Opinion
Teachers’ struggle
My parents were not teachers. My father was a Chief Jailer in the Prisons Department and mother a housewife, and a strict disciplinarian. In our childhood, she groomed us to do everything as per a schedule, and taught us to be punctual. She was a voluntary teacher in Sunday School. Father was a tough character, who used to control the incorrigibles and IRCs in prison, but a kind-hearted man. He taught English free of charge to children who lived in the quarters with us. The Buddha has said “Matha Pitharo Pubba Charya”, meaning, father and mother are the foremost teachers who lay the foundation for one’s education. Looking back, we see how true the meaning of those words is.
Once children leave home, they are in the hands of teachers who inspire and guide them to be responsible citizens. In addition to imparting knowledge, teachers also inculcate in their punctuality, manners, respect for the country’s laws, unity and above all love for their country.
If such is the role of the teacher, then obviously the teacher has to be paid reasonably well. He/ she should live well and dress well to inspire confidence in others. They should be treated differently from other state employees. That’s why they are allowed to work only 900 hours per year, when other government servants work for 1,900 hours. Although their working hours are at 1330, most teachers engage in work connected to the students after 1.30 pm, either in school or at home.
Now, there is a teachers’ struggle. The strike is somewhat over and now the trade unions say they only teach from 0730-1330hrs, and will not engage in any other associated work. They also say teachers are not responsible for the safety of children after 1330 hrs. Whether it is right or wrong, ethical or not, the strike of work is a prerogative of teachers. No one can object or interfere, unless there is violation of law/breach of peace.
For two years, children could not go to school. There were online lessons conducted by the teachers, but, initially, most of the teachers and students faced a lot of problems, and due to lack of phones/equipment, absence of signals, etc., online education was not even 50% successful. During the last five months the teachers have refrained from teaching even online. The plight of children was unimaginable. One boy committed suicide due to pressure from parents to study, and another boy was killed when the father assaulted him with a broomstick, as the child was playing games on his mobile phone. One can imagine the plight of the parents, too.
Who is responsible for such a situation in the country? The government or the striking teachers? No matter who is responsible, it was the students who suffered. They lost many months in their school career, which they will never be able to retrieve. Some children got addicted to drugs, and some parents complained to me about this problem. That’s why at a media conference I said the following:
“Whether the cause for terrorism is justifiable or not, terrorism per se cannot be justified, because the innocents are the ones who get killed. Likewise, whether the cause of the teacher’s strike is justifiable or not, the continuous refusal to work by teachers cannot be justified, because the innocent students are the ones who suffer for no fault of theirs”. My statement was misinterpreted by some, who claimed I had compared the striking teachers to terrorists!
I am not the Education Minister, and I don’t have any authority to get involved in teachers matters. But then why do the teachers’ union leaders blame me and charge that I ‘’threaten” the teachers? I always respect teachers. Everyone knows that when the majority of teachers were on strike, some teachers continued to teach in schools. They complained to the CID that they received “death threats’ from certain people, for teaching and not participating in the strike. Some teachers from popular schools met me and showed me the WhatsApp messages threatening to harm them if they continued to work. That’s why I got involved as the Public Security Minister, and gave very clear instructions to the Police to take strict legal action against such people. If the strikers have a democratic right to strike, the others too have a democratic right to work, and no one has the right to prevent it, much less threaten anyone.
Anyone can strike, but no one has the right to violate the law. The Police are duty bound to maintain law and order. We are facing a pandemic. The health authorities are struggling to prevent the spread of the disease. They are opposed to public gatherings which cause formation of infection clusters.
Unfortunately, 126,000 people participated in various protests during the last few months, disregarding the instructions of the health authorities. Ultimately, the Health Ministry gave written instructions to the Police to prevent such protests in the interest of the public. That’s how the Police got involved in arresting the people who violated the law. During the last government, the police used tear gas, water and baton attacks to disperse portesters. The Police, under this government, do not resort to such action; a Police officer lost two of his fingers, whilst trying to prevent protesters from toppling a steel road barrier during unruly protest, but the Police acted with restraint. Can anyone think of any way of arresting a group of people, without using power or injuring them, other than lifting and bundling them into a police vehicle? The Police and the Minister in charge of Police are getting unnecessarily blamed for carrying out legitimate orders of preventing public gatherings/protests during the pandemic. It should be mentioned that 15,200 policemen have been infected and 44 have died of Corona, whilst mingling with the people in carrying out their legitimate duties during the past few months.
