Features
Sri Lanka’s New Chapter: A Shared Journey of Recovery
After economic collapse, political turbulence and social hardship, Sri Lanka stands at a turning point. The country’s recovery will depend not only on economic reforms or political will, but on the ability of its people and leaders to work together toward a fairer, more resilient future.
Unlike past presidents, Anura Kumara Dissanayake (AKD) has drastically reduced state perks, residence costs, security staff, police escorts, and vehicle fleets for politicians—including himself. The savings from these reforms are estimated at around Rs. 1.1 billion annually. While largely symbolic, these reforms send a powerful message that public service must be grounded in accountability and restraint.
AKD deserves the support of citizens for several other reasons. He is providing responsible leadership in combating narcotics that threaten communities, fostering ethnic harmony, protecting the independence of the judiciary and police, rooting out corruption, and reviving the economy.
One of the most pressing issues confronting Sri Lanka today is narcotics and organised crime. In the absence of the emergence of a honest and courageous leader, Sri Lanka’s situation could have deteriorated rapidly to that seen in Afghanistan, Mexico or Colombia—struggling to contain drug-related violence, organised crime, corruption, and social instability. Over the past seven decades, Sri Lanka witnessed the underworld strengthen due to political patronage. Several notorious narcotic kingpins even operated close to former presidents.
The new government has intensified efforts to disrupt drug networks and prosecute drug kingpins. The goal is not only to enforce the law but also to dismantle the deeper relationship between crime and politics that has long undermined public order. It is an extremely difficult and risky battle, but one essential for a peaceful and stable society.
Across the world countries such as Singapore, Switzerland, South Africa, and Canada have successfully managed diversity to foster ethnic and religious harmony. However, Sri Lanka has failed to do so. Since independence, Sri Lanka’s political leaders have often exploited ethnic and religious differences—Sinhala, Tamil, Muslim, and Burgher; Buddhist, Christian, Hindu, and Muslim—to consolidate majority support. Incidents such as the “Sinhala Only Act” (1956), the burning of the Jaffna Public Library (1981), the anti-Tamil riots of “Black July” (1983), post-2009 victory narratives, and the Easter bombings (2019) illustrate the devastating consequences of this divisive politics. AKD is effectively managing the complex realities of ethnic diversity to promote national harmony for the first time.
The recent UN Human Rights Council resolution on Sri Lanka, adopted without a vote at its 60th session, fails to acknowledge the current leadership’s genuine commitment to reconciliation. While the resolution is politically insensitive, it can be used as an opportunity. Constructive engagement with international partners could help Sri Lanka to access technical and financial assistance to strengthen its reconciliation programmes and institutions.

Most pressing problems: narcotics and organized crime. File Photo of Navy detecting a stock of heroin and ICE in Janauary, 2024. Approximately 245kg of heroin and crystal methamphetamine (‘Ice’) were recovered from the multi-day fishing trawler intercepted off the southern coast of the country
For any democracy, the independence of the judiciary and the professionalism of the police are fundamental. In recent years political interference in these institutions has severely eroded public trust. The current government has pledged to protect the autonomy of both. The Chief Justice and senior judges now have greater freedom to pursue reforms, while the police force under the new Inspector General of Police has introduced changes in recruitment, promotions, and transfers to ensure fairness and efficiency.
These reforms are still evolving, but they have already contributed to improved international rankings. In 2024, Sri Lanka rose to 75th place in the World Justice Project’s Rule of Law Index — a modest but encouraging sign. A strong and independent justice system is vital for stability, investment, and confidence in governance.
Corruption
has been one of the most persistent barriers to progress in Sri Lanka. Over the years corruption networks have become deeply embedded in society, involving politicians, government servants, those in law enforcement and public. In Transparency International’s 2024 Corruption Perceptions Index, Sri Lanka was ranked 121st out of 180 countries (where rank 1 indicates the least corrupt).
AKD’s administration is pursuing a multifaceted strategy to tackle bribery and corruption. It is combining legal reforms (including the Anti-Corruption Act No. 9 of 2023), asset-forfeiture legislation, institutional strengthening, and the National Anti-Corruption Action Plan 2025–2029, developed by CIABOC with UNDP support. The government is expanding CIABOC’s mandate and reinforcing the Auditor General’s oversight role.
