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Sri Lanka’s 2026 Budget: Fiscal balance meets economic progress

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President Anura Kumara Dissanayake sharing a light moment with the Opposition while presenting Budget 2025

The government budget is the nation’s key economic policy document — the primary instrument through which a state translates its political priorities into concrete economic action. Sri Lanka’s 2026 Budget comes at a crucial juncture, following the severe macroeconomic crisis of 2022, the implementation of an IMF-supported stabilization programme, and the ongoing debt restructuring process. As the country enters a phase of gradual recovery, the government faces the delicate task of balancing fiscal discipline, social protection, and growth-oriented investment.

A government budget functions both as a financial plan and a policy document. It outlines projected revenues and planned expenditures for a fiscal year, sets tax and spending priorities, and articulates the government’s broader macroeconomic objectives — economic growth, price stability, social equity, and debt sustainability. Unlike a corporate budget focused purely on profits and losses, a national budget integrates non-financial policy objectives such as welfare, security, and the provision of public goods, while also reflecting political trade-offs and long-term commitments like pensions and public debt.

Why the budget matters:

= Macroeconomic stability: The budget shapes fiscal deficits, public debt paths, and influences inflation and interest rates. Sound fiscal management builds confidence among investors, international partners, and citizens alike.

= Resource allocation: Through its expenditure framework, the budget determines how resources are distributed among key sectors such as health, education, and infrastructure, directly affecting service delivery and development outcomes.

= Redistribution: Taxation and social transfer mechanisms embedded within the budget play a key role in determining income distribution and social equity.

= Signalling and governance: The budget serves as a policy signal to both markets and the public. A transparent and accountable budget process enhances trust, governance quality, and institutional credibility.

The Importance of the Government Budget

A national budget is more than a financial plan — it is the government’s main tool for turning policy goals into economic action. Its impact extends across all sectors of society, shaping stability, confidence, and development.

= For the Economy:
A credible budget anchors macroeconomic expectations, manages fiscal deficits, and supports investment by ensuring stability and predictability.

= For Investors:
It signals policy direction on taxation, spending, and fiscal priorities. Transparent and consistent budgeting reduces risk and builds investor confidence.

= For Households:
Budgets fund essential services such as health, education, and social protection, helping safeguard vulnerable groups and promote inclusive growth.

= For Public Institutions:
They guide operational priorities of ministries while ensuring transparency and accountability through parliamentary and civic oversight.

= For Creditors and Partners:
Budgets demonstrate fiscal discipline and reform commitment, strengthening credibility with international lenders and development agencies.

Characteristics of a “Best Practice” Government Budget

= Macroeconomic Consistency: Based on realistic, transparent assumptions for GDP, inflation, and interest rates, aligned with monetary policy.

= Fiscal Sustainability: Maintains credible deficit and debt targets within a medium-term fiscal framework.

= Strategic Focus: Links annual spending to medium-term policy goals and development priorities.

= Prioritization & Efficiency: Directs funds to high-impact investments and social protection while reducing wasteful spending.

= Transparency: Ensures public access to budget data, fostering accountability and investor trust.

= Realistic Revenue & Tax Design: Uses conservative revenue estimates and broad, fair, growth-friendly taxation.

= Strong Public Financial Management: Strengthens controls, procurement, and cash management to reduce leakages.

= Countercyclical Flexibility: Allows fiscal adjustment to respond effectively to economic shocks.

= Inclusivity: Protects vulnerable groups through funding for welfare, education, and healthcare.

= Monitoring & Evaluation: Uses measurable indicators and reviews to enhance performance and accountability.

Special Features of Sri Lanka’s 2026 Budget

Sri Lanka’s 2026 Budget marks a shift from crisis recovery to sustainable growth while staying aligned with IMF-supported fiscal frameworks. It emphasizes fiscal discipline, revenue mobilization, and investment-led growth.

Key Highlights:


= IMF Alignment: The budget follows IMF fiscal targets on deficit reduction, revenue growth, and achieving a primary surplus to restore debt sustainability.

· Revenue Mobilization: Focus on expanding the tax base, improving administration, and digitalizing systems to raise revenue-to-GDP ratios sustainably.

