Features
Sri Lanka’s political and economic crisis
by Neville Ladduwahetty
The ongoing Parliamentary debate on the 21st Amendment has precipitated a series of Amendments from individuals, public institutions, political parties and even the Prime Minister. The feature that is common to a majority of these Amendments is the need to reduce the powers assigned to the President under the 20th Amendment to the Constitution and in the process strengthen the powers of Parliament. The unknown factor in this eternal tug-o-war between the Executive and the Legislature is which balance would yield political stability and economic sustainability bearing in mind that the balances needed for both vary from country to country and from time to time within each country
Consequently, the ongoing debate in Parliament and in the public domain reflects the above exercise. For instance, the protesters want a system change. However, they do not have a clue as to their preferred system. They have instead focused on one simple demand, namely, “GotaGoHome” in the misguided hope that that single act would usher in all their unstated and indeterminate desired objectives. Others, such as the Bar Association, see the abolition of the Executive Presidency as the single most significant obstacle to political stability and economic sustainability. On the other hand, the Prime Minister is of the view that a reversal to the Executive Committee system that had existed prior to Sri Lanka becoming a Republic, should be the way to go.
Sri Lanka, having first experienced the Executive Committee System followed by a Parliamentary system wherein Parliament was the “supreme instrument of state power”, to the current Presidential system wherein the powers of the President have been increased beyond what was originally conceived and later whittled down under the 19th Amendment, it appears that Sri Lanka has exhausted all the systems. After having tried all possible systems and achieved only once the status of a middle-income country with a GDP per capita of $4000, the question that needs to be asked is: Is the fault with the system or is there any other reason? If the cause for the present dilemma, is in fact NOT the system, then it must follow that those who are for system change and others who are for abolishing the current system and yet others who are focused on tinkering with systems already tried, have misunderstood the cause for the current crisis.
CRISIS PREVENTION
The current crisis is attributed to failure of systems of governance. Hence, the demand for system change. This understanding has caused the search for revising completely, or reforming the existing systems. Before engaging on such an exercice it would be prudent to inquire into the cause for the present crisis. Was it the system, or the policies that resulted in the following:
The policy to ban the use of chemical fertilizer.
The policy to reduce Taxes.
The policy to adopt a fixed Exchange Rate.
Unrestrained borrowing to implement mega projects that have little or no return on investment
To print money to meet Rupee demands.
Such policies were adopted and maintained by governments under 20A and 19A where the former vested more power in the President, and the latter weighted power in the Parliament. This confirms the fact that it is not the system but the absence of mechanisms to put a lid on the use of power indiscriminately either by the Executive or the Parliament. Therefore, instead of focusing on the system, the need is to develop constitutional barriers to restrain undisciplined power in neither organs of state power.
Constraints of such a nature were introduced in the United States under the Gramm – Rudman – Hollings Deficit Reduction Act of 1985 to contain runaway Federal deficits.
“The Acts aimed to cut the United States federal budget deficit. This deficit is the amount by which expenditures by the federal government exceed its revenues each year and was at the time the largest in history in dollar terms. The Acts provided for automatic spending cuts (“cancellation of budgetary resources”, called “sequestration”) if the total discretionary appropriations in various categories exceed in a fiscal year the budget spending thresholds. That is, if Congress enacts appropriation bills providing for discretionary outlays in each fiscal year that exceed the budget totals, unless Congress passes another budget resolution increasing the budget amount, an across-the-board spending cut in discretionary expenditure is automatically triggered in these categories, affecting all departments and programs by an equal percentage. The amount exceeding the limit is held back by the Treasury and not transferred to the agencies specified in the appropriation bills” (Wikipedia).
“Under the 1985 Act, allowable deficit levels were calculated in consideration of the eventual elimination of the federal deficit. If the budget exceeded the allowable deficit, across-the-board cuts were required. Directors of the Office of Management and Budget (OMB) and the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) were required to report to the Comptroller General regarding their recommendations for how much must be cut. The Comptroller General then evaluated these reports, made his own conclusion, and gave a recommendation to the President, who was then required to issue an order effecting the reductions recommended by the Comptroller General unless Congress made the cuts in other ways within a specified amount of time” (Ibid).
“The Comptroller General is nominated by the President from a list of three people recommended by the presiding officers of the House and Senate. He is removable only by impeachment or a joint resolution of Congress, which requires majority votes in both houses and is subject to a Presidential veto. Congress can give a number of reasons for this removal, including “inefficiency,” “neglect of duty,” or “malfeasance” (Ibid).