Trade unions say that their “salary problem” has been dragging for the last 24 years! If that is so, is this the best time to ask for a salary increase? Why didn’t they strike work and demanded a pay hike during the yahapalana government, when there were no pandemic, no loss of revenue from foreign employees, and no loss of revenue from tourism.
How fair is the teachers’ demand, and what are its repercussions? Mr. K.L.L. Wijerathne, who was the Secretary, Salaries and Cadre Commission from 2006 to 2009 and Chairman of the same from 2016 to 2019, in a well-argued article says that it is an “unjust call”.
Prior to the establishment of teacher’s service in 1994, their salary structure did not provide a grading system or promotional scheme. Hence, the then Minister of Education, Richard Pathirana, submitted a Cabinet paper seeking approval to establish the “teacher service” with effect from 1994, together with proposed salary scales. In the Cabinet, the then President and Minister of Finance, Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga, observed that the proposed salary scales for principals and teachers would create anomalies in the public service salary structure, and hence needed an in-depth study, and to refer it to the Salaries and Cadres Commission.
Anyway, in spite of these observations, when the above Cabinet paper was approved on 28 Sep. 1994, CBK in her note to Cabinet No BD/356/86/34(K), Oct 1994, sought Cabinet approval for amending the Cabinet decision item 40 of 2819194 by including the words “it was decided to refer the proposal to salaries and cadres committee for a comprehensive examination before implementing the proposal.”
However, it was the presidential election period, and when the UNP presidential candidate Srima Dissanayaka promised to implement the “proposed salary scale”, CBK issued a gazette notification 84314 of 31/10/1994 and gazetted the salary scale to muster the support of teachers.
Hence this was the only instance where a salary scale was gazetted before establishing a service or without a Cabinet approval. Thus, anomalies arose due to the arbitrary manner of fixing teacher’s salaries, without giving due consideration to other parallel services.
Since this has created serious anomalies in the principal’s service salaries, they initiated legal action in the Supreme Court, which ordered that the salary anomaly be rectified by increasing the salaries of principals.
This was followed by various other pay commissions, and in 2006 the government issued a new National Wage Policy, with a new salary structure and promotional scheme adapted across the entire public service. Hence, accommodating only the teachers’ demand for a pay hike would definitely create problems. In the said article Mr. K.L.L. Wijerathne says, “Any attempt to tamper with the present salary structure for all public servants, in favour of a particular group/ category of teachers, principals, will inevitably open a pandora’s box”. He even quotes Supreme Court decision FR No 362/99, which says that “it is not only legitimate, but sometimes essential to compare the salary scales of different services in order to determine salary scales of one sector”. It implies that if the salary increase of the teachers is granted, it will lead to similar demands from other “closed” services such as the health sector, postal services, railway, customs and inland revenue.
Whether the government could afford it, especially at this juncture, when all the revenues are very badly affected due to the pandemic is anybody’s guess.
Trade unions are adamant. They have got teachers to strike work for more than five months, but the teachers continue to draw their salaries. If a person does not work but receives the pay at the end of the month, that money doesn’t belong to him. Theft, in Buddhism, is defined as “taking something which does not belong to oneself”.
Rear Admiral (Dr.) SARATH WEERASEKERA
Public Security Minister
Opinion
The Cream of the Earth: Why Sri Lanka needs a Fruit Consumers Movement
By Lalin I De Silva
Sri Lanka speaks constantly about hospitals, medicines, food imports, agricultural productivity and the rising cost of living. Yet there is one simple question we rarely ask:
Are we eating enough of the food that our own soil can naturally give us?
Fruit is perhaps one of the finest gifts of the earth to humankind. A ripe mango, banana, papaya, guava or avocado comes to us almost ready to eat. Sunlight, rain, soil, microorganisms, minerals and the labour of a farmer have already done most of the work.
That is why I like to describe fruit as the “cream of the earth.”
This is, of course, not an argument that fruit alone can prevent every disease, or guarantee longevity. Science does not support such exaggerated claims. But there is strong international evidence that regular consumption of fruits and vegetables forms an important part of a healthy diet and is associated with lower risks of several major non-communicable diseases.
Sri Lanka’s own dietary guidance encourages the daily consumption of fruit as part of a balanced diet.
The tragedy is that we live on an island capable of producing an extraordinary variety of fruits, while many families increasingly depend on highly processed foods, sugary drinks and imported snacks.
This deserves national attention.
We Produce — But Do We Connect?
Sri Lanka grows banana, mango, pineapple, papaya, avocado, rambutan, mangosteen, guava, woodapple, beli, pomegranate, durian and many lesser-known indigenous fruits.
Yet our fruit value chain remains fragmented.