= Debt Management: Debt restructuring eased pressures but requires transparent reporting and credible medium-term plans to maintain stability.

= Capital Expenditure Push: Increased capital spending to close infrastructure gaps and stimulate private investment and productivity.

= Subsidy and Expenditure Reform: Rationalizing subsidies and recurrent costs while protecting key social sectors like health, education, and welfare.

= Transparency and PFM Reforms: Ongoing improvements in treasury operations, cash-flow forecasting, and procurement to enhance accountability.

Fiscal and Monetary Policy Coordination

Fiscal policy (spending and taxation) and monetary policy (interest rates and liquidity) must work together for stability.

= Debt & Interest Rates: Large deficits can raise interest rates and crowd out private credit; external borrowing raises currency risks.

= Inflation Control: Expansionary budgets can fuel inflation, prompting tighter monetary policy and higher borrowing costs.

= Policy Coordination: Fiscal discipline supports central bank independence and price stability.

Sri Lanka’s Central Bank has maintained a cautious stance ahead of the 2026 Budget — balancing growth support with inflation control.

Singapore – Fiscal Prudence & Institutional Strength

= Focuses on long-term stability, protected reserves, and efficient use of surpluses.

= Invests in competitiveness, human capital, and innovation.

= Strong institutions and transparent fiscal management ensure sustainable growth.
= Lesson: Strengthen PFM systems, build fiscal buffers, and focus on high-return investments.

India – Scale & Infrastructure-Led Growth

= Uses large infrastructure spending and social programs to drive employment and consumption.

= Leverages PPPs and incentives to attract private investment.

= Balances higher deficits with strong growth potential.
= Lesson: Invest in infrastructure, expand PPPs, and manage fiscal risks carefully.

Sri Lanka must balance Singapore’s fiscal discipline with India’s growth-driven investment — building a resilient, inclusive, and forward-looking fiscal framework aligned with its Vision 2048 goals.

Sri Lanka’s Appropriation Bill 2026

Sri Lanka’s Appropriation Bill 2026, which projects total government expenditure at Rs. 4,434.36 billion for the period from January 1 to December 31, 2026, marks a critical point in the nation’s post-crisis recovery path.

After several years of fiscal strain, mounting external debt obligations, and persistent inflationary pressures, the 2026 budget seeks to strike a delicate balance among three key objectives: macroeconomic stabilization, social welfare protection, and structural economic transformation. However, achieving this balance remains a significant challenge.

Expenditure Overview:

= Total Government Expenditure: Rs. 4,434.36 billion

=Recurrent Expenditure: Rs. 3,028.75 billion (68% of total)

= Capital Expenditure: Rs. 1,405.60 billion (32% of total)

This composition reflects Sri Lanka’s enduring fiscal structure, where recurrent spending—driven by public sector salaries, pensions, interest obligations, and subsidies—continues to dominate.

From an economic perspective, this 68:32 ratio highlights the country’s limited fiscal flexibility. For a more sustainable and growth-oriented fiscal path, economists often advocate for a 60:40 ratio, ensuring that a greater share of government expenditure supports capital formation, infrastructure development, and innovation-driven growth.

Fiscal Interpretation

= The recurrent-heavy composition signals fiscal rigidity — the inability of the government to reallocate spending efficiently due to structural commitments.

= Capital expenditure, though improved in nominal terms, still constrains the government’s ability to finance long-term infrastructure, technology, and competitiveness improvements.

= The dominance of consumption-oriented expenditure over investment spending implies that fiscal policy is still more focused on stability and social continuity than on transformation and growth. (See Figure 1)

High-Expenditure Ministries

( See Figure 2)

These five ministries alone account for nearly 65% of the total national expenditure, reflecting the government’s concentration on administration, debt service, and essential social services.

Capital-Intensive Ministries

Some ministries stand out for their high proportion of capital investment, signaling their developmental role:

(See Figure 3)

These allocations emphasize infrastructure development, urban expansion, and irrigation improvement — key pillars of physical and economic connectivity. However, the digital and renewable sectors, though strategically vital, still receive relatively modest allocations compared to traditional infrastructure.