Sri Lanka should learn from the US experience and develop legislation with adequate constitutional safeguards such as: Limiting Budget Deficits and Import – Export Deficits to prescribed levels; that no government commits the country to financial borrowings and other financial arrangements limited to a per cent of the GDP as prescribed; that no government commits the country to treaties, agreements and other obligations with government and non-governmental entities without approval of Parliament; that all unsolicited proposals are not even entertained without first informing Parliament; that no national assets are disposed of to either local or foreign individual or institutional entities; etc. etc..
Constitutional constraints of the nature suggested above are essential to discipline and control the tendency for profligacy of elected representatives, regardless of whether the political system under which they function is Presidential, Parliamentary or Semi-Presidential, in which the President has more or less power than Parliament.
Having set such standards and guidelines, the authority to ensure compliance should be assigned to an individual, as in the US, or to the Attorney General. Furthermore, such suggested safeguards would deter corruption.
However, in Sri Lanka, the more significant contribution from such constitutional safeguards would be to conserve the much-needed foreign exchange required to buy the fuel oil for transporting the food grown in rural areas, thereby benefiting the grower as well as the consumer. While the attempts to grow more food is commendable, a fact that should not be overlooked is that without imported fuel, the food that is produced would not reach the consumer.
Therefore, every avenue should be explored by the government to discuss with Russia to secure crude oil for Sapugaskanda, and to supplement it with diesel from China from the excess stocks the latter currently possesses. Since this would not meet all of Sri Lanka’s needs, the comment by the Prime Minister that Sri Lanka “Would be compelled to buy oil from Russia” should be seized upon, to negotiate with Russia to set up a Refinery in Trincomalee as a joint venture between the two governments, or with State owned Companies with sufficient capacity to meet the balance of the needs not available from Sapugaskanda and Lanka IOC, with the excess being permitted to export to countries in the IOR. Such a joint venture should be on the basis that Russia sets up the Refinery in exchange for the unique location of Trincomalee, to which no monetary value can be assigned.
The standard response to buying oil from Russia is that Sri Lanka does not have the needed foreign exchange to engage in such an exercise. However, what should be realized is that techniques exist that allow States to import their needs in exchange for goods they possess, as it was with the Rubber/Rice deal with China. For instance, one such technique is “Trade Creation and Trade Diversion”. Such a technique would enable Sri Lanka to export a parcel of goods to Russia or China in exchange for crude oil and diesel without tariff by either party. Another technique would be to adopt the technique adopted by India.
According to a report by Al Jazeera “the rupee-rouble mechanism to be implemented, Indian importers would pay for goods to the accounts of Russian banks in India and they in turn would make the payment in roubles to the Russian exporters. But since India’s imports outweigh its exports, the only way the Russian banks can get rid of their piled-up rupees is if India exports more, experts say, opening up an opportunity for manufacturers of agricultural machinery, medicine, furniture and bathroom fittings, among other goods, who are looking for new markets.
It is therefore absolutely vital for a team that is competent and knowledgeable on matters of trade and finance to engage with counterparts from Russia and China to work out proposals acceptable to associated parties as early as possible, if Sri Lanka is to avert a food crisis not due to production of food, but due to the inability to transport what is produces, thereby victimizing the grower and the consumer.
CONCLUSION
The debate in Parliament on the 21st Amendment has caused a national debate on constitutional reform, that ranges from system change to total revision and reform of the constitution. Top of Form
The reason for this distraction is because of the flawed understanding that the current political and economic crisis is entirely due to the systems of governance that Sri Lanka has been experimenting with, starting with Executive Committee systems to Parliamentary systems where Parliament is the supreme instrument of State power, and ending up with Semi-Presidential systems in which power sharing between the President and Parliament has been a matter of constant contention.
The fact that the current political and economic crisis is due to the lack of constitutionally framed checks and balances under any of the systems Sri Lanka has experimented with, has been overlooked. This is not a matter of surprise because it was after nearly 200 years of the existence of the US constitution and experiencing historically unprecedented Federal Deficits, that the US government decided to introduce the Gramm-Redman-Hollings Deficit Reduction Act of 1985 in order to contain runaway Deficits. If Sri Lanka is to learn a lesson from the US experience, Sri Lanka should seriously engage in the exercise of constitutionally developing standards and guidelines of governance as cited above, at least at this late stage, if Sri Lanka is to emerge from the prevailing crisis.
