Features
Television takes off; JRJ takes over ITN fathered by two of his nephews
Excerpted from vol, 2 of Sarath Amunugama’s autobiography
I visited Tokyo and had discussions with the Ministry of Finance and the Nippon Electrical Corporation [NEC] to quickly begin work on our Television complex. We could save time because it was an outright grant from Japan to thank JRJ for his memorable contribution at the Peace Conference in San Francisco. At the same time another grant was awarded at JRJ’s request for a hospital which was to become today’s Sri Jayewardenepura hospital.
Here too the President acted in his inimitable manner. He was asked to decide on the number of beds for the new hospital. He inquired from the Japanese authorities about the number of beds in their largest hospital abroad. The answer was 1000. JRJ asked for 1001 beds and the nonplussed Japanese agreed subject to their own request that the 1001st bed be permanently reserved for the use of JRJ. That was the type of ‘bon homie’ that prevailed at that time. Sri Lanka was placed high on the priority lists for technical cooperation and funding in the OECD countries as later proved in the bi-lateral funding of the Mahaweli scheme.
We organized a spectacular stone laying ceremony for the TV complex under the patronage of the President at the Colombo ladies hockey grounds which now houses Rupavahini. It was also a farewell of sorts for Ambassador Ochi who was retiring amid much appreciation from his government. Ochi, representing Japan, had missed out on funding a Mahaweli dam. The UK, Germany, Canada and Sweden had agreed to undertake those projects. So TV was Ochi’s final throw of the dice.
This was his last assignment and we made it a memorable one for him. Since Japan was identified as a Buddhist country the senior priests who were connected to the SLBC came in large numbers. They were led by Baddegama Wimalawansa, Tallale Dhammananda and Hettimulle Vajirabuddhi Theros who were held in high regard among the ‘intellectual Sangha. The President made a thoughtful speech saying that “Rupavahini should be a Satyavahini”. Ambassador Ochi replied and I gave the vote of thanks ending with a few sentences in Japanese which I had memorized the night before.
Altogether it was an impressive ceremony, and the construction work began the following day. Teams of Japanese specialists were coming in regularly and with my new Minister Anandatissa’s approval I set up a steering committee of SLBC, Film Unit, Information Department and Ministry of Finance officials under my chairmanship to monitor progress weekly. A cell was set up in the Ministry to service the steering Committee. In fact it was not too complicated an operation since this was a ‘turnkey’ project, which meant that all the construction work was undertaken by the Japanese contractor who was paid direct in Tokyo. Thus the work went on without a hitch and we were working ahead of schedule.
PAL System
At this stage I had to make a crucial decision regarding the Television transmission standard. There were three models – American, French [NTSC] and German [PAL]. This referred to the transmission and reception of the TV image. The Indian Doordharshan TV which was primitive and was transmitting black and white images to limited areas was using NTSC based on a UNESCO grant. I discussed this question with the President and decided to consult Arthur Clarke who was living in Colombo and was the father of the ‘geo stationary satellite’.
A few days later Arthur called over and advised, in no uncertain terms, that we should select the PAL option. I informed the Japanese side about our choice and, despite the fact that they used NTSC in Japan, they agreed to provide the PAL system. This has been, as later proved, to be a correct decision and the country is indebted to Arthur Clarke for his forthright and timely advice.
Pidurutalagala
Another strategic decision to be made was regarding the location of TV transmitters. Though countries with a large land mass had to depend on satellites for transmitting the signal, we were fortunate in that our topography enabled us to go for a terrestrial system. This was a great advantage both in terms of costs and easy maintenance. As Arthur Clarke said, “Sri Lanka had been designed by god for TV”. With a central hill massif and the highest point of Pidurutalagala right in the centre of it, we could erect the main tower from which the signal could radiate island-wide.
It only needed two booster towers – in Kokavil in the north and Deniyaya in the south – to reach every nook and corner of the island. This configuration which had the approval of Japanese as well as SLBC engineers, some of whom like Shantilal Nanayakkara had worked as TV engineers abroad, was decided on without much difficulty. The problem however was to take the main tower to Pedro since the top was a virgin jungle with no access.
