Opinion
Sri Lanka’s crippled and diluted diplomacy
The realpolitik behind the UNHRC actions: Can Sri Lanka fly with the Eagle and ride the Dragon?
The Western countries behind the UNHRC resolution have their own highly developed intelligence sources of information on the Eelam war, as it was of intense interest to the Western nations. In fact, the foreign ministers of the UK and France actually came to Colombo to intervene personally. Given that level of interest, they had realms of information on the Eelam war. Lord Naseby has exposed the tip of this hidden iceberg of information possessed by the British Government alone. The US, Indians, French, Canada with its huge Tamil Diaspora, and most of all the Norwegians possessed first-hand information. None of that has been exploited by the UN, but remains hidden because, in all probability, what is in them are of little use to the agenda of the core group of nations behind the UNHRC resolution.
All such information is ignored by the “moral crusaders” who also try to claim that this was a vicious war conducted without witnesses, whereas there were many witnesses, and first hand reports, from journalists like M. Reddy, representatives of the IRC, UN, and TULF MPs who were in close contact with the LTTE, churchmen. There were military observers of diplomatic missions who were working closely with some Western aid organizations and NGOs embedded in the Vanni. Existence of some of these NGOs depended on the existence of the Tigers. They had such a symbiosis with the Tigers that one such NGO even surreptitiously allowed the Tigers to use their earth-moving equipment to build earthen bunds, to prevent the advance of the army. Information from such sources were available to foreign missions. The Norwegians were personally close to Balasingham and other top Tiger operatives, and knew the facts and often concealed the facts, in their belief that such connivance will help “peace” negotiations. However, they did appeal to the Tigers to release the hostages held as a human shield.
Then there were the TULF/TNA MPs who were the political arm of the Tigers. Why do commentators conveniently forget what Mr. Veersingham Anandasangaree, the then General Secretary of the TULF, told at the Annual Meeting in December 2008? Sangaree mentioned how the LTTE was killing its own injured, including civilians in cold blood, as they were regarded as a liability. Reports of the LTTE loading it’s injured into buses that were too damaged for use, and setting them on fire exist. The pro-LTTE TULF member from Mutative (Mooladoova) who was present at the Dec. 2008 meeting, is said to have retorted that such things are necessary in the fight to achieve Eelam! But such deaths are also conveniently attributed against the Armed forces.
Furthermore, there were “student volunteers” from some Canadian Universities who had been brainwashed by the Canadian Diaspora to work in the Vanni. They came to “help” the Tigers in the romantic adventure of creating an “exclusive Tamil homeland” that will herald a great Tamil Nation, stretching from South Africa to Malaysia. Their ethnic-Tamil academic peers were in touch with these student volunteers.
So, there is enough hard evidence from a variety of independent sources, and even partisan sources like the Tamil net that imply no more than some 7000, as the number killed in the period under review. The UN has the capacity and diplomatic clout to access information available only to governments, and to hire competent investigators and research analysts to dig out the information. But the UNHRC effort is not a fact-finding exercise.
Yasmin Sooka was a Mère Fondatrice of the NGO entitled “Campaign for Justice and Peace in Sri Lanka” (CJPSL). Its mission stated in 2009 was to bring Sri Lanka before the International Court of Justice for war crimes. It worked closely with a prominent Colombo NGO that proposed “policy alternatives”, with another Hong Kong based “human rights” NGO, and Western diaspora groups. They even got Naom Chomsky on their side for a short time. Even the prospective names of what finally came out as the “Darusman committee” were submitted to the office of Mr. Ban-ki-Moon by individuals connected with the CJPSL. So, it is not surprising that Yasmin Sooka was shooed in.
So, the UN exercise is an operation directed by political agendas. Thus, the claim that the GOSL carried out a massacre of not 40,000, but 170,000 was recently stated by Navi Pillai, after her retirement from the UNHCR. This narrative is best suited for (a) the local politics of the Western politicians who depend on Tamil Diaspora votes in their electorates, (b) Indian government’s need to be au fait with Tamil Nadu politicians, (c) geopolitical needs of the West in punishing the Rajapaksa government for not cooperating with the West with its Status of Forces agreement etc., and in being increasingly pro-Chinese.
Even the Sri Lankans, i.e., even the Tamils and Moors (Muslims), and not just the Sinhala Buddhists who have become the devil incarnate, are going to be punished by the West for putting back the regime headed by the Rajapaksas, who depend on the votes of the Devil Incarnate. That was the war-winning regime that the West successfully conspired to dethrone in 2015. They put in the Sirisena-Wickermesinghe-Samaraweera-Sampanthan government that allowed Washington to even oversee the writing of a new constitution for the country, while Jayasuriya, the Speaker of the Parliament had a US-funded “advisor”, to guide him in running the parliament and link with Western lobby groups!