The farmer often does not know the final consumer.
The consumer rarely knows the farmer.
Fruit travels through several intermediaries, sometimes suffering poor handling, unnecessary damage and price escalation along the way.
Consumers may not know where a fruit was grown, when it was harvested, whether it was naturally matured or what crop-protection practices were followed.
Meanwhile, a careful farmer, producing exceptional fruit, may receive almost the same farm-gate price as someone producing an inferior product.
That is not value-chain management.
It is precisely this disconnect that a new citizen-led initiative could begin to address.
25 Districts — 25 Consumer Societies
A proposal now emerging is to establish a Pure Sri Lankan Authentic Healthy Fruit Consumers Society in each of Sri Lanka’s 25 districts.
The concept should not become another organisation full of titles, meetings and ceremonial functions.
Its purpose must be practical.
Each district society could bring together consumers, growers, doctors, nutritionists, horticulturists, schools, universities, retailers, hotels, processors and young entrepreneurs.
The first task would be to understand the district itself.
What fruits are grown?
Where are they grown?
When are they available?
Which traditional varieties are disappearing?
Where can consumers purchase genuinely good fruits?
Where are the post-harvest losses?
What do farmers need?
What do consumers actually want?
From this information, each district could eventually develop its own Fruit Map.
Twenty-five district maps could then become a National Fruit Map of Sri Lanka.
From Anonymous Fruit to Traceable Fruit
Imagine buying a mango and scanning a QR code.
You could see the district, grower, variety, approximate harvest date and production information.
You could perhaps even provide feedback on taste.
That may sound futuristic, but the technology already exists.
The problem is not technology.
The problem is that our food system was never designed to connect the person who grows the fruit with the person who eats it.
Traceability could change that.
The principle is simple:
Know your farmer. Know your fruit.
Let the Consumer Lead
For decades, agriculture has largely been driven from the production side.
“How much can we produce?” has been the dominant question.
A healthier agricultural economy should begin with another question:
What does the consumer need, value and trust?
If thousands of consumers deliberately demand fresh, safe, flavorful and traceable Sri Lankan fruit, the message travels backwards through the entire value chain.
Retailers respond.
Farmers respond.
Nurseries respond.
Researchers respond.
Investors respond.
Government eventually has to respond.
That is the real power of an organised consumer movement.
Start With Children
Perhaps the most powerful campaign message could be remarkably simple:
Two Fruits a Day.
Imagine a Sri Lankan child coming home from school and asking:
“What are our fruits today?”
Imagine every school having a small fruit garden.
Imagine children being able to identify 10 Sri Lankan fruits, understand their seasons and know where they are grown.
Such behavioral change cannot be achieved merely by issuing circulars from Colombo.
It must become part of family culture.
Kandy Could Begin
Kandy would be a logical district in which to pilot the concept.
Its climatic diversity, surrounding agricultural communities, educational institutions, hotels, markets and strong plantation heritage provide an excellent testing ground.
A successful Kandy model could then be adapted—not blindly copied—across the other 24 districts.
The objective should ultimately be much larger than selling more fruit.
It is about reconnecting soil, farmer, food, consumer and health.
Sri Lanka does not need to invent every solution from outside.
Sometimes the answer may already be hanging from a tree beside us.
We simply have to recognise its value.
Know Your Farmer. Know Your Fruit. Live Well.
Opinion
‘Outpost of Empire’
Review
by Colleen Figg, Editor
and Reviewer – Amazon, New Voices Publishing
“Fernando echoes Macbeth with the line, “There is judgment here.” It captures the question running through the novel: can anyone participate in corruption and remain untouched by it? Beneath this satire is a dark story about power and the danger of believing, that someone else will always pay the price.”
Shavindra Fernando’s Outpost of Empire is a political novel set in the fictional country of Lackadasia. At its heart is a strong idea: an exploration of world politics, terrorism and the ways in which powerful countries manipulate smaller ones. Fernando is clearly writing about political issues that matter deeply to him.
The names immediately establish the book’s satirical character. Lackadasia, Burgherbugaria and the various Klowns suggest a world in which the people and places are exaggerated, but the issues beneath the exaggeration are recognisable. The playful language allows Fernando to approach terrorism, religious conflict and political corruption from an unusual angle.
Henry Stockwell is a central character: an ambassador who arrives in Lackadasia presenting himself as a friend of the country. He believes he understands how power works and treats the country, its politicians and its people as pawns on his personal chessboard. In his arrogance, he never doubts that he controls events rather than being controlled by them. This confidence makes him a compelling figure and in him, we explore the workings of political influence and the potential traps contained therein.
