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Share responsibility in provincial governance

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by Jehan Perera

The government is reported to be preparing legal amendments to ensure the conduct of long postponed provincial elections. Elections to the nine provincial councils have been postponed since 2017 when the government at that time decided to amend the law pertaining to the conduct of provincial elections.  But they never completed the process, which gave them the excuse not to hold the elections.  Thereafter no government had sufficient interest in holding elections to the provincial councils by completing the process of changing the provincial council election law.   The result is that today the devolved provincial council system is run by appointees of the central government. Little do they recognize or accept that they are violating the constitution by technical excuses.

According to the media, Minister of Public Administration, Provincial Councils, (Professor) Chandana Abeyratne stated that Parliament had approved the mixed proportional representation system for provincial elections under the Provincial Councils Act No. 17 of 2016. However, the implementation of this system requires the approval of the Delimitation Commission’s report, which was defeated in parliament effectively blocking those elections.  Consequently, there have been calls to revert to the previous electoral system for conducting the Provincial Council elections.  Under the previous system, elections would be held according to the provisions of the Provincial Councils Elections Act of 1988. In these circumstances, instead of further delaying the election can be held under the existing law and be modified subsequently.

Minister Abeyratne has indicated that a proposal regarding this matter would soon be presented to the Cabinet. Following Cabinet approval, necessary steps will be taken to conduct the Provincial Council elections by August 2025. Hopefully, the NPP government will not follow the path taken by previous governments which upon winning national elections fought shy of contesting at the local and provincial levels.  Those governments feared testing their popularity at the local level polls as they realized that they were not bringing to fruition the many promises they had given.  The present government also is finding it difficult to keep its promises regarding charting a new path of economic development, reducing the cost of living and increasing production in the immediate term.

MAIN PROMISE

The strength of the present government, however, is that it is keeping true to its central promise during the election campaign.   The government is widely seen as implementing its promise to bring corruption and wastage of resources to a speedy end.  Corruption and wastage were seen by a large section of the population, presumably the big majority if the election results are gone by, as the key reason for the country’s economic collapse in 2022.  The current debate on the privileges and benefits accruing to the former presidents and prime ministers of the county is due to the government’s efforts to deliver on its election-time promises in the immediate term.  Unlike previous governments which lost popularity soon after winning the elections, the present government continues to be popular due to keeping to its main promise.

The government has promised to hold the local government elections as soon as possible in the first half of the year. This would also be in deference to the decision of the Supreme Court that these elections should be held as early as possible. The local government elections have been postponed for over two years due to the unwillingness of the previous government to test its popularity with the people.  The local government elections fell due at the time of the economic collapse of 2022 so it is not surprising they were postponed.  The government feared a landslide defeat.  On this occasion, however, the government is likely to do well at the elections as the opposition political parties, including those in the north and east, have become weak due to in-fighting.

If the provincial council elections are held in the aftermath of the local elections, the government will once again have the advantage due to the momentum of its victories.  The question with regard to the holding of provincial elections   is whether the government is committed enough to the cause of devolution of power to actually want to hold those elections.  There continues to be a widespread opinion among people of all strata that the provincial councils are unnecessary white elephants at best and potential threats to national security at worst.  However, the government has been categorical in stating that they will hold those elections because this is part of the constitution which they are pledged to uphold.

FULL IMPLEMENTATION

The basic rationale for the devolution of power is that in a multi-ethnic and plural society, such as what Sri Lanka and Switzerland are, it enables each community to enjoy decision-making power in the areas in which they are a majority.  In a situation in which one community is much larger than the others put together, it also prevents the larger community from imposing its views on the others to their disadvantage.  Unfortunately, there are many examples from Sri Lanka’s post-independence history of this phenomenon.  These include the denial of citizenship to the Malaiyaha (upcountry Indian) Tamil community at the very dawn of Independence in 1948.  More recently, it was seen again during the Covid outbreak in 2020 when the bodies of those who died of Covid were compulsorily cremated even though this went against the deeply held religious sentiments of the Muslim community.

There is a possibility that the government will not see the devolution of power as an aspect of improving governance in the country.  The government has taken the position that it is committed to the equality of all citizens and that it is a non-racist government that will oppose racism and extremism in all its manifestations.  As a result, the government has not given any emphasis to ensuring ethnic or plural representation in its decision-making bodies.  This was seen in the composition of the cabinet of ministers, in the choice of deputy ministers and more recently in the appointments it made to the Presidential Task Force for a clean Sri Lanka.  The representation of ethnic and religious minorities and of women was either zero or disproportionately low. The issue of ethnic, religious and gender representation in decision-making authorities at the central level needs to be reconsidered.

