper is priced at Rs. 25, and an egg costs about Rs. 30 at present, but an egg hopper is sold at Rs. 100! Food prices that went into the stratosphere at the height of the economic crisis in 2022 have not come down significantly owing to the greed of the unscrupulous members of the business community.
The government initiative to make quality food available at reasonable prices to the public should continue, and it is hoped that the NPP leaders will also develop the Hela Bojun Hala (HBH) restaurant chain under the Ministry of Agriculture. These eating places not only sell nutritious food made from local ingredients at very reasonable prices but also economically empower women. All HBH outlets are run by women and do not sell wheat flour products or sugary drinks.
The NPP government can give a turbo boost to the HBH programme by expanding it across the country. That will help provide direct employment to many more women. Sri Lanka’s overall unemployment rate is 4.7%, and about 6.7% women are unemployed. Besides, during gluts, fruit and vegetable growers often dump their unsold produce on the roadside in protest. The government may be able to use the HBH network to help the farming community while generating employment opportunities and providing the public with quality food at affordable prices.
Minister of Agriculture K. D. Lalkantha, known for innovative thinking and hard work, was the chief guest at the recent launch of the aforesaid food programme. He should take time off from pursuits such as counting monkeys and give serious thought to developing the HBH network further so that more people will have access to reasonably-priced, hygienic, and nutritious foods, and more jobs can be created for women, and men as well if a home delivery service is set up at the HBH outlets.
Sri Lanka’s political culture is such that when a new government is elected it launches its own programmes and either scrap the ones introduced by its predecessor or let them wither on the vine. It is hoped that the NPP government will be different and develop the HBH programme, which has become a success.
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