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Lanka points out flaws in Geneva process, disputes Canada’s genocide claim
HC Navaratne responds to Ontario’s politico’s allegation 140,000 killed in Vanni war
Sri Lanka has pointed out flaws in the process adopted by the Geneva-based United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) to pursue unsubstantiated war crimes accusations, which paved the way for the 2015 accountability resolution. In spite of serious concerns expressed by the then Opposition and the armed forces, the yahapalana government co-sponsored the controversial resolution against Sri Lanka.
Sri Lanka’s High Commissioner in Ottawa Harsha Kumara Navaratne has pointed out glaring inadequacies in the Geneva process exploited by interested parties, including those in Canada, to accuse Sri Lanka of causing genocide in the final phase of the conflict.
There hasn’t been a previous instance of Sri Lanka directly disputing the Geneva process since the adoption of the 2015 accountability resolution. The much-anticipated position has been taken ahead of the next Geneva sessions scheduled to begin later this month.
The following is the text of the statement titled ‘Refuting the allegation of ‘Tamil Genocide’ in the final phase of the conflict in Sri Lanka issued by the Sri Lankan mission in Ottawa requesting those interested in genuine post-war national reconciliation to initiate a dialogue with HC Navaratne: The term genocide is used to describe one of the gravest crimes against humanity, comprising of specific acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group. Therefore, the Sri Lanka High Commission in Canada notes with serious concern attempts by certain parties in Canada trying to portray the final phase of the conflict in Sri Lanka which ended in 2009 as ‘genocide’ against the Tamil people of Sri Lanka. The Sri Lanka community in Canada is multi-ethnic and multi-religious. In this context, the Private Member Bill 104 on ‘Tamil Genocide Education Week’ passed in Canadian province of Ontario has caused strain in intercommunity relations among the Sri Lankan community by the depiction of a false narrative against one community.
In addition, while appreciating the various Canadian Government focused programs for Sri Lankan Tamil Canadians, we are disappointed to note that on January 31, 2022, at an event announcing funding for Tamil students with targeted mental health and wellness programs and resources, Mr. Stephen Lecce, Ontario’s Minister of Education made comments including “we are very deliberate in our choice of words that we recognize a genocide that transpired against the innocent Tamil people” and “in a genocide that has left over 140,000 innocents perished at the hands of the regime in Colombo”. Mr. Vijay Thanigasalam, MPP Scarborough – Rouge Park, who was also present, referred to “Tamil genocide’ in his remarks.
We are appreciative that the Department of Foreign Affairs, Trade and Development in a
Diplomatic Note dated 7 th April 2021 responding to a clarification stated “that the Department of Foreign Affairs, Trade and Development clarify Canada’s official position with regard to allegations of genocide in Sri Lanka, the department can officially confirm that the Government of Canada has not made a finding that there was genocide in Sri Lanka”. Further, the Government of Canada has proscribed the Liberation Tamil Tigers Eelam Organisation (LTTE) as a Terrorist organization.
In this background, the repeated use of the word “Tamil Genocide” only generates dissention and prejudice amongst the children and community of Sri Lankan Canadians living in Ontario. Therefore, such allegations need to be refuted in the interest of social harmony and to prevent the spread of fallacies about Sri Lanka in the international community.
During the final phase of the conflict in Sri Lanka, the government forces confronted the internationally proscribed terrorist group Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), one of the most brutal terror groups the world has witnessed. The aim of the LTTE was to divide Sri Lanka on ethnic lines and carve out a separate State. With this objective, they conducted a three decades long terrorist campaign which brought much suffering and destruction on all communities.
During the last stages of the military conflict in 2009, when the LTTE was facing inevitable defeat, it resorted to holding Tamil civilians hostage as a human shield and refused all efforts to move civilians away from conflict areas. The allegation of civilian casualties and the exaggeration of the numbers was the means by which the LTTE sought to force foreign intervention to halt the government advance.
Nevertheless, the government forces managed to rescue approximately 290,000 Tamil civilians from the clutches of the LTTE, cared for them and resettled them. In addition, over 12,000 armed LTTE cadres were rehabilitated and released, proving thereby that the Sri Lankan government had avoided causing unnecessary deaths even among enemy combatants, not to speak of noncombatant civilians.