The Japanese had suggested building a road up to the top but both my Minister and I were opposed to cutting a road as that would lead to the rape of a national treasure by timber extractors and vandals. It was while pondering the problem that I tried out a far out solution which finally worked, though it seems like the ending of a Hollywood movie. I contacted the American Embassy and diverted its 7th fleet to Colombo harbour. Giant helicopters of the 7th fleet were used to airlift the TV towers to the top of Pidurutalagala. This must be recorded as a unique service of the much maligned US navy.
Independent Television Network [ITN]
While the work on the National station was proceeding satisfactorily, Anil Wijewardene and Shan Wickremesinghe were hard at work setting up their private TV station at Mahalwarawa. Shan who had studied engineering in the UK was a genius in mechanical and engineering matters and Anil took care of the administrative side of the operation. JRJ kept an avuncular eye on the family project, meeting his nephews from time to time and asking us to monitor their progress.
Their channel was named the Independent Television Network [ITN] and an American investor joined them to help expedite the project. After a couple of years they were ready to begin transmissions well ahead of the national system [Rupavahini]. ITN soon began test transmissions which were enthusiastically viewed by Colombo society. Anil had got down popular programmes like ‘Sesame Street’ and ‘Mind your Language’ which whetted our appetite for TV.
ITN then announced that they would begin regular broadcasts which would cover a wide urban area soon. Local companies then began to sell TV reception sets mostly imported from Japan. They were all globally known brands and were based on ‘state of the art’ technology. In fact the TV sets were selling in such large numbers that it was way ahead of the projections made by UNESCO and other specialized bodies. It was suggested that some of these sets may be smuggled to India as global brands were hard to come by there.
Indian television in black and white, which was geared to educating farmers, was not very popular. Expectations on ITN were running high and we all looked forward to opening day. Later I was told that Mrs. Elina Jayewardene had invited her friends to her home for tea and TV. The President himself had joined the party. Imagine everybody’s surprise, and anger, when at the appointed hour nothing appeared on their screens. Actually what they saw was a series of white lines, which gave the effect of rain, on a black screen.
Telephones started to ring at Breamar and the President was humiliated. He called Anandatissa and asked him to take over ITN and run it properly. The Minister and all of us were embarrassed because we liked Shan and Anil as young entrepreneurs. We all had to climb out of the hole that they had dug because the public which had invested in TV sets were not interested in the niceties of the blame game. They blamed the President and his Government.
We were savvy enough to know that the family will try to make amends and get the President to rescind his order for a takeover by the Ministry. For some reason, unknown to us, JRJ refused to budge. Our guess was that Mrs. Jayewardene had put her foot down. The President’s decision was a traumatic one for his kin group. Anil’s mother who was a very smart lady, was devastated by this decision. She told me that it reminded her of the traumas inflicted on her husband, Seevali, and family by the Wijewardenes many years ago. (background note – Seevali Wijewardene was ostracized by his father, DR Wijewardene over his marriage).
I replied that JRJ had nurtured this project and had given every opportunity to his young relatives. His decision was a ‘bona fide’ one as he had to face the wrath of the public, I assured her. But she was not satisfied with my explanation. She quite rightly encouraged her son and nephew to start all over again. Anil continued to provide programmes to the reconstituted ITN and the ‘never say die’ Shan worked round the clock and set up Tele Shan which later metamorphosed into the present TNL. Anil quit along the way and Shan and his daughter Ishini ran TNL.
Given the ‘hot potato’ of ITN overnight by the President we had to scramble to salvage the operation. Since we took over ITN under the SLBC Act, I with the Minister’s concurrence, decided to appoint Thevis Guruge – the Director General of SLBC – as the Competent Authority of the network. Guruge was an ideal choice because he was a key member of our Rupavahini planning cell and a veteran of radio broadcasting. He also had a reputation as a ‘go getter’ who had the confidence of his staff.