Low-Allocation and Emerging Sectors

Several ministries receive less than 1% of total spending — including Environment (0.41%), Digital Economy (0.36%), Youth and Sports (0.30%), and Science and Technology (0.14%).

From an economist’s perspective, this signals a policy gap between stated national goals (e.g., digital transformation, climate resilience, innovation) and actual fiscal commitment. For a modern economy aspiring to transition toward a knowledge- and technology-driven model, such underfunding represents a missed opportunity.

Key Economic Insights and Structural Issues

The Weight of Recurrent Commitments

Public sector salaries, pensions, and debt servicing consume the majority of recurrent expenditure. This pattern leaves limited fiscal space for productivity-enhancing spending. In 2026, the Ministry of Finance alone accounts for Rs. 634.78 billion, largely reflecting interest and debt repayments, which absorb a significant share of GDP.

Economists caution that such fiscal patterns can lead to a “crowding out effect”, where public debt obligations limit the government’s capacity to invest in education, research, and entrepreneurship — areas critical for long-term economic competitiveness.

Defence and Administrative Overheads

Despite the absence of internal conflict, defence expenditure (Rs. 455 billion) remains over 10% of total expenditure, surpassing allocations for education, agriculture, or digital development. While national security is indispensable, reallocating even a small portion of defence spending toward research, innovation, and human capital could yield higher socio-economic returns.

Social Sector Balance

= Health (Rs. 555 billion) maintains a robust 12.5% share — a positive sign of post-pandemic resilience and continued investment in public healthcare.

= Education (Rs. 301 billion) receives only 6.8%, lower than the global average of 4–6% of GDP recommended by UNESCO for developing nations.

= The Women and Child Affairs (Rs. 16.4 billion) and Social Empowerment (Rs. 38.6 billion) ministries, though small in absolute terms, play crucial roles in human capital and inclusion, yet remain underfunded.

Capital Development and Growth Drivers

Infrastructure-related ministries — particularly Transport, Urban Development, and Agriculture — exhibit a more development-oriented focus. The Rs. 390 billion capital investment in transport aligns with the government’s ambition to modernize logistics, reduce bottlenecks, and attract investment in ports and civil aviation.

However, without parallel reforms in energy, industry, and entrepreneurship, the long-term multiplier effects of these capital projects may remain limited.

Comparative Economic Context

a) India and Singapore as Contrasts

= India’s Union Budget 2025–26 allocates around 37% for capital expenditure, emphasizing infrastructure, manufacturing, and renewable energy.

= Singapore, though smaller, channels over 45% of its annual spending into development projects, digital economy infrastructure, and R&D.

In comparison, Sri Lanka’s 32% capital ratio indicates a more conservative fiscal structure, constrained by debt obligations and revenue limitations.

b) Regional Benchmarking

Countries like Bangladesh and Vietnam have prioritized industrial policy and export competitiveness, leading to GDP growth rates exceeding 6%. Sri Lanka’s fiscal design, heavily skewed toward recurrent expenditure, risks prolonging stagnant productivity unless structural adjustments are made.

Fiscal Policy Implications

a) Fiscal Discipline vs. Growth Ambition

The 2026 Appropriation Bill shows clear signs of fiscal consolidation under IMF guidance — maintaining expenditure discipline while avoiding excessive borrowing. However, fiscal consolidation must be paired with growth-oriented fiscal policy, ensuring that expenditure quality improves, not just expenditure control.

b) Revenue and Deficit Management

= Tax administration efficiency and digital compliance systems.

= Widening of the tax base, especially through formalizing the informal economy.

= Reduction of tax exemptions that erode fiscal capacity.

Without improved revenue mobilization, dependence on domestic and external borrowing could perpetuate debt vulnerability and currency instability.

Monetary and Macro Linkages

Sri Lanka’s fiscal stance directly influences monetary stability. With recurrent expenditure at 68%, the government must rely on short-term borrowing and domestic credit expansion, which can pressure interest rates and exchange rates.

A prudent coordination between the Central Bank’s monetary tightening and the Treasury’s fiscal strategy is essential to prevent inflationary resurgence and maintain external credibility.