Another issue that would have an immediate impact on the economy is securing access to crude oil so that the Sapugaskanda Refinery could operate without interruption at full capacity, and other refined petroleum products from Russia and China without which the food that is being cultivated would not be able to be distributed, if the predicted food crisis that has grabbed the attention of the United Nations and the World, is to be prevented. Since Sri Lanka does not have the foreign exchange needed to secure the needed supplies, it is necessary to explore other options such as “Trade Creation and Trade Diversion”, or the mechanism used by India to buy crude oil from Russia using Indian Rupees. Such negotiations should be undertaken by a skilled team knowledgeable on matters of Trade and Finance prior to Parliamentary approval.
Instead of being distracted by constitution making and remaking, the urgent need is to focus on two issues; the first being for the whole Parliament to engage in developing constitutional standards and guidelines that would promote governance of a nature that would discipline governments, and the second, to ensure steady supplies of petroleum products to sustain the economy in order to prevent the Peoples of Sri Lanka from having to endure the hardships they are experiencing today.
Features
Disaster-proofing paradise: Sri Lanka’s new path to global resilience
iyadasa Advisor to the Ministry of Science & Technology and a Board of Directors of Sri Lanka Atomic Energy Regulatory Council A value chain management consultant to www.vivonta.lk
As climate shocks multiply worldwide from unseasonal droughts and flash floods to cyclones that now carry unpredictable fury Sri Lanka, long known for its lush biodiversity and heritage, stands at a crossroads. We can either remain locked in a reactive cycle of warnings and recovery, or boldly transform into the world’s first disaster-proof tropical nation — a secure haven for citizens and a trusted destination for global travelers.
The Presidential declaration to transition within one year from a limited, rainfall-and-cyclone-dependent warning system to a full-spectrum, science-enabled resilience model is not only historic — it’s urgent. This policy shift marks the beginning of a new era: one where nature, technology, ancient wisdom, and community preparedness work in harmony to protect every Sri Lankan village and every visiting tourist.
The Current System’s Fatal Gaps
Today, Sri Lanka’s disaster management system is dangerously underpowered for the accelerating climate era. Our primary reliance is on monsoon rainfall tracking and cyclone alerts — helpful, but inadequate in the face of multi-hazard threats such as flash floods, landslides, droughts, lightning storms, and urban inundation.
Institutions are fragmented; responsibilities crisscross between agencies, often with unclear mandates and slow decision cycles. Community-level preparedness is minimal — nearly half of households lack basic knowledge on what to do when a disaster strikes. Infrastructure in key regions is outdated, with urban drains, tank sluices, and bunds built for rainfall patterns of the 1960s, not today’s intense cloudbursts or sea-level rise.
Critically, Sri Lanka is not yet integrated with global planetary systems — solar winds, El Niño cycles, Indian Ocean Dipole shifts — despite clear evidence that these invisible climate forces shape our rainfall, storm intensity, and drought rhythms. Worse, we have lost touch with our ancestral systems of environmental management — from tank cascades to forest sanctuaries — that sustained this island for over two millennia.
This system, in short, is outdated, siloed, and reactive. And it must change.
A New Vision for Disaster-Proof Sri Lanka
Under the new policy shift, Sri Lanka will adopt a complete resilience architecture that transforms climate disaster prevention into a national development strategy. This system rests on five interlinked pillars:
Science and Predictive Intelligence
We will move beyond surface-level forecasting. A new national climate intelligence platform will integrate:
AI-driven pattern recognition of rainfall and flood events
Global data from solar activity, ocean oscillations (ENSO, MJO, IOD)
High-resolution digital twins of floodplains and cities
Real-time satellite feeds on cyclone trajectory and ocean heat
The adverse impacts of global warming—such as sea-level rise, the proliferation of pests and diseases affecting human health and food production, and the change of functionality of chlorophyll—must be systematically captured, rigorously analysed, and addressed through proactive, advance decision-making.
This fusion of local and global data will allow days to weeks of anticipatory action, rather than hours of late alerts.
Advanced Technology and Early Warning Infrastructure
Cell-broadcast alerts in all three national languages, expanded weather radar, flood-sensing drones, and tsunami-resilient siren networks will be deployed. Community-level sensors in key river basins and tanks will monitor and report in real-time. Infrastructure projects will now embed climate-risk metrics — from cyclone-proof buildings to sea-level-ready roads.