Because of this interlocking arrangement we could easily deploy the staff and finances of SLBC to get ITN moving. It also had the advantage that we could now coordinate ITN operations with the building of Rupavahini which was already ahead of schedule. Many of the early broadcasters of TV came from SLBC while its camera and editing departments were manned by veterans from the Government Film Unit.
I had sent all Departmental heads of the GFU for training in Germany and Malaysia and outstanding technicians like Leo Wickremaratne, Sanath Liyanage and Wimal Perera and Engineers like Buell and Shantilal Nanayakkara were attached to ITN. With all that talent we took a daring decision to telecast the Independence Day celebrations of 1980 from Galle Face green. SLBC announcers led by H.M. Gunasekere and Palitha Perera were on duty, and we successfully completed our mission.
My Minister and JRJ were delighted. Thanks to the take over and the skills of our personnel we were trained and ready when Rupavahini was launched in 1982. Ochi was replaced by Ambassador Chiba who was a veteran Foreign Service Officer having served in many western capitals before being assigned to Colombo. He worked very -closely with our Ministry and Rupavahini was able to broadcast before the scheduled date.
Then the question of appointing the new Chairman arose. I strongly recommended the appointment of M.J. Perera who was a veteran CCS officer and a much admired Director of Radio Ceylon in its heyday. The President and Menikdiwela were not too happy with our proposal but went along as up to now we had piloted the operation without any problems. The appointment was made but soon I began to have reservations.
I had planned to have a lean and mean administration with productions both in- house and contracted out to many new producers who could sell their wares to Rupavahini. The rise of the ‘Independents’ was the latest approach in order to introduce variety and professionalism to TV broadcasting. MJ’s approach was quite different. As he had done in his Radio Ceylon days he wanted to concentrate power in his own hands and accommodate his loyalists who were encouraged to sing his praise.
As usual he attempted to create his own ‘comfort zone’ by surrounding himself with artistes in other fields such as the Sinhala stage who were given executive positions that they were not familiar with. He expanded the administration, even going to the extent of first building an administration block to accommodate a large number of clerks who were called ‘The Horana Horde’ since many of them came from his home town.
The idea of a new style TV was abandoned for a bureaucratic monolith which to date cannot compete with the private channels which are lean and mean and making handsome profits. State TV is at the bottom of viewer ratings and its Chairmen have had to appeal to the Treasury for funds to pay its overstaffed cadres. The latest equipment donated by Japan are not utilized and corruption is rampant, as in most state Institutions. Many years later when I was an advisor to the President, I managed to change the Board but by then it was too late. State radio and television have been rejected by the audience.
Features
Complexities in global politics deepen as economic pressures intensify
The present offer by the UK to strengthen Ukraine’s defense capabilities in the missile technology field in particular comes as ‘a stitch in time’ and the initiative is also likely to be appreciated considerably by democratic opinion world wide for the possible morale-boosting effect it would have on Ukraine. Besides continuous arms support, the conviction that the world’s frontline democracies are behind it would prove a huge plus in Ukraine’s eyes in its grinding fightback against the Russian invasion.
While continued US support for Ukraine could not be considered ‘a given’ any more, British Prime Minister Andy Burnham’s words during a recent visit to Kyiv that the UK would stand by Ukraine ‘for as long as it takes’ is the kind of assurance that Ukraine needs at present. For, the conflict in Ukraine is essentially a war of liberation conducted by the latter against an invader and deeply at issue here is the upholding of International Law and its foundational concepts, such as national sovereignty and a nation’s right to political self-determination. The world of democracy is of the firm view that the latter ideals cannot be compromised, come what may.
The UK has its work cut out in this connection. It would find it difficult to convince the Trump administration that it should staunchly stand by Ukraine but it could campaign vigorously with the rest of the West and the EU fold in particular to unflaggingly support the embattled and over-run country.