Investment Climate and Private Sector Response

From an investor’s perspective, the 2026 budget sends mixed signals.

= On one hand, infrastructure allocations (transport, urban development, irrigation) enhance long-term investment attractiveness and logistics efficiency.

= On the other, persistent fiscal rigidity, high administrative expenditure, and low innovation investment limit the country’s competitiveness in attracting FDI and technology ventures.

To strengthen investor confidence, future budgets must:

= Provide predictable fiscal policy.

= Enhance public-private partnership (PPP) frameworks.

= Support digital transformation, start-up ecosystems, and green industries.

Social and Human Development Dimensions

Economic recovery must be inclusive. With poverty and inequality still elevated post-crisis, social spending quality becomes crucial. The allocations to education, health, women, and youth are essential, yet insufficient to drive structural transformation.

A more effective approach would involve targeted social protection, skills development, and employment-linked welfare programs, particularly for rural and marginalized communities.

Recommendations

= Rebalancing Recurrent vs. Capital Spending
Shift gradually from 68:32 to 60:40, prioritizing productive investment in technology, transport, and renewable energy.

= Performance-Based Budgeting
· Introduce outcome-oriented metrics for ministries — measuring not only spending but impact (e.g., literacy, employment, exports).

= Fiscal Decentralization
· Strengthen provincial councils’ fiscal autonomy while ensuring transparent reporting and auditing.

= Innovation and R&D Investment
· Allocate at least 1% of GDP for science, research, and innovation — critical for productivity growth.

= Public Sector Reform
· Rationalize administrative structures and adopt digital systems to reduce recurrent overhead.

= Green and Digital Transformation
· Scale up investment in renewable energy, climate adaptation, and digital infrastructure, positioning Sri Lanka within the global sustainability agenda.

Conclusion

The Sri Lankan Appropriation Bill 2026 represents a budget of stabilization and continuity, rather than bold transformation. While it ensures essential services, administrative continuity, and gradual infrastructure recovery, it still reflects the weight of historical fiscal constraints.

The economic direction is cautiously positive — signaling discipline under IMF guidance and a slow shift toward investment-led growth. However, to truly unlock its economic potential, Sri Lanka must redefine its spending priorities — from consumption to creation, from protection to production.

A resilient and prosperous Sri Lankan economy will require not only balanced books but balanced vision — one that aligns fiscal responsibility with innovation, inclusivity, and sustainable growth.

Visvalingam Muralithas

is a researcher in the legislative sector, specializing in policy analysis and economic research. He is currently pursuing a PhD in Economics at the University of Colombo, with a research focus on governance, development, and sustainable growth.

He holds a Bachelor of Arts in Economics (Honours) from the University of Jaffna and a Master’s degree in Economics from the University of Colombo. His academic background is further strengthened by postgraduate diplomas in Education from the Open University of Sri Lanka and in Monitoring and Evaluation from the University of Sri Jayewardenepura.

In addition to his research work, Muralithas has contributed to academia by teaching economics at the University of Colombo and the Institute of Bankers of Sri Lanka (IBSL), and has also gained industry experience as an investment advisor at a stock brokerage firm affiliated with the Colombo Stock Exchange. Views are personal. He can be contacted at muralithas.v@gmail.com

by Visvalingam Muralithas



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NASA’s Epic Flight, Trump’s Epic Fumble and Asian Dilemmas

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Epic Crew (L-R): Jeremy Hansen, Victor Glover, Reid Wiseman Christina and Christina Koch

Three hours after the spectacular Artemis II flight launch in Florida, US President Donald Trump delivered a forlorn speech from Washington. Thirty three days after starting the war against Iran as Epic Fury, the President demonstrated on national and global televisions the Epic Fumble he has made out of his Middle East ‘excursion’. It was an April Fool’s Day speech, 20 minutes of incoherent rambling with the President looking bored, confused, disengaged and dispirited. He left no one wiser about what will come next, let alone what he might do next.