So, given the political, rather than factual basis of the UNHRC actions, what is the strategy that exists for Sri Lanka to close the UNHRC file and terminate Western antagonism?
Sri Lanka has been attacked by Islamist Jihadist elements, even though it had stayed away from engaging with the US and Pakistani efforts against the Taliban. There are unconfirmed reports that the US had indeed approached the SL government for possible use of a Sri Lanka contingent in Afghanistan. The Taliban had destroyed the Bamiyan Buddhas in 2003, and Sri Lanka could have justified such intervention as defending Buddhist heritage, by deploying some of its forces to give protection to archaeological sites of the ancient Gandhara, given that the Eelam wars are over. Unlike the Trump administration that hoped to bring all US forces in Afghanistan back to the US by 1st April 2021, the Biden administration is inclined to keep a continued presence. If Sri Lanka opts to work with the US, but with the accord of Islamic nations like Pakistan, one can predict that the behavior of the US in Geneva in 2022 will be a complete about turn! However, engaging in any war, even to defend archeological sites, has its own unpredictable consequences.
So, Sri Lanka’s future lies in its capacity to fly with the Eagle, under the crescent moon, but without being signed by the Dragon. Given the mismanagement of the Covid cremation issue, cautious diplomacy may be well beyond the capacity of Sri Lanka, whose diplomacy is crippled and diluted by the appointment of political henchmen and family members of politicians, even to key diplomatic positions.
CHANDRE DHARMAWARDANA
Canada
Opinion
Vijaya Chandrasoma, superb writer and warm-hearted friend
Vijaya Chandrasoma, a frequent and valued contributor to this newspaper I edit passed away at 85+ in Colombo a few days ago, far from his family domiciled in the United States; but his children with whom he was in close touch were able to make it for the funeral on Sunday. Vijaya or Vicky as he was best known to friends and family had a visceral hatred of President Donald Trump, no doubt shared by a majority of mankind. This he was not slow in expounding in the widely read columns he wrote for us.
In the covering letters accompanying his articles, he always included a cryptic note: “Yours to do as you please” demonstrating the generosity of his nature leaving open the exercise of any editorial judgment with no hard feelings whatever. That was the quintessential Vicky who sometimes wondered whether he was indulging in an overkill of Trump whom he detested as much as he loved Obama.
He loved Obama as much as he loved the USA which he felt had given him and his family a second chance which his family seized but he, as he freely admitted, allowed to slip by. He had the honesty to publish a self-deprecating book titled All Show And No Substance sub-headed A Cautionary Tale he meant mainly for his grandchildren “in the hope that they may learn something of the life and times of their grandfather and the world in which he lived.”
Vijaya Chandrasoma was second of the four sons of M. (Tissa) and Gertie Chandrasoma, his father being a member of the prestigious Ceylon Civil Service (CCS) reputed for his efficiency. While Vicky had classified his family as “upper middle class” a better description might have been “well to do.” As schoolboys we used to walk home for lunch together from Royal College along Fifth Lane, him to turn off at the barrel drain behind Ladies College now called 27th Lane and I onward to Charles Way further down the lane.
Vicky being a couple of years senior, my memories of him in school are dim but I do remember his telling me how his father, a reputed university athlete, cheered him with a “come on Vicky” at an inter-house athletics meet and how he and a partner defeated a champion combination in a game of tennis doubles. We had a distant kinship too through my mother’s paternal roots in Galle and he was very close to my cousin, best known by his nickname Koiman, who teamed up with him as fellow students in London.
The Chandrasomas went off to London after Tissa, a favourite of then Prime Minister, Sir. John Kotelawela, resigned after a disagreement with SWRD Bandaranaike, Sir John’s successor. He got a plum private sector job, number two at the foreign-managed Shell Company which dominated the petroleum import and distribution market in then Ceylon. Vicky makes no secret of what he called his “dissolute” life in London as a teenager concentrating on booze, horses and greyhounds.
Nevertheless he was accepted by St. Andrew’s University in Scotland, Cambridge and Oxford he eventually joined only to be “rusticated” after a year. His life in Colombo on his return from the UK was predictably fast with a stint in an accountancy firm his father got him into as an articled clerk, managing a hotel in the Maldives whose tourism industry was just taking off, running a tourism business in Colombo, an attempt at immigrating to Australia and finally ending up in Los Angeles.