Therefore, there is absolutely no evidence to suggest any act and/or intent of the spurious allegations of “genocide” during the military engagement with the LTTE. Neither was there a pattern of events even to suggest “genocide”. Military experts have noted that the tactical options were justifiable and proportionate given the situation in the last phase of the military conflict.
Some parties, including LTTE remnant groups and sympathizers, have seized on hypothetical figures of civilian casualties contained in certain seriously flawed Reports commissioned by the UN, to push a claim of genocide of Tamil people in Sri Lanka during the final stage of the military conflict. However, not even the much-disputed UN Secretary General’s Panel of Experts report (PoE) carry the accusation of “genocide” against the Government of Sri Lanka. The principal findings of the OHCHR Investigation on Sri Lanka (OISL), in 2015 in to the alleged “war crimes” of Sri Lanka do not even suggest “genocide”.
Groups espousing the claim of genocide have seized the claim, made without any proof, in the PoE report “that there could have been as many as 40,000 civilian deaths” during the final months of the conflict. The PoE report came up with the hypothetical figure of 40,000 civilian deaths by setting off the actual number of people finally rescued by the Sri Lanka Army which was approximately 290,000 against the hypothetical figure of 330,000 which they deemed to be the number of civilians who had been in the area (Vanni) before military operations commenced in that region. This hypothetical number of 330,000 civilians used by the PoE is a purely arbitrary construct. Nobody, in Sri Lanka or outside, really knew exactly how many civilians the LTTE was holding in captivity during those months in 2009.
In addition, the PoE report mentions a lower figure of 7,721 deaths (up until 13 May 2009) reported by the United Nations Country Team in Sri Lanka. However, this figure is later disputed by the PoE report without explaining how it is that over 30,000 people could have been killed in the final days up until 18 May 2009 when the conflict ended, if the figure of 40,000 is ever to be correct and accurate.
It may be noted that in July 2011, the data collected by Department of Census and Statistics of Sri Lanka in the Northern Province, found that in 2008 and 2009 when the final battles raged in the Northern Province, the total number of persons who died of causes other than natural causes, was 9,283. The field data collection required for the project, the first enumeration of its kind in that part of the country since the census of 1981, was carried out by the predominantly ethnic Tamil government employees serving in the Northern Province. The number of fatalities suffered by the Sri Lanka Army during the final war against the LTTE between July 2006 and May 2009 was 5,876. It would only be logical to assume that the LTTE would have suffered a greater number of fatalities than the armed forces of Sri Lanka, and that of those reported (9,283) to have died in the Northern Province due to other than natural causes in 2008 and 2009, the vast majority would have been LTTE cadres or those directly involved in hostilities.
Legal experts have identified that the use of the disputed figure, which is the central weakness in the PoE report, is exacerbated by the standard of proof that it professed to adopt. A non-legal analysis (‘I felt sure’, I felt reasonably confident’, I was absolutely convinced’, ‘I had my suspicions’ etc.) is used in a document dealing with alleged criminality on a major scale – that name those who may be responsible and who merit further judicial and other process. They note that international courts and tribunals have not placed reliance on reports of this nature as being probative evidence to prove allegations in trials for war crimes and crimes against humanity.
Since the end of the conflict in 2009, Sri Lanka has pursued a policy of restoration, reparation, re –integration, rehabilitation and reconciliation within the overall concept of restorative justice. At a time when Sri Lanka is moving ahead with these processes, certain groups, including remnants of LTTE international network, have been trying to discredit and destabilize the efforts undertaken by Sri Lanka by pushing agendas such as ‘Tamil genocide’.
As seen in the comments made by Mr. Stephen Lecce, who cited a figure of 140,000 deaths, the contents of unverified reports have succeeded in misleading the international community and influencing opinion-formers and decision makers. If, with the passage of time, the dubious nature of the evidence on which the UN reports are based is forgotten, their accusations, which are in fact unproven, may become potent over repeated use.
The allegations of genocide impact on Sri Lanka’s relations with the international community, at a time when it is engaged in a long-standing cooperation with the UN human rights mechanisms and the UN Human Rights Council and is delivering on its commitment to address accountability and reconciliation through domestic processes and institutions.