Ukraine has shown an impressive adeptness in using drone technology in particular against her enemy and has even manufactured her own hardware in this respect but using the relevant blueprints handed over by the UK for the manufacture of more sophisticated cruise missiles, for instance, may prove financially difficult, going forward. It is left to be seen whether the UK and the rest of the West who are with Ukraine will continue to be with her, considering their own rising financial constraints.
The latter impediments could only multiply in the future. Oil, gas and energy prices are on the rise and the latter costs are glaringly reflected in kitchens and meal tables the world over. As we go along consumer discontent would steadily intensify and governments, East and West, would need to figure out with considerable rigour and foresight how such disaffection could be ably managed. Failing which, in most democratic societies, the chances are that publics would be out on the streets demanding that their grievances be redressed forthwith.
These rising concerns are reflected in a recent move by some EU governments to consider imposing what is described as ‘a windfall tax’ on the profits specified major oil companies operating within their shores have made in the wake of the US-Israel war on Iran. The rationale apparently is to use such tax earnings to cushion the rising cost of living of their publics and bolster the respective countries’ social expenditure.
In a recent letter to the president of the EU Council the EU governments referred to said, among other things, while drawing attention to the ‘discontent that is growing over the rising cost of living’: ‘A common approach’ is needed that ‘ensures those who profit from the crisis contribute their share to reducing the burden on the general population.’ Meanwhile, Oxfam with reference to the above development is on record as calling for a ‘permanent windfall tax of at least 50% on profits exceeding a 10% return on investment.’
Such are the rising economic pressures on the majority of Western governments. The question to be posed is how consistent they would be in their assistance to Ukraine if they decide consensually to stand by her. The soaring cost of living in the West compels the conclusion that there could be no guarantee that Western assistance to Ukraine, particularly in the defense and security fields, would be of a longstanding kind.
Of particular concern would be the fact that the weapons systems on offer from the UK to Ukraine could be increasingly costly to manufacture going forward. Besides they would need to be manufactured and put into action without delay.
However, these considerations should in no way deflect Ukraine’s supporters from the principled policy stance of defending her to the extent possible. Because at issue is the defense of International Law and the democratic system of government from their enemies; fascism and authoritarian rule.
While during World Wars 1 and 2 the US was with the major democracies of the West, this time around with regard to Ukraine, the US has chosen to be at cross-purposes with them. For instance, in relation to tariff matters and defense expenditure, in the NATO context, the US is pursuing a hard line which puts it at polar opposites with the West. Thus it is no longer possible to talk unreservedly of a ‘Western democratic alliance’. Put plainly, the cause of democratic development has been weakened.
A measure of relief for the supporters of Ukraine in the West could come by way of the upcoming mid-term polls in the US. If the Democratic Party fares well in them the pressure would be on the Trump administration to defer to opposition opinion at home, accommodate the best interests of Ukraine in its West European policy and perhaps even work towards a diplomatic solution to the Ukraine crisis in cooperation with Russia. Accordingly, the Democratic Party would need to put the Trump administration on the defensive, so to speak.
Until such time Ukraine’s Western supporters have no choice but to remain committed to it, ensure its steadfast defense against the invasion and work judiciously towards keeping the economic pressures at home in check.
Interestingly, at the present juncture in international politics the US could be said to be more weak than strong. For example, it has to some extent been militarily humbled by Iran; so much so it is resorting to economic means to keep Iran in check.
In keeping with this strategy, the US has launched ‘a new big wave of anti-Iran economic sanctions’ at the time of writing, aimed at cutting Iran away from all its major income sources. Some of these relate to digital assets, technology, gold, aviation and shipping. The hoped for result is the complete severance of Iran from the US dollar system.
However, while the UK and EU have no choice but to adhere to their policy of backing Ukraine, going forward they would need to dialogue more closely with the US and ensure that it cooperates with them on outstanding questions, such as Ukraine and the strengthening of democracy. The well being of the world is served when the latter aim is pursued.