Governance Overhaul
A new centralised authority — Sri Lanka Climate & Earth Systems Resilience Authority — will consolidate environmental, meteorological, Geological, hydrological, and disaster functions. It will report directly to the Cabinet with a real-time national dashboard. District Disaster Units will be upgraded with GN-level digital coordination. Climate literacy will be declared a national priority.
People Power and Community Preparedness
We will train 25,000 village-level disaster wardens and first responders. Schools will run annual drills for floods, cyclones, tsunamis and landslides. Every community will map its local hazard zones and co-create its own resilience plan. A national climate citizenship programme will reward youth and civil organisations contributing to early warning systems, reforestation (riverbank, slopy land and catchment areas) , or tech solutions.
Reviving Ancient Ecological Wisdom
Sri Lanka’s ancestors engineered tank cascades that regulated floods, stored water, and cooled microclimates. Forest belts protected valleys; sacred groves were biodiversity reservoirs. This policy revives those systems:
Restoring 10,000 hectares of tank ecosystems
Conserving coastal mangroves and reintroducing stone spillways
Integrating traditional seasonal calendars with AI forecasts
Recognising Vedda knowledge of climate shifts as part of national risk strategy
Our past and future must align, or both will be lost.
A Global Destination for Resilient Tourism
Climate-conscious travelers increasingly seek safe, secure, and sustainable destinations. Under this policy, Sri Lanka will position itself as the world’s first “climate-safe sanctuary island” — a place where:
Resorts are cyclone- and tsunami-resilient
Tourists receive live hazard updates via mobile apps
World Heritage Sites are protected by environmental buffers
Visitors can witness tank restoration, ancient climate engineering, and modern AI in action
Sri Lanka will invite scientists, startups, and resilience investors to join our innovation ecosystem — building eco-tourism that’s disaster-proof by design.
Resilience as a National Identity
This shift is not just about floods or cyclones. It is about redefining our identity. To be Sri Lankan must mean to live in harmony with nature and to be ready for its changes. Our ancestors did it. The science now supports it. The time has come.
Let us turn Sri Lanka into the world’s first climate-resilient heritage island — where ancient wisdom meets cutting-edge science, and every citizen stands protected under one shield: a disaster-proof nation.
Features
The minstrel monk and Rafiki the old mandrill in The Lion King – I
Why is national identity so important for a people? AI provides us with an answer worth understanding critically (Caveat: Even AI wisdom should be subjected to the Buddha’s advice to the young Kalamas):
‘A strong sense of identity is crucial for a people as it fosters belonging, builds self-worth, guides behaviour, and provides resilience, allowing individuals to feel connected, make meaningful choices aligned with their values, and maintain mental well-being even amidst societal changes or challenges, acting as a foundation for individual and collective strength. It defines “who we are” culturally and personally, driving shared narratives, pride, political action, and healthier relationships by grounding people in common values, traditions, and a sense of purpose.’
Ethnic Sinhalese who form about 75% of the Sri Lankan population have such a unique identity secured by the binding medium of their Buddhist faith. It is significant that 93% of them still remain Buddhist (according to 2024 statistics/wikipedia), professing Theravada Buddhism, after four and a half centuries of coercive Christianising European occupation that ended in 1948. The Sinhalese are a unique ancient island people with a 2500 year long recorded history, their own language and country, and their deeply evolved Buddhist cultural identity.
Buddhism can be defined, rather paradoxically, as a non-religious religion, an eminently practical ethical-philosophy based on mind cultivation, wisdom and universal compassion. It is an ethico-spiritual value system that prioritises human reason and unaided (i.e., unassisted by any divine or supernatural intervention) escape from suffering through self-realisation. Sri Lanka’s benignly dominant Buddhist socio-cultural background naturally allows unrestricted freedom of religion, belief or non-belief for all its citizens, and makes the country a safe spiritual haven for them. The island’s Buddha Sasana (Dispensation of the Buddha) is the inalienable civilisational treasure that our ancestors of two and a half millennia have bequeathed to us. It is this enduring basis of our identity as a nation which bestows on us the personal and societal benefits of inestimable value mentioned in the AI summary given at the beginning of this essay.
It was this inherent national identity that the Sri Lankan contestant at the 72nd Miss World 2025 pageant held in Hyderabad, India, in May last year, Anudi Gunasekera, proudly showcased before the world, during her initial self-introduction. She started off with a verse from the Dhammapada (a Pali Buddhist text), which she explained as meaning “Refrain from all evil and cultivate good”. She declared, “And I believe that’s my purpose in life”. Anudi also mentioned that Sri Lanka had gone through a lot “from conflicts to natural disasters, pandemics, economic crises….”, adding, “and yet, my people remain hopeful, strong, and resilient….”.