As the story develops, Fernando reveals a political world where causes are adopted when they are useful, people are exploited and discarded, and the truth becomes whatever those in power need it to be. Ordinary people suffer the consequences of decisions made far beyond their reach or knowledge, while those making those decisions continue to justify their actions. Even the people who help keep this world running may not be as important or as safe as they imagine.
Stockwell brings this idea into focus. He recognises corruption in others and willingly takes part in it himself, yet he cannot see that he might also suffer its consequences. Ultimately, he thinks his position will keep him safe. He is intelligent enough to understand the game, but not insightful enough to grasp the limits of his place within it. This blindness gives the novel a strong sense of irony.
The satirical approach gives Fernando room to criticise political hypocrisy without turning the novel into a direct political argument. By using fictional countries and exaggerated names, he creates some distance from specific governments and events while still making the larger targets of the book clear. The humour does not take away from the seriousness of the subject; instead, it makes the cruelty and self-interest beneath the political performance stand out more sharply.
Near the end, Fernando echoes Macbeth with the line, “There is judgment here.” It captures the question running through the novel: can anyone participate in corruption and remain untouched by it? Beneath this satire is a dark story about power and the danger of believing that someone else will always pay the price.
I came away feeling that Outpost of Empire is a valuable and thought-provoking book, particularly in today’s political and social climate. It has a distinctive voice, and the questions it raises about power, responsibility and foreign interference remain relevant far beyond the fictional borders of Lackadasia.
About the Author
Shavindra Fernando has worked as a reporter. He read English & Classics at the University of Peradeniya in Sri Lanka, and took International Relations & Ethnic Politics as a Reuter Fellow at the University of Oxford in England. The Vague Poetess (1999)was his first novel.
Opinion
Speaker’s dilemma
The Opposition, in its wisdom (or perhaps stupidity), has submitted yet another No-Confidence Motion (NCM) against the Speaker of Parliament. Perhaps it hopes to score some brownie points in the eyes of the public, which is hardly indifferent to such developments. Yet, knowing full well that the motion is unlikely to succeed, the exercise may well prove futile — akin to banging one’s head against a solid rock.
Nevertheless, the nearly fifty allegations levelled against the Speaker, whether justified or mere mudslinging, cannot simply be brushed aside. Such allegations may well have a bearing on the individual concerned, particularly where it matters most — his conscience — and few would dispute that possibility.
From a protocol standpoint, the Speaker occupies one of the highest positions in the country, ranking third in the hierarchy of state. He consequently belongs to the uppermost echelons of public life, with acquaintances and associates extending across a wide spectrum of society, including diplomats and other distinguished personalities. Such a position carries with it not merely prestige and privilege, but also an onerous responsibility to uphold the dignity and integrity of the office.
As the guardian of Parliament, the Speaker is expected to maintain standards of conduct, impartiality and discipline that are beyond reproach.
Whether the allegations are justifiable or not may be of little consequence to members of the ruling party, who will undoubtedly defend their colleague to the hilt. Nevertheless, the stigma arising from such allegations may prove difficult to erase, particularly in the eyes of his family, close associates and, ultimately, the voters who placed their trust in him. Of course, it is common knowledge that politics can be a dirty game and that, as Lord Acton famously observed, “power tends to corrupt, and absolute power corrupts absolutely.”
Yet, nothing could be more devastating than a person losing his own soul in the process. On the one hand, stepping down could be construed as an admission of responsibility for the allegations levelled against him. On the other, allowing the No-Confidence Motion (NCM) to proceed could expose him to further public scrutiny and potentially inflict lasting damage on his character, dignity and reputation. Thus, he finds himself caught between two unenviable choices, each carrying consequences that may extend far beyond the immediate political fallout.
The Speaker is therefore confronted with a classic Hobson’s choice, with neither option likely to be without consequences. After all, in politics, there are no permanent friends or enemies—only permanent interests.
WILLIAM
-
Features6 days agoThe Sri Lankan who made Scottish history
-
Sports6 days agoNissanka absence opens door for Sri Lanka’s young guns
-
News5 days agoNDB fraud Rs 60mn more than reported
-
News5 days agoRemoving monk’s robes matter for Sangha to decide: Mahanayake Theras
-
News6 days agoShiranthi R remanded until 13 Oct.
-
Features6 days agoFuture of Sri Lanka’s state university system: Should it be shut down and reopened?
-
News3 days agoSri Lanka escalates anti-graft drive with Shiranthi’s jailing
-
News4 days agoNPP govt. reminded of its responsibilities as US warship leaves Colombo