There was more to April Fool’s Day this year in that it brought out the nation’s good, bad and the ugly, all in a day’s swoop. The good was the Artemis II flight carrying astronauts farther from the Earth’s orbit and closer to the moon for the first time in over 50 years. The mission is a precursor for future flights and will test the performance of a new spacecraft, gather new understanding of human conditioning, and extend the boundaries of lunar science. It is a testament to humankind being able to make steady progress in science and technology at one end of a hopelessly uneven world, while poverty, bigotry and belligerence simmer violently at the other end.

Terrible Trump

The four Artemis II astronauts, three Americans, Reid Wiseman, Victor Glover, and Christina Koch, and one Canadian, Jeremy Hansen, are also symptomatic of the endurance of America’s inclusive goodness in spite of efforts by the Trump Administration to snuff the nation’s fledgling DEI (Diversity, Equity and Inclusion) ethos. To wit, of the four astronauts, Victor Glover, a Caribbean American, is the first person of colour, Christina Koch the first woman, and Jeremy Hansen of Canada the first non-American – to fly this far beyond the earth’s orbit. All in spite of Trump’s watch.

Yet Trump managed to showcase his commitment to America’s ugliness, on the same day, by presenting himself at the Supreme Court hearing on the constitutionality of his most abominable Executive Order – to stop the American tradition of birthright citizenship. He keeps posting that America is Stupid in being the only country in the world that grants citizenship at birth to everyone born in America, regardless of the status of their parents, except the children of foreign diplomats or members of an occupying enemy force. In fact, there are 32 other countries in the world that grant birthright citizenship, a majority of them in the Americas indicating the continent’s history as a magnet for migrants ever since Christopher Columbus discovered it for the rest of the world.

And birthright citizenship in the US is enshrined in the constitution by the 14th Amendment, supplemented by subsequent legislation and reinforced by a century and a half of case law. Trump wants to reverse that. Thus far and no further was the message from the court at the hearing. A decision is expected in June and the legal betting is whether it would be a 7-2 or 8-1 rebuke for Trump. In a telling exchange during the hearing, when the government’s Solicitor General John Sauer quite sillily dramatized that “we’re in new world now … where eight billion people are one plane ride way from having a child who’s a US citizen,” Chief Justice John Roberts quietly dismissed him: “Well, it’s a new world. It’s the same Constitution!”

Trump’s terrible ‘bad’ is of course the war that he started in the Middle East and doesn’t know how to end it. Margaret MacMillan, acclaimed World War I historian and a great grand daughter of World War I British Prime Minister Lloyd George from Wales, has compared Trump’s current war to the origins of the First World War. Just as in 1914, small Serbia had pulled the bigger Russia into a war that was not in Russia’s interest, so too have Netanyahu and Israel have pulled Trump and America into the current war against Iran. World War I that started in August, 2014 was expected to be over before Christmas, but it went on till November, 2018. Weak leaders start wars, says MacMillan, but “they don’t have a clear idea of how they are going to end.”

There are also geopolitical and national-political differences between the 1910s and 2020s. America’s traditional allies have steadfastly refused to join Trump’s war. And Trump is under immense pressure at home not to extend the war. This is one American war that has been unpopular from day one. The cost of military operations at as high as two billion dollars a day is anathema to the people who are aggravated by rising prices directly because of the war. Trump’s own mental acuity and the abilities of his cabinet Secretaries are openly under question. There are swirling allegations of military contract profiteering and selective defense investments – one involving Secretary of War Pete Hegseth.

Trump’s Administration is coming apart with sharp internal divisions over the war and government paralysis on domestic matters. There are growing signs of disarray – with Trump firing his Attorney General for not being effective prosecuting his political enemies and Secretary Hegseth ordering early retirement for Army Chief of Staff Randy George. In America’s non-parliamentary presidential system, Trump is allowed to run his own forum where he lies daily without instant challenger or contradiction, and it is impossible to get rid of his government by that simple device called no confidence motion.

Asian Dilemmas

Howsoever the current will last or end, what is clear is that its economic consequences are not going to disappear soon. Iran’s choke on the Strait of Hormuz has affected not only the supply and prices of oil and natural gas but a family of other products from fertilizers to medicines to semiconductors. The barrel price of oil has risen from $70 before the war to over $100 now. After Trump’s speech on April 1, oil prices rose and stock prices fell. The higher prices have come to stay and even if they start going down they are not likely to go down to prewar levels.