Features
“Envisioning Sri Lanka: Beyond Recovery”
OPA 39th Annual Conference calls for Sri Lanka to move Beyond Recovery towards Sustainable Transformation
The Orgnisation of Professional Associations (OPA) successfully concluded its 39th Annual Conference, held recently at the Cinnamon Grand Colombo, under the theme “Envisioning Sri Lanka: Beyond Recovery”.
Held under the patronage of Jayantha Gallehewa, President of the OPA, with the leadership and guidance of Tisara De Silva, President-Elect and Chairman of the 39th Annual Conference, the Conference brought together leading professionals, academics, business leaders and representatives of the public and private sectors to deliberate on Sri Lanka’s next phase of national development.
The Inaugural Session, on August 2026, was graced by Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya, as the Chief Guest; Andrew Patrick, British High Commissioner to Sri Lanka, as the Guest of Honour; and Murtaza Jafferjee, Chairman of the Advocata Institute, Sri Lanka, as the Keynote Speaker.
In her address, Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya emphasised that overcoming the economic crisis alone should not be Sri Lanka’s ultimate objective, stressing that recovery must serve as the foundation for a broader economic and institutional transformation necessary for sustainable national progress. Reflecting on the difficult period experienced by the country, the Prime Minister noted that Sri Lanka had faced significant economic, social and institutional challenges, which had weakened public confidence and created uncertainty about the country’s future.
She stressed that “recovery only provides the foundation” and that Sri Lanka can move forward sustainably only by using that foundation to bring about meaningful transformation.
The Prime Minister observed that the theme of the OPA’s 39th Annual Conference, “Envisioning Sri Lanka: Beyond Recovery,” aptly encapsulated these national aspirations. She emphasised that Sri Lanka’s objective should not merely be to return to the conditions that existed before the crisis, but to forge a stronger national foundation characterised by robust institutions, a resilient economy, high-quality public services and an enabling environment in which every citizen has the opportunity to thrive.
She further underscored that Sri Lanka’s future development cannot be secured through economic growth and physical development alone. She emphasised that the effective mobilisation of the country’s knowledge, skills and professional expertise, is equally essential to achieving sustainable and inclusive national progress
The Technical Sessions held on 12 August 2026 brought together 19 distinguished experts and professionals representing academia, industry, banking and finance, public health, technology, management and business leadership. Their diverse expertise provided a multidisciplinary platform to examine the critical challenges, emerging opportunities and strategic choices that will shape Sri Lanka’s next phase of development, with particular emphasis on economic transformation, institutional strengthening, digitalisation, private-sector growth, human capital and sustainable development.
The deliberations were structured around four principal sub-themes: “Resilient Recovery and Sustainable Economic Development”; “Future Readiness: Innovation & Transformation”; “Policy for Impact: Advancing Equity, Sustainable Living, and National Well-Being”; and “Leadership, Governance and National Responsibility.”
Across these thematic areas, the sessions explored the structural reforms, institutional requirements and policy choices necessary to move Sri Lanka beyond economic stabilisation towards a more productive, competitive, resilient and inclusive economy. The discussions brought together diverse professional perspectives, enabling participants to examine national priorities through economic, technological, industrial, financial, social and governance lenses.
Particular emphasis was placed on the need to move beyond the diagnosis of problems towards pragmatic, evidence-based and implementable solutions. The deliberations recognised that sustainable national progress requires not only sound policies, but also effective institutions, professional competence, innovation, responsible leadership and the capacity to translate policy into tangible outcomes.
The sessions further underscored the importance of collaboration across sectors, recognising that Sri Lanka’s complex development challenges cannot be addressed in isolation. Stronger engagement among Government, private sector, professional associations, academia and civil society was identified as essential to fostering a coherent national response and ensuring that professional knowledge and expertise are effectively translated into policy and action.
Collectively, the Technical Sessions provided a substantive platform for knowledge exchange, critical reflection and forward-looking dialogue, reinforcing the OPA’s commitment to bringing the country’s professional expertise to bear on the task of building a resilient, innovative, equitable and prosperous Sri Lanka.