Under the leadership of the Director General of CIABOC, the government has prioritised long-overdue investigations into elite corruption, including the bond scam and procurement irregularities of past regimes. For these reforms to take root, CIABOC, the Auditor General’s Department, and other oversight institutions need consistent funding and professional staff. International support from the World Bank and the UN Office on Drugs and Crime, through initiatives like the Stolen Asset Recovery (STAR) programme, can also strengthen Sri Lanka’s ability to trace and recover illicit assets.
According to the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) , Sri Lanka—along with Iceland and Ghana—is among the few nations to achieve a rapid economic rebound following financial collapse. This progress has been possible only because AKD has prioritised peace, ethnic harmony, law enforcement, and good governance.
His government is leading structural and policy reforms under IMF guidance, including debt restructuring and fiscal discipline. Tourism and remittances have rebounded, and investor confidence is growing. In 2024, Sri Lanka’s economy grew by 5%, exceeding expectations. Inflation has remained below the Central Bank’s 5% target—far below the 69.8% peak recorded in September 2022.
However, many households remain under strain from higher taxes and prices. Poverty and inequality persist, with nearly 25% of the population pushed below the poverty line during the 2022 crisis. The 2025 budget allocates Rs. 749 billion for social protection programmes, including Aswesuma, Praja Shakthi, a 40% increase in the minimum wage, and expanded nutrition and school grant schemes. If these initiatives are implemented transparently using digital technology for targeting, the World Bank projects that poverty could decline to 19–22% by 2026.
Although AKD is steering Sri Lanka in the right direction, full recovery will take decades. The government must maintain macroeconomic stability, promote investment and exports, strengthen agriculture, prioritise education and invest in human development while protecting the vulnerable.
Sustainable recovery also depends on freedom of expression and accountability — the freedom to speak and to hold leaders accountable. The current government is secure enough to tolerate criticism.
We must not forget the atmosphere of fear that once silenced dissent. During the 2022 crisis, when the nation was in turmoil, it was with great apprehension that I published the book “Sri Lanka: Tears and Dreams of a Fragile Democracy”. Today, I have no fear in expressing my views—and, if necessary, I can be critical of AKD’s government. Journalists, academics, and citizens are expressing their views with greater confidence. This renewed openness is essential for a healthy democracy.
Sri Lanka’s journey toward sustainable economic, social, and environmental development is long and arduous. While some governance reforms are slowly taking root, institutional inertia, resource constraints, and politicisation remain challenges. The opposition continues to spread misinformation to mislead the public and grab power at any cost. Challenges are immense.
Nevertheless, AKD continues to demonstrate courage, dedication and conviction. He is providing responsible leadership to the government to drive the nation towards stability and sustainable recovery. Recovery is not the responsibility of the president or the government alone. It is a national initiative. While the state leads with integrity and credibility, we the citizens have a sacred duty to respond with engagement, accountability and long-term commitment.
The writer is a Specialist Physician, former Professor of Medicine, University of Peradeniya, and former Senior Adviser, World Health Organization Geneva.
By Shanthi Mendis ✍️
Features
‘There are no private universities in Sri Lanka’ – some considerations for higher education reform
Academics involved in education policy like to say that there is no such thing as a private university in Sri Lanka. The only ‘universities’ in the country are state universities; anything else offering degrees is a private higher education institution (HEI). This position is technically accurate. Yet, in the discourse and imagination of the public, private universities are very real – people teach in them, students register in them, families pay fees, and such degree holders enter job markets in Sri Lanka and outside.
For decades, activists concerned for public higher education have ignored or resisted looking at private HEIs, as if such scrutiny would taint them. Others have worked in both types of institutions, carrying practices from each to the other. The apex body governing state universities, the UGC, has, meanwhile, ignored the concept of conflict of interest and appointed individuals in private higher education in committees and leadership positions. It is unsurprising then that some of the ideologies informing private higher education appear in reform agendas in the state sector.
This is a good time then to consider the varying types of private HEIs around us, and to take a look at some of the issues within them in the hope that higher education reform agendas will include private, as well as state higher education.