“Ayubowan! I am Anudi Gunasekera from Sri Lanka. It is with immense pride that I represent my Motherland, a nation of resilience, timeless beauty, and a proud history, Sri Lanka.
“I come from Anuradhapura, Sri Lanka’s first capital, and UNESCO World Heritage site, with its history and its legacy of sacred monuments and stupas…….”.
The “inspiring words” that Anudi quoted are from the Dhammapada (Verse 183), which runs, in English translation: “To avoid all evil/To cultivate good/and to cleanse one’s mind -/this is the teaching of the Buddhas”. That verse is so significant because it defines the basic ‘teaching of the Buddhas’ (i.e., Buddha Sasana; this is how Walpole Rahula Thera defines Buddha Sasana in his celebrated introduction to Buddhism ‘What the Buddha Taught’ first published in1959).
Twenty-five year old Anudi Gunasekera is an alumna of the University of Kelaniya, where she earned a bachelor’s degree in International Studies. She is planning to do a Master’s in the same field. Her ambition is to join the foreign service in Sri Lanka. Gen Z’er Anudi is already actively engaged in social service. The Saheli Foundation is her own initiative launched to address period poverty (i.e., lack of access to proper sanitation facilities, hygiene and health education, etc.) especially among women and post-puberty girls of low-income classes in rural and urban Sri Lanka.
Young Anudi is primarily inspired by her patriotic devotion to ‘my Motherland, a nation of resilience, timeless beauty, and a proud history, Sri Lanka’. In post-independence Sri Lanka, thousands of young men and women of her age have constantly dedicated themselves, oftentimes making the supreme sacrifice, motivated by a sense of national identity, by the thought ‘This is our beloved Motherland, these are our beloved people’.
The rescue and recovery of Sri Lanka from the evil aftermath of a decade of subversive ‘Aragalaya’ mayhem is waiting to be achieved, in every sphere of national engagement, including, for example, economics, communications, culture and politics, by the enlightened Anudi Gunasekeras and their male counterparts of the Gen Z, but not by the demented old stragglers lingering in the political arena listening to the unnerving rattle of “Time’s winged chariot hurrying near”, nor by the baila blaring monks at propaganda rallies.
Politically active monks (Buddhist bhikkhus) are only a handful out of the Maha Sangha (the general body of Buddhist bhikkhus) in Sri Lanka, who numbered just over 42,000 in 2024. The vast majority of monks spend their time quietly attending to their monastic duties. Buddhism upholds social and emotional virtues such as universal compassion, empathy, tolerance and forgiveness that protect a society from the evils of tribalism, religious bigotry and death-dealing religious piety.
Not all monks who express or promote political opinions should be censured. I choose to condemn only those few monks who abuse the yellow robe as a shield in their narrow partisan politics. I cannot bring myself to disapprove of the many socially active monks, who are articulating the genuine problems that the Buddha Sasana is facing today. The two bhikkhus who are the most despised monks in the commercial media these days are Galaboda-aththe Gnanasara and Ampitiye Sumanaratana Theras. They have a problem with their mood swings. They have long been whistleblowers trying to raise awareness respectively, about spreading religious fundamentalism, especially, violent Islamic Jihadism, in the country and about the vandalising of the Buddhist archaeological heritage sites of the north and east provinces. The two middle-aged monks (Gnanasara and Sumanaratana) belong to this respectable category. Though they are relentlessly attacked in the social media or hardly given any positive coverage of the service they are doing, they do nothing more than try to persuade the rulers to take appropriate action to resolve those problems while not trespassing on the rights of people of other faiths.
These monks have to rely on lay political leaders to do the needful, without themselves taking part in sectarian politics in the manner of ordinary members of the secular society. Their generally demonised social image is due, in my opinion, to three main reasons among others: 1) spreading misinformation and disinformation about them by those who do not like what they are saying and doing, 2) their own lack of verbal restraint, and 3) their being virtually abandoned to the wolves by the temporal and spiritual authorities.
(To be continued)
By Rohana R. Wasala ✍️
Features
US’ drastic aid cut to UN poses moral challenge to world
‘Adapt, shrink or die’ – thus runs the warning issued by the Trump administration to UN humanitarian agencies with brute insensitivity in the wake of its recent decision to drastically reduce to $2bn its humanitarian aid to the UN system. This is a substantial climb down from the $17bn the US usually provided to the UN for its humanitarian operations.