There are warnings that with high prices, low growth and unemployment, the global economy is believed to be in for a stagflation shock like in the 1970s. Even if the war were to end sooner than a lot later, the economic setbacks will not be reversed easily or quickly. Supplies alone will take time to get back into routine, and it will even take longer time for production in the Gulf countries to get back to speed. Not only imports, but even export trading and exports to Middle East countries will be impacted. The future of South Asians employed in the Middle East is also at stake.

In 1980, President Carter floated the Carter Doctrine that the US would use military force to ensure the free flow of oil through the Strait of Hormuz. Trump is now upending that doctrine – first by misusing America’s military force against Iran and provoking the strait’s closure, and then claiming that keeping the strait open is not America’s business. Ever selfish and transactional, Trump’s argument is that America is now a net exporter of oil and is no longer dependent on Middle East oil.

To fill in the void, and perhaps responding to Trump’s call to “build up some delayed courage,” UK has hosted a virtual meeting of about 40 countries to discuss modalities for reopening the Strait of Hormuz. US was not one of them. While Downing Street has not released a full list of attendees, European countries, some Gulf countries, Canada, Australia, Japan and India reportedly attended the meeting. Which other Asian countries attended the meeting is not known.

British Foreign Secretary Yvette Cooper has blamed Iran for “hijacking” an international shipping route to “hold the global economy hostage,” while insisting that the British initiative is “not based on any other country’s priority or anything in terms of the US or other countries”. French President Emmanuel Macron now visiting South Korea has emphasized any resolution “can only be done in concert with Iran. So, first and foremost, there must be a ceasefire and a resumption of negotiations.”

Prior to the British initiative focussed on the Strait of Hormuz, Egypt, Pakistan and Türkiye have been playing a backdoor intermediary role to facilitate communications between the US and Iran. Trump as usual magnified this backroom channel as serious talks initiated by Iran’s ‘new regime’, and Trump’s claims were promptly rejected by Iran. There were speculations that Pakistan would host a direct meeting between US Vice President JD Vance and an Iranian representative in Islamabad. So far, only the foreign ministers of Egypt, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and Türkiye have met in Islamabad, and Pakistan’s Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar flew to Beijing to brief his Chinese counterpart, Wang Yi, of Pakistan’s diplomatic efforts.

The Beijing visit produced a five-point initiative calling for a ceasefire, the opening of the Strait of Hormuz and diplomacy instead of escalation. The five-point pathway seems a follow up to the 15-point demand that the US sent to Iran through the three Samaritan intermediaries which Iran rejected as they did not include any of Iran’s priorities. The state of these mediating efforts are now unclear after President Trump’s April Fool’s Day rambling. In fairness, Pakistan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs has announced that his country intends to keep ‘nudging’ the US and Iran towards resuming negotiations and ending the war.

While these efforts are welcome and deserve everyone’s best wishes, they have also led to what BBC has called the “chatter in Delhi” – “is India being sidelined” by Pakistan’s intermediary efforts? Indian Foreign Minister Jaishankar’s rather undiplomatic characterization of Pakistan’s role as “dalali” (brokerage) provoked immediate denunciation in Islamabad, while Indian opposition parties are blaming the Modi Government’s foreign policy stances as an “embarrassment” to India’s stature.

The larger view is that while it is Asia that is most impacted by the closure of Hormuz, with Singapore’s Foreign Affairs Minister Vivian Balakrishnan calling it an “Asian crisis”, Asia has no leverage in the matter and Asian countries have to make special arrangements with Iran to let their ships navigate through the Strait of Hormuz. There is no pathway for co-ordinated action. China is still significant but not consequentially effective. India’s all-alignment foreign policy has made it less significant and more vulnerable in the current crisis. And Pakistan has opened a third dimension to Asia’s dilemmas.