What is a ‘private university’?
First, some clarifications. In the public imaginary, a ‘private university’ is typically an institution that provides a foreign or local degree for which the student makes a payment. But this broad classification encompasses a host of diverse institutions and types of degrees which I detail below.
The Non-State Higher Education Division (NSHE) of the Ministry of Education has recognised 295 degrees by 32 institutions. Most of these are private companies and include a handful of established, well-known private HEIs that are ‘university like’. The degrees are local degrees conferred by the institutions accredited by the NSHE Division. While private HEIs conferring local degrees must be accredited by the NSHE Division, there appears to be no legal consequence for not doing so. In addition, there are several permutations of the private degree that miss the net of this Division and the Standing Committee on Accreditation and Quality Assurance (SCAQA) that assists this Division.
For one, degrees conferred by foreign universities offered, via these same private HEIs, are not vetted by the NSHE Division. Secondly, there is a growing plethora of private HEIs which have either no physical presence locally or only a dubious presence. The University Grants Commission has notified the public, through their website, that foreign universities listed in the Commonwealth Universities Yearbook and the World Higher Education Database are recognised, but refrained from giving any other details – which degrees? Offered by what modes? These details are not known. Some of the foreign universities in the lists may be legitimate entities in their own land but the degrees conferred locally, in their name, may not adhere to curriculum or teaching specifications of the NSHE Division or the UGC.
Another troubling phenomenon is the ‘top up degree’, which appears to work on the same principle as that of a pre-paid mobile connection: if I have a Diploma or an HND of a sort, I am eligible to complete a course of study which provides me with a degree, usually from a foreign university. The idea that someone who does not initially qualify for a degree programme should be able to work their way towards one is a progressive notion. This is the concept that open and distance learning (ODL) was based on initially, but which is now sadly exploited. ODL models are expected to provide opportunity for learning for those who may be excluded from traditional learning institutions. In Sri Lanka, however, we have seen ODL become a marketplace offering easy to obtain, for-fee qualifications by institutions with little commitment to superior teaching and learning.
Finally, a perusal of the many types of private HEIs and their varied degrees bring to mind another question – how should the private degrees, provided by state institutions (that are not educational institutions), be regulated? Who should do so?
All of these create a host of problems for the public – for hopeful students and parents and trusting employers. For the higher education sector, recruitment of academic staff, too, has become difficult due to this plethora of ambiguous higher education qualifications, as I discussed in a previous Kuppi article (‘Recruiting academics to state universities’).
Some issues in private HEIs – a bellwether for change in state universities
In this second part of this article, I will discuss some aspects of work in private HEIs – albeit the more established institutions – given that such issues may appear in reform agendas in future.
Across state universities, all permanent staff of a specific category are paid according to the same criteria. The picture is not so clear when it comes to private HEIs since they are different entities legally, typically companies. Private HEIs have salary scales and financial incentives that are different to each other. The more established private HEIs reportedly have attractive renumeration packages, possibly a reason for academics of state universities migrating eagerly to such institutions during sabbatical years and on retirement. This may not of course be the case with other less established, or improperly registered HEIs of which we know little. Academic staff of these more accepted private HEIs seem to value the high financial remuneration they receive (in comparison to state universities) as something that makes their work rewarding.
Attractive remuneration is important to sustain the good life and is at times seen as the institution’s way of encouraging good work. Yet, this has implications for the future of the institution: to continue to deliver on promised financial packages, institutions must continue to have large profit margins. One strategy has been to enroll multiple cohorts of students per year, even up to three or four intakes per year. This can result in exploitative work conditions, since staff must cater to all these cohorts in that same year. If there is inadequate staff, employees are further burdened. On the other hand, if there is a sudden drop in enrolments (degrees can go out of fashion) unexpected layoffs occur. Similar to other sectors that employ short-term contract staff – including state universities – in private HEIs, too, individual teachers, who are on short term contracts that need regular renewal, can feel pressured to work under difficult or exploitative conditions.