He eventually relocated, alone to Colombo with his family remaining in LA. To his immense pride his children did very well in Ivy League Universities and thereafter “no thanks to me.” I bumped into him at the HSBC branch then at Dharmapala Mawatha and was able to introduce him to the bank to open an account. We reconnected and hence his many columns to these pages all written free gratis and for nothing.
He, like his father before him wrote very well and his copy was not all Trump bashing. There were so many readable pieces of his time at Oxford, his days with his friend Gamini Disssnayake to whom he was a trusted aide and speechwriter, and a memorable interview he did in Canada with Singapore Prime Minister Lee Kwan Yew. “This was sprung on me and I was absolutely unprepared. My heart was in the pit of my stomach. But PM Lee helped me through.”
A colourful life has ended, one where he blamed nobody but himself for anything that went wrong. Rest in peace my friend. Pity our long-promised meeting never happened.
Manik de Silva
Opinion
‘From Galkissa to Tambuttegama’: A response
by Sena Thoradeniya
I Refer to the article published under the above title in The Island of 14 Sept. It was written by Dr. Uswatte-aratchi, whose insights into art, literature, and culture have long resonated with mine. In those domains, we have shared similar views; yet in matters of political theory, political leadership, and governance, our perspectives have not converged.
I do not intend to discuss the entire article by Dr. Uswatte, for he is entitled to his views on our politicians, even to the point of publicly attacking them when opportunity arises. I am neither an apologist nor an agent of any among those he has named. My concern here is solely to highlight Uswatte’s curious attribution of his knowledge of mathematics and physics to a person who, in his public addresses, has revealed no trace of intellectual capacity.
Dr. Uswatte says: “Unlike the earlier rulers Dissanayake (referring to the President) attended government schools in Tambuttegama and Kelaniya University. He studied science and mathematics. He can differentiate an equation for you and speak intelligently about Paul Dirac and Higgs Boson with the same felicity as accusations against former politicians”.
We are waiting for a theoretical or scientific publication by the current President that might justify such a claim. To ascribe scholarly depth to one whose record is not noticeable is absurd. It is a gesture that compliments without foundation and confers laurels where none have been earned.
This is what Dr. Uswatte says about the Prime Minister: “There is a Prime Minister who can talk to you impromptu about Auguste Comte and Claude LéviStrauss”.
A person who is said to have studied sociology should be knowledgeable about Comte, regarded as the father of sociology and the founder of positivism, and Claude Lévi-Strauss, a leading figure in structural anthropology; yet we remain uncertain whether she speaks of them with genuine familiarity and scholarly understanding, or is merely name-dropping them in an impromptu fashion. What on earth is she saying about these men on public platforms?
Since I possess no knowledge of either physics or mathematics, it was sheer curiosity that led me to consult AI only to discover what a marvelous President we have!
Paul Dirac was a pioneering English physicist, who helped establish quantum mechanics, co-founder of quantum electrodynamics and contributed to quantum field theory. In 1933, he shared the Nobel Prize in Physics. The Higgs boson is a fundamental particle discovered in 2012 that explains how particles acquire mass, solving a central mystery in physics. Peter Higgs, a British theoretical physicist won the Nobel prize for physics in 2013, decades after Anura Kumara obtained his degree.
Trying to rediscover theoretical physicists among ordinary science graduates who left university decades ago is indeed a futile exercise, like looking for a needle in a haystack. Theoretical physics thrives on continuity, requiring sustained engagement with evolving mathematics, new theories and experimental findings, and is a discipline that demands lifelong intellectual engagement.
Dr. Uswatte should listen to speeches made by his new found friends at public meetings and see the reaction of social media activists. As Chairman Mao observed, theory divorced from reality is useless. “No investigation, no right to speak (“Preface and Postscript to Rural Surveys” -1941).
For the time being, I refrain from commenting on some of the President’s promises, such as ‘producing graphite from graphene’ (which ought, of course, to be the reverse), producing sulphuric acid using seawater, fortifying the stem of the banana through advanced research, devising lifesaving remedies for cancer, or unveiling the world’s first app for locating shoals of fish. The list is too long to reproduce here. An exaggerated parade of claims and the sheer implausibility of such boasts are not the stuff of theoretical physics.