In the circumstances, it is fair to say that Sri Lanka is the most politically stable country among its South Asian neighbours. Put another way, Sri Lanka has a remarkably consensual and uncontentious government in comparison to the old governments in India and Pakistan, and even the new government in Bangladesh. But that may not be saying much unless the NPP government proves itself to be sufficiently competent, and uses the political stability and the general goodwill it is still enjoying, to put the country’s economic department in order. More on that later.

by Rajan Philips

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Ranjith Siyambalapitiya turns custodian of a rare living collection

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Siyambalapitiya’s ancsetral house built on 1923 at Vendala

From Parliament to Fruit Grove:

After more than two decades in politics, rising to the positions of Cabinet Minister and Deputy Speaker of Parliament, Ranjith Siyambalapitiya has turned his attention to a markedly different arena — one far removed from parliamentary debate and political intrigue.

Today, Siyambalapitiya spends much of his time tending to a sprawling 15-acre home garden at Vendala in Karawanella, near Ruwanwella, nurturing what has gradually evolved into one of the most remarkable private fruit collections in the country.

Situated in Sri Lanka’s Wet Zone Low Country agro-ecological region (WL2), Ruwanwella lies at an elevation of roughly 100–200 metres above sea level. Deep red-yellow podzolic soils, annual rainfall exceeding 2,500 millimetres, and a warm humid tropical climate combine to create conditions that make the region one of the richest areas in the island for fruit tree diversity.

Within this favourable ecological setting, Siyambalapitiya has become what may best be described as a custodian of a living collection—a fruit grove that now contains around 554 fruit trees and vines, many of them rare or seldom seen in contemporary agriculture.

Of these, 448 varieties have already been properly identified and documented with the assistance of agriculturist Dr. Suba Heenkenda, a retired expert of the Department of Agriculture. Together they have undertaken the painstaking task of cataloguing the plants by their botanical names, common Sinhala names, and the names used in ancient Ayurvedic and indigenous medical texts, assigning each species a unique identification number.

According to Siyambalapitiya, the Vendala estate is possibly the only single location in Sri Lanka where such a large number of fruit varieties—particularly rare and underutilized species—are maintained within one property.

“This garden came down to me through my grandfather, grandmother, mother and father,” he says. “It is a place shaped by three generations.”

The estate, he explains, began as a traditional home garden where crops such as tea, coconut and rubber were cultivated alongside fruit trees planted by family members over decades. Over time, however, it evolved into something much larger: a carefully nurtured grove preserving both common and obscure fruit species.

Siyambalapitiya recalls with affection one of the oldest trees in the garden—a honey-jack tree known locally as “Lokumänike’s Rata Kos Gaha.”

The story behind it has become part of family lore. According to village elders, his grandmother had brought home the sapling after visiting the Colombo Grand Exhibition in 1952 many decades ago and planted it near the house.

The tree soon gained fame in the village. Its tender jackfruit proved ideal for curry and mallum, while the ripe fruit was renowned for its sweetness.

“Ripe jackfruit from this tree tastes like honey itself,” Siyambalapitiya says. “Even the seeds are full of flour and can be eaten throughout the year.”

Yet age has not spared the venerable tree. It now shows signs of disease, and Siyambalapitiya and his staff have had to treat old wounds and monitor unusual bark damage.

“Once lightning struck it,” he recalls. “The largest branch began to die. Saving the tree required what I would call a kind of surgical operation.”

Such care, he says, reflects the deep attachment he feels toward the collection.

His fascination with fruit trees began in childhood. While attending Royal College in Colombo and living in a boarding house he disliked, Siyambalapitiya would insist that the family procure new fruit saplings for him to plant during his weekend visits home.

“That was the only ‘price’ I demanded for going to school,” he laughs.

Over the years the collection expanded steadily as he encountered new plants in forests, nurseries, and rural landscapes across the island.

The result today is a grove that includes traditional Sri Lankan fruit species, underutilized native varieties, forest fruits, and plants introduced from overseas.

Some species originate in Arabian deserts, while others thrive naturally in cooler climates such as Europe. Certain plants require greenhouse-like conditions, while others are hardy forest trees.

Managing such diversity is no easy task.

“One plant asks for rain, another asks for cold, and yet another prefers heat,” Siyambalapitiya explains. “Too much rain makes some sick, too much sun troubles others. The older trees overshadow the younger ones. You cannot feed or medicate them all in the same way.”