At the same time, even in the more established private HEIs, work norms differ from those of state universities in that they include promotional work that keeps the institution’s name in the eye of the public. The Marketing (or similarly named) unit comes up in conversations as one of the most important departments. It appears to weigh in on decision-making related to the number of staff, the amount of re-sits per exams, and other pedagogically important matters. This is a worrying example of how financial rationales interfere with pedagogically or academically sound processes, resulting in problematic results in the classroom. On the plus side, junior colleagues, who had experience in both state and private HEIs, also felt that they faced less harassment in private HEIs – primarily due to the private HEIs ability to take swift action in reported cases of harassment. This is a real indictment on state institutions and their reluctance to address chronic issues of harassment in our universities.
Yet, while we hear much about problems in state universities, we hardly hear of problems that staff in private HEIs face. One rationale for a lack of public expressions by staff is that expressions of discontent might lead to trouble given the importance of reputation for private HEIs. The worry about reputational damage is a growing concern in state universities, too, as evidenced by social media policies and internal conversations on reputational damage, consequent to negative publicity. Institutional worries of reputational damage are harmful in the long run since these impact not only freedom of expression by student and staff, but also research that is possible in and about the education sector.
Some thoughts at the end…
A close look at the private higher education sector is important given its strong presence in the country. Impending reform needs to regulate this diverse array of higher education offerings in the private sector, as well as the state institutions that offer privately-funded options of higher education (a topic for a separate Kuppi on its own). It is time we carefully considered how to build a whole system of higher education out of this broken mess.
Kaushalya Perera is a senior lecturer at the University of Colombo.
Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies.
Features
Ready for solo spotlight
Singer Nish Peiris is set to take the next big step in her music journey.
The talented vocalist, who has been seen and heard in the scene here for a short while, and was also featured with the now-defunct band, Inner Vision, has announced that she will be fully committing to her solo career, after completing her degree this year.
“I’m finishing my degree this year, and after that I’ll be fully committing to my solo music career,” Nish told The Island.
“I’ve already got a few tours lined up for next year, so I’m really excited for what’s ahead.”
Fans, no doubt, will remember Nish for her smooth voice and stage presence, and the good news is that she is now ready to chart her own path and bring new music to audiences at home and abroad.
With tours already planned for 2027, the year 2026 promises to be an exciting year for the young artiste as she steps into the spotlight on her own.
We wish Nish every success in this new chapter!
Features
Exclusive musical evening for Sri Lankans in Toronto
While Sri Lankan music lovers, in Dubai, are eagerly looking forward to being a part of the action on Saturday, 25th July, with Rajiv Sebastian in the limelight, Sri Lankans, in Toronto, Canada, are equally excited and are anxiously awaiting the arrival of Sri Lanka’s famous singer/entertainer Sohan Weerasinghe.
Having done the needful with The X-Periments, the legendary performer has now embarked on an exciting new chapter – a solo career – and Toronto, Canada, will see him do the needful, on Friday, 31st July, 2026, from 8.00 pm to 12.00 am, at the Angus Glen Golf Club.
Reports indicate that it’s a ‘sold out’ event – naturally with Sohan in the spotlight.
Having built his reputation through years of unforgettable performances, and hits that became part of our musical fabric, Sohan is ready to bring his own vision, sound, and stories directly to the audience, in Toronto, Canada, backed by the phenomenal Toronto Ceymphony Live Band.
Says Gamini Hemalal, who has been instrumental in reviving the Sri Lankan entertainment scene, in that part of the world:
“The countdown begins for the most exclusive musical event of the summer! Join us for a premium night of incredible music, elite hospitality, and a lavish buffet as the legendary Sohan Weerasinghe takes the stage live in Toronto!
“This is a high-end event, designed for those who appreciate exceptional entertainment and great food.”
Gamini, who is also a member of the Toronto Ceymphony Live Band, mentioned that it’s going to be an intimate musical evening with the celebrated Sohan Weerasinghe.
From packed auditoriums to intimate shows, Sohan continues to prove why he remains one of Sri Lanka’s most beloved entertainers.
For decades, Sohan Weerasinghe has been a household name in Sri Lankan entertainment.
Known for his captivating smooth voice and charismatic stage presence, Canada will experience it all on Friday, 31st July.
Next on the list of events, Gamini Hemal is working on, is Halloween night and he says “what we plan to do will be very interesting and unique … with a surprise guest star, as well!”
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