Opinion
A journalist who wrote across the divide
by Jehan Perera
There are some journalists whose work we read and then move on. And there are others whose writing makes us stop, think and look at the country differently. D. B. S. Jeyaraj who passed away on 17 May 2026 was one of them. Whenever I saw an article by DBS, as he was widely known, appear in a newspaper, it was the first I read. He was primarily a columnist and political analyst, with a deep knowledge of the history of Sri Lanka’s ethnic conflict. But his columns were not simply analysis or opinion. They were rooted in what was happening in Sri Lanka and in what people involved in those developments were saying. We could see this in his frequent references to first-hand comments from people he had spoken to. He did this both when he lived in Sri Lanka and later, when he was living in Canada. That was no easy task.
In a 2013 interview, after returning to Sri Lanka for the first time in 25 years, DBS described how he had continued to report on Sri Lanka from Canada by maintaining contacts at home. He said that he broke his rest daily to communicate with contacts in Sri Lanka and that this dual existence of living physically in Canada and mentally in Sri Lanka took a heavy toll on his health and finances. But that commitment mattered and allowed him to write about Sri Lanka from afar without losing touch with what was happening on the ground. His writings gave readers a sense of what was happening in the north and east, as well as of politics more generally in Sri Lanka.
Speaking at the commemoration and book launch organised by the Tamil Media Alliance last week, Vijitha Yapa, the founding editor of The Island and Sunday Times, under whom DBS worked, captured an important quality of his journalism when he said, “DBS had no venom. That was his greatness.” He also recalled how DBS stood up to pressure and threats and continued writing about the Tamil community while insisting on fair play irrespective of race or religion. M. A. Sumanthiran, General Secretary of the ITAK, put another aspect of DBS’s contribution even more directly: “Truth is the first casualty of war. DBS fought to keep the truth alive.” He recalled that DBS always cross-checked his news and noted that even those who hated him read his columns to find the truth.
These observations capture two qualities that made DBS special. The first was his commitment to truth and, second, was his ability to write about a deeply divisive subject without venom. DBS was a Tamil writing about the north and east and the Tamil national question in a deeply polarised environment. Yet he wrote for the mainstream English-language press and was widely read not only by Tamils but also by people from other communities. His writing helped make the concerns, political aspirations and historical experiences of the Tamil community accessible to readers beyond it. His importance was not limited to his being a Tamil journalist. His writing mattered because it addressed the country as a whole. Issues and perspectives that might otherwise have remained within particular communities could become part of a wider national debate.
Another noteworthy feature of DBS was his ability to be realistic in his assessments. With his wide knowledge of history, he understood that each side in the national conflict had its own history, fears and perceptions of threat. He recognised that the conflict could not be properly understood through the narrative of one side alone. He understood that there could be no unilateral solution imposed by one side or the other. That realism is particularly important in a country where political positions have often been presented as if the concerns of one community could be resolved without addressing those of another. A journalist who understands this complexity needs to do more than simply take sides. He or she can help readers understand why the conflict has endured, why trust has been so difficult to establish, and why lasting peace requires more than one dominant story.
There was also something revealing about DBS’s return to Sri Lanka in 2013. In the interview he gave during that visit, he said he deliberately avoided politics. He wanted to experience the country from the perspective of an ordinary person rather than through the views of politicians or political associates. He observed a disconnect between the needs of the people and those of the political class. In retrospect, that observation was remarkably prescient. The disconnect he identified in 2013 would become dramatically visible in the Aragalaya of 2022.
In the same interview, he offered an observation that deserves to be remembered. A journalist may not be able to write all that he or she wants because of external constraints, he said. But no journalist should write what he or she does not want to write because of external pressure. His commitment to independent journalism came at a considerable personal cost. He was arrested and detained by the Sri Lankan Police in 1987 after his reporting on the war in Jaffna, and in 1993, while living in Canada, he was brutally assaulted by LTTE supporters who fractured both his legs.
For all these reasons, I consider DBS to have been a mentor of mine. I never said so to him. Mentors are not always people who formally teach us or with whom we have a close personal relationship. Sometimes they are people whose work we follow, whose judgement we respect and whose example helps shape our own understanding of what we should strive to do. DBS was such a person for me. His passing has left a gap. His journalism was informed by history but connected to the present, rooted in facts but open to interpretation, and concerned with the realities of all communities.
The collection of his writings launched in his memory by the Tamil Media Alliance is therefore more than a record of an important period in Sri Lanka’s history. It is also a reminder of what journalism can be at its best. DBS showed that a journalist could understand one community without becoming confined to it, analyse conflict without being partisan, and take a position without losing sight of complexity. Above all, he showed the value of journalism that seeks to keep the truth alive. For those who read him regularly, the greatest reminder of his absence is the absence of his next column.
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