Considering that the US has hitherto been the UN’s biggest aid provider, it need hardly be said that the US decision would pose a daunting challenge to the UN’s humanitarian operations around the world. This would indeed mean that, among other things, people living in poverty and stifling material hardships, in particularly the Southern hemisphere, could dramatically increase. Coming on top of the US decision to bring to an end USAID operations, the poor of the world could be said to have been left to their devices as a consequence of these morally insensitive policy rethinks of the Trump administration.
Earlier, the UN had warned that it would be compelled to reduce its aid programs in the face of ‘the deepest funding cuts ever.’ In fact the UN is on record as requesting the world for $23bn for its 2026 aid operations.
If this UN appeal happens to go unheeded, the possibilities are that the UN would not be in a position to uphold the status it has hitherto held as the world’s foremost humanitarian aid provider. It would not be incorrect to state that a substantial part of the rationale for the UN’s existence could come in for questioning if its humanitarian identity is thus eroded.
Inherent in these developments is a challenge for those sections of the international community that wish to stand up and be counted as humanists and the ‘Conscience of the World.’ A responsibility is cast on them to not only keep the UN system going but to also ensure its increased efficiency as a humanitarian aid provider to particularly the poorest of the poor.
It is unfortunate that the US is increasingly opting for a position of international isolation. Such a policy position was adopted by it in the decades leading to World War Two and the consequences for the world as a result of this policy posture were most disquieting. For instance, it opened the door to the flourishing of dictatorial regimes in the West, such as that led by Adolph Hitler in Germany, which nearly paved the way for the subjugation of a good part of Europe by the Nazis.
If the US had not intervened militarily in the war on the side of the Allies, the West would have faced the distressing prospect of coming under the sway of the Nazis and as a result earned indefinite political and military repression. By entering World War Two the US helped to ward off these bleak outcomes and indeed helped the major democracies of Western Europe to hold their own and thrive against fascism and dictatorial rule.
Republican administrations in the US in particular have not proved the greatest defenders of democratic rule the world over, but by helping to keep the international power balance in favour of democracy and fundamental human rights they could keep under a tight leash fascism and linked anti-democratic forces even in contemporary times. Russia’s invasion and continued occupation of parts of Ukraine reminds us starkly that the democracy versus fascism battle is far from over.
Right now, the US needs to remain on the side of the rest of the West very firmly, lest fascism enjoys another unfettered lease of life through the absence of countervailing and substantial military and political power.
However, by reducing its financial support for the UN and backing away from sustaining its humanitarian programs the world over the US could be laying the ground work for an aggravation of poverty in the South in particular and its accompaniments, such as, political repression, runaway social discontent and anarchy.
What should not go unnoticed by the US is the fact that peace and social stability in the South and the flourishing of the same conditions in the global North are symbiotically linked, although not so apparent at first blush. For instance, if illegal migration from the South to the US is a major problem for the US today, it is because poor countries are not receiving development assistance from the UN system to the required degree. Such deprivation on the part of the South leads to aggravating social discontent in the latter and consequences such as illegal migratory movements from South to North.
Accordingly, it will be in the North’s best interests to ensure that the South is not deprived of sustained development assistance since the latter is an essential condition for social contentment and stable governance, which factors in turn would guard against the emergence of phenomena such as illegal migration.
Meanwhile, democratic sections of the rest of the world in particular need to consider it a matter of conscience to ensure the sustenance and flourishing of the UN system. To be sure, the UN system is considerably flawed but at present it could be called the most equitable and fair among international development organizations and the most far-flung one. Without it world poverty would have proved unmanageable along with the ills that come along with it.
Dehumanizing poverty is an indictment on humanity. It stands to reason that the world community should rally round the UN and ensure its survival lest the abomination which is poverty flourishes. In this undertaking the world needs to stand united. Ambiguities on this score could be self-defeating for the world community.
For example, all groupings of countries that could demonstrate economic muscle need to figure prominently in this initiative. One such grouping is BRICS. Inasmuch as the US and the West should shrug aside Realpolitik considerations in this enterprise, the same goes for organizations such as BRICS.
The arrival at the above international consensus would be greatly facilitated by stepped up dialogue among states on the continued importance of the UN system. Fresh efforts to speed-up UN reform would prove major catalysts in bringing about these positive changes as well. Also requiring to be shunned is the blind pursuit of narrow national interests.
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