Therefore, the High Commissioner of Sri Lanka extends an open invite to all those who are committed to the peace and reconciliation process of Sri Lanka to visit, meet and have a dialogue with him on this subject.”
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ITS Giuseppe Garibaldi’ departs Colombo
The Italian Naval Vessel ‘ITS Giuseppe Garibaldi’ departed the Port of Colombo today, 12 September 2026, after completing a replenishment stop for logistics and services.
During the ship’s stay, the Commanding Officer of ITS Giuseppe Garibaldi, Captain Marco GUERRIERO, called on the Commander Western Naval Area, Rear Admiral Harsha De Silva, at the Western Naval Command Headquarters.
Members of the visiting crew also toured several tourist attractions across the Colombo area during their port call.
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Green Climate Fund (GCF) Regional Dialogue for East and South Asia will be held from 14 to 17 September 2026 at Cinnamon Life at City of Dreams Hotel, Colombo
The Green Climate Fund (GCF) Regional Dialogue for Eastern and Southern Asia is scheduled to be held from September 14 to 17, 2026, at Cinnamon Life at City of Dreams, Colombo.
The Dialogue is hosted by the Government of Sri Lanka. The Green Climate Fund is the world’s largest dedicated climate fund established under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change to assist developing countries in responding to the challenges of climate change.
The Green Climate Fund aims to promote a paradigm shift towards low-emission and climate-resilient development
pathways by supporting developing countries in reducing their greenhouse gas emissions and adapting to the impacts of climate change.
The Ministry of Environment of Sri Lanka serves as the country’s National Designated Authority for the Green Climate Fund, playing a critical role in coordinating access to climate finance, nominating institutions for accreditation to the Green Climate Fund and approving funding proposals, and ensuring that activities supported by the Green Climate Fund are aligned with national development objectives.
More than 120 delegates from 10 countries are expected to participate. The participating countries are Bangladesh, Bhutan, China, India, the Maldives, Mongolia, Nepal, Pakistan, the Republic of Korea, and Sri Lanka.
Participants will include representatives of National Designated Authorities of the above countries, Direct Access Entities, Accredited Entities, civil society organizations, the private sector, development partners, and technical institutions across the region.
Sri Lanka’s delegation comprises Dr. Dammika Patabendi, Minister of Environment, Anton Jayakody, Deputy Minister of Environment, K.R. Uduwawala, Secretary, Ministry of Environment, and high-level government officials.
The Dialogue will provide a platform to:
Share challenges, experiences, and lessons learned from the implementation of climate change projects and programmes.
Strengthen regional cooperation and partnerships on climate finance.
Discuss the Green Climate Fund’s evolving strategies, policies, and approaches.
Identify opportunities to accelerate climate investments across East and South Asia.
Hosting the Regional Dialogue in Colombo will provide Sri Lanka with an important opportunity to engage with senior government officials, private-sector representatives, development partners, technical experts, and international climate finance institutions.
The event is expected to support Sri Lanka’s efforts to improve access to climate finance and international grants, showcase national climate action initiatives and achievements, and strengthen the country’s engagement with the global climate community.
The Dialogue will also offer a strategic platform for Sri Lankan institutions that have applied for direct accreditation to present their project concepts and engage directly with representatives of the Green Climate Fund. These engagements are expected to support the accreditation process and contribute to the expansion of Sri Lanka’s network of Direct Access Entities through stronger regional partnerships and increased cooperation on climate finance, the Regional Dialogue will
contribute to positioning Sri Lanka as a credible and reliable partner for climate investment.
Projects that Sri Lanka has received funding from this fund are:
• The main projects that Sri Lanka has received support from the Green Climate Fund at present include the Wevu Gam Pubuduwa Project (52.1 USD Million) and the GCF Knuckles Project (49 USD Million).
7.5 USD Million has been allocated from GCF for 5 National Designated Authority Readiness Projects (NDA Readiness Projects) and for the National Adaptation Plan Readiness Project (NAP Readiness Project).
Approval has also been obtained for 3 regional projects. (Cooling Facility Programme, Global Fund for Coral Reef Investment Window, PEEB COOL Programme)
Sri Lanka has also identified 5 project concepts as priority projects for the Green Climate Fund period 2024-2027 and has taken steps to submit those project concepts (Concept Notes) for
approval by the Green Climate Fund.