He compares the task to caring for a household filled with people from many nations and ages—each with different needs.

Despite the challenges, he believes the effort is worthwhile, particularly because many of the trees are native species that have become increasingly rare.

“If things continue as they are, some of these plants may disappear from our lives,” he warns.

To preserve knowledge about them, Siyambalapitiya is preparing to launch a book titled “Mage Vendala Palathuru Arana” (My Vendala Fruit Grove), which serves as an introductory guide to the collection.

The book, scheduled for release on April 18 at the Vendala estate, will be attended by Ven. Dr. Kirinde Assaji Thera, Chief Incumbent of Gangaramaya Temple,

Uruwarige Wannila Aththo, the leader of the Indigenous Vedda Community,

a long-serving former employee who helped maintain the plantation, and Sunday Dhamma school students from the region, who will participate as guests of honour.

The publication will also mark Siyambalapitiya’s eighth book. Previously he authored seven works and wrote more than 500 weekly newspaper columns offering commentary on politics and current affairs.

While working on the fruit catalogue, he is simultaneously writing another volume reflecting on his 25-year political career, including his tenure as Deputy Finance Minister during Sri Lanka’s most severe economic crisis.

For Siyambalapitiya, however, the fruit grove represents more than a hobby or academic exercise.

“The fruit we enjoy is the result of a tree’s effort to reproduce,” he says. “Nature has given fruits their taste, fragrance and colour to attract us. All the tree asks in return is that its seeds be carried to new places.”

That simple cycle of life, he believes, has continued for tens of thousands of years.

“And those who love trees,” he adds, “are guardians of the world’s survival.”

by Saman Indrajith

Pix by Tharanga Ratnaweera

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Smoke Free Sweden calls out to WHO not to suggest nicotine alternatives

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It has been reported by the international advocacy initiative, ‘Smoke Free Sweden’ (‘SFS’) that many International health experts have begun criticizing the World Health Organization (WHO) for presenting safer nicotine alternatives rather than recognizing its role in accelerating decline in smoking.

As the world’s premier technical health agency, the WHO is empowered to support strategies that reduce morbidity and mortality even if they do not eliminate the underlying behaviour. Furthermore, it should base its guidance on evolving scientific knowledge, which includes comparative-risk assessments. Equating smoke-free nicotine alternatives with combustible cigarettes, is essentially putting lives at risk, according to the health experts contacted by SFS.

The warning follows recent WHO comments suggesting that vaping and other non-combustible nicotine products are driving tobacco use in Europe. This narrative ignores real-world evidence from countries like Sweden where access to safer alternatives has coincided with record low smoking rates.

A “Smoke-Free” status is defined as an adult daily smoking prevalence below 5% and Sweden is on the brink of officially achieving this milestone. This is clear proof that pragmatic harm-reduction policies work. Sweden’s success has been driven by adult smokers switching to lower-risk alternatives such as oral tobacco pouches (Snus), oral nicotine pouches and other non-combustible products.

“Vapes and pouches are helping to reduce risk, and Sweden’s smoke-free transition proves this,” said Dr Delon Human, leader of Smoke Free Sweden. “We should be celebrating policies that help smokers quit combustible tobacco, not spreading fear about the very tools that are accelerating the decline of cigarettes.”

It is further reported by health experts that conflating cigarettes with non-combustible alternatives risks deterring smokers from switching and could slow progress toward reducing tobacco-related disease.

Dr Human emphasized that youth protection and harm reduction are not mutually exclusive.

“It is critically important to safeguard against underage use, but this should be done by targeted, risk-proportionate regulation and proper enforcement, not by sacrificing the right of adults to access products that might save their lives,” he said.

Smoke Free Sweden is calling on global health authorities to adopt evidence-based policies that distinguish clearly between combustible tobacco – the primary cause of tobacco-related death – and lower-risk nicotine alternatives.

“Public health policy must be grounded in science and real-world outcomes,” Dr Human added. “Sweden’s experience shows that when adult smokers are given legal access to safer nicotine alternatives, smoking rates fall faster than almost anywhere else in the world.”

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