The OPA expressed its sincere appreciation to Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya, the Chief Guest; Andrew Patrick, British High Commissioner to Sri Lanka and Guest of Honour; and Murtaza Jafferjee, Chairman of the Advocata Institute, Sri Lanka and Keynote Speaker, for their distinguished contributions to the Conference.
Much of what the 39th Annual Conference achieved would not have been possible without the leadership, commitment and generous contributions of Jayantha Gallehewa, President of the OPA; Tisara De Silva, President-Elect and Chairman of the 39th Annual Conference; Eng. Ravi Rupasinghe, General Secretary; Dharshana Wijemanne, Treasurer; Bhanu Wijayaratne, Convener & the Chairman of the Session Planning Committee of the 39th Annual Conference Committee, Past Presidents and Office Bearers; Presidents and representatives of Member Associations; members of the Executive Councils and General Forum; and the distinguished Session Chairmen, Resource Persons and professionals who shared their time, expertise and insights in pursuit of the Conference’s shared vision. The OPA remains immensely grateful to all those whose collective contributions enriched the 39th Annual Conference and strengthened its role as a meaningful platform for professional exchange, informed dialogue and national reflection.
Features
Nostalgia for Lankans in Toronto …
For Sri Lankans living 14,000 kilometres from home, the sound of home has never felt closer — and that’s thanks to one man and his band.
Since stepping into the spotlight, Gamini Hemalal and the Ceymphony Band have turned into the heartbeat of the Sri Lankan community in Toronto.
Their mission is simple: bring the music, bring the memories, bring the people together. And it’s working.
What turned out to be the talk-of-the-town was their intimate musical evening with Sri Lanka’s legendary crooner Sohan Weerasinghe.

Sohan Weerasinghe: Had
everyone on their feet at the
Angus Glen Golf Club, in
Toronto, Canada
It was a ‘full house’ long before the big date. Tickets vanished within days — demand was that overwhelming.
According to those who were there, it was a truly amazing evening. The hall was packed, the energy electric. Sohan didn’t just sing — he owned the stage.
With his velvet vocals, his charm, and that signature style, he had everyone on their feet. The ladies, especially, couldn’t get enough. No wonder they call him “The Ladies’ Man!”
One attendee summed it up perfectly:
“We had so much fun. It is truly a blessing to have our kids around us, enjoying these beautiful moments together. Thank you, Gamini Hemalal, for such a wonderful evening, with an amazing crowd and an incredible atmosphere. Your hard work and dedication truly made it a special night.
“We also need to say a big thank you to the Ceymphony Band for delivering such an outstanding performance. You all were absolutely amazing! Our entire family had a fantastic time, and we truly enjoyed every moment.

Ceymphony Band: Extremely popular in the scene in Toronto
“Wishing you all continued success. Keep up the amazing work, we can’t wait for the next.”
And the next is already on the cards: ‘Halloween Pissu Baila Party 2026,’ on Friday, 30th October, at the famous Angus Glen Golf Club.
Gamini promises a crazy night of baila, music, dancing and Halloween vibes with the Ceymphony Band. Action runs from 8:00 PM to 12:00 midnight, with plenty of prizes to be won.

Gamini Hemalal: Amazing work for the Sri Lankan community,
in Toronto, Canada
Gamini is also putting together a special event, connected with the 2027 Avurudu celebrations — ‘Avurudu Musical Show 2027,’ a uniquely styled musical Avurudu celebration … Ceymphony Band style.
It’s scheduled to be held on Saturday, 10th April, 2027, also at the Angus Glen Golf Club.
Through music, Gamini Hemalal and Ceymphony are doing what diaspora bands do best — they’re shrinking the distance between two worlds.
One baila beat at a time, one full house at a time, they’re making sure that even in Canada, Sri Lankans feel like home.
Yes, there is plenty of action, indeed, for the Sri Lankan community in Toronto, Canada.
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