The “Climate-resilient Fisheries in Sri Lanka” project concept (USD 107.5 million) submitted by DFCC Bank has already received approval.
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Prof. Pieris says Buddha Dhamma recognised as source of law under Constitution
Former Minister and People’s Joint Opposition Convener Prof. G.L. Peiris has challenged the assertion that the Supreme Court’s determination on the 22nd Amendment to the Constitution would be based solely on law and not Buddhist teachings, arguing that such a position is inconsistent with Article 9 of the Constitution and established judicial precedent.
In a special statement, titled “Buddhist Doctrine as a Source of Law in Sri Lanka”, Prof. Peiris has said the issue had arisen during the 22nd Amendment determination proceedings when Ven. Balangoda Kassapa referred to the Buddha Dhamma in his submissions.
According to Prof. Peiris, the Chief Justice responded that the determination would be made on the basis of the law and not Buddhist teachings.
Describing this as a “cavalier dismissal” of the Buddha Dhamma. Prof. Peiris has said it is contrary to Article 9, which gives Buddhism the foremost place and requires the State to protect and foster the Buddha Sasana.
Full text of the statement: In the 22nd Amendment determination proceedings, Venerable Balangoda Kassapa, in his submissions, made reference to the Buddha Dhamma. His Lordship the Chief Justice, in reply, made the strong assertion that the determination would be made on the basis of the law and not Buddhist teachings. This cavalier dismissal of the Buddha Dhamma is totally inconsistent with Article 9 of the Constitution and its authoritative interpretation in judicial decisions.
I. Authoritative Sri Lankan Judicial Authority A few examples may be cited.
In the Antiquities Amendment Bill, the Supreme Court, in its determination, observed: “The expression Buddha Sasana is wider than Buddhism and includes the entire establishment, together with objects and places of religious practices and worship of Buddhists”.
In Re the Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution and the Provincial Councils Bill, 1987 2 Sri Lanka LR 312, Wanasundera J, referring to the term Buddha Sasana, said that it was “a compendious term encompassing all ancient, historic and sacred objects and places which have from ancient times been associated with the religious practices and worship of Sinhala Buddhists”.
It is clear that the Buddha Sasana is not confined to matters of ritual or practice, but includes the substance of Buddhist teachings. This is borne out clearly in other judgments of the Supreme Court.
An explicit example is the determination of the Supreme Court in the Ayurveda Amendment Bill, SCSD, numbers 22-35/2023, where the Court declared: “We hold that Buddha Sasana in Article 9 of the Constitution includes the dhamma, principles and teachings of Buddhism, including in particular recognized and undisputed codifications of the teachings of Lord Buddha”.
There are several other passages in the judgment which offer strong authority on the point.
The Court declared: “We determine that the word Buddha Sasana in Article 9 is a compendious term and includes the entire establishment of Buddhism as defined above. We conclude that the Tripitaka, consisting of the Vinaya Pitaka, the Sutta Pitaka and the Abhidhamma Pitaka, falls within the word Buddha Sasana. Hence the State has a duty inter alia to protect and foster the Tripitaka”.
The Court was uncompromising in its declaration that “While retaining the word Buddhism to denote the religion to which foremost place has been accorded in the Republic, the word Buddha Sasana was used to impose a duty on the State to protect and foster the entire establishment of Buddhism”.
The Court’s approach is very clear from the following passage: “We must proceed to interpret Article 9 of the Constitution on the basis that this change was intentional on the part of the legislature. It was meant to cover an area wider than Buddhism”.
II. International Judicial Authority
There is valuable material in the jurisprudence of the International Court of Justice at The Hague.
Judge C. G. Weeramantry, in his dissenting opinion in the ICJ’s 1996 advisory opinion on the legality of the threat or use of nuclear weapons, said that Buddhism could provide an important humanitarian perspective when considering the legality of nuclear weapons. The judge cited as his source the work by Walpola Rahula, entitled What the Buddha Taught, 1959.
Similarly, Judge Weeramantry, in his separate opinion in the maritime delimitation in the area between Greenland and Jan Mayen case, 1993, commented on the international legal concept of equity. In this connection, he referred to “the elaborately researched concept of fairness and justice in Buddhism”.
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