In this context, the holding of provincial council elections will ensure the missing ethnic and religious representation in decision-making, albeit at the provincial level.  The provincial council system was designed to accommodate the long felt need of the ethnic and religious minorities for a share of power in governance in the areas in which they predominate.  The 13th Amendment calls for the establishment of the provincial councils as elected democratic mechanisms.  The provincial councils are not mere decentralized bodies that ought to be run by the central authorities. The 13th Amendment also calls for the implementation of land and police powers.  By implementing the provincial council system according to the constitution, the government will do much to strengthen the trust of the ethnic and religious minorities in the constitution and rule of law, and strengthen the national reconciliation process which is the surest guarantee of national unity.



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Ranking public services with AI — A roadmap to reviving institutions like SriLankan Airlines

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Efficacy measures an organisation’s capacity to achieve its mission and intended outcomes under planned or optimal conditions. It differs from efficiency, which focuses on achieving objectives with minimal resources, and effectiveness, which evaluates results in real-world conditions. Today, modern AI tools, using publicly available data, enable objective assessment of the efficacy of Sri Lanka’s government institutions.

Among key public bodies, the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka emerges as the most efficacious, outperforming the Department of Inland Revenue, Sri Lanka Customs, the Election Commission, and Parliament. In the financial and regulatory sector, the Central Bank of Sri Lanka (CBSL) ranks highest, ahead of the Securities and Exchange Commission, the Public Utilities Commission, the Telecommunications Regulatory Commission, the Insurance Regulatory Commission, and the Sri Lanka Standards Institution.

Among state-owned enterprises, the Sri Lanka Ports Authority (SLPA) leads in efficacy, followed by Bank of Ceylon and People’s Bank. Other institutions assessed included the State Pharmaceuticals Corporation, the National Water Supply and Drainage Board, the Ceylon Electricity Board, the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation, and the Sri Lanka Transport Board. At the lower end of the spectrum were Lanka Sathosa and Sri Lankan Airlines, highlighting a critical challenge for the national economy.

Sri Lankan Airlines, consistently ranked at the bottom, has long been a financial drain. Despite successive governments’ reform attempts, sustainable solutions remain elusive.

Globally, the most profitable airlines operate as highly integrated, technology-enabled ecosystems rather than as fragmented departments. Operations, finance, fleet management, route planning, engineering, marketing, and customer service are closely coordinated, sharing real-time data to maximise efficiency, safety, and profitability.

The challenge for Sri Lankan Airlines is structural. Its operations are fragmented, overly hierarchical, and poorly aligned. Simply replacing the CEO or senior leadership will not address these deep-seated weaknesses. What the airline needs is a cohesive, integrated organisational ecosystem that leverages technology for cross-functional planning and real-time decision-making.

The government must urgently consider restructuring Sri Lankan Airlines to encourage:

=Joint planning across operational divisions

=Data-driven, evidence-based decision-making

=Continuous cross-functional consultation

=Collaborative strategic decisions on route rationalisation, fleet renewal, partnerships, and cost management, rather than exclusive top-down mandates

Sustainable reform requires systemic change. Without modernised organisational structures, stronger accountability, and aligned incentives across divisions, financial recovery will remain out of reach. An integrated, performance-oriented model offers the most realistic path to operational efficiency and long-term viability.

Reforming loss-making institutions like Sri Lankan Airlines is not merely a matter of leadership change — it is a structural overhaul essential to ensuring these entities contribute productively to the national economy rather than remain perpetual burdens.

By Chula Goonasekera – Citizen Analyst

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Why Pi Day?

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International Day of Mathematics falls tomorrow

The approximate value of Pi (π) is 3.14 in mathematics. Therefore, the day 14 March is celebrated as the Pi Day. In 2019, UNESCO proclaimed 14 March as the International Day of Mathematics.

Ancient Babylonians and Egyptians figured out that the circumference of a circle is slightly more than three times its diameter. But they could not come up with an exact value for this ratio although they knew that it is a constant. This constant was later named as π which is a letter in the Greek alphabet.

Archimedes

It was the Greek mathematician Archimedes (250 BC) who was able to find an upper bound and a lower bound for this constant. He drew a circle of diameter one unit and drew hexagons inside and outside the circle such that the sides of each hexagon touch the sides of the circle. In mathematics the circle passing through all vertices of a polygon is called a ‘circumcircle’ and the largest circle that fits inside a polygon tangent to all its sides is called an ‘incircle’. The total length of the smaller hexagon then becomes the lower bound of π and the length of the hexagon outside the circle is the upper bound. He realised that by increasing the number of sides of the polygon can make the bounds get closer to the value of Pi and increased the number of sides to 12,24,48 and 60. He argued that by increasing the number of sides will ultimately result in obtaining the original circle, thereby laying the foundation for the theory of limits. He ended up with the lower bound as 22/7 and the upper bound 223/71. He could not continue his research as his hometown Syracuse was invaded by Romans and was killed by one of the soldiers. His last words were ‘do not disturb my circles’, perhaps a reference to his continuing efforts to find the value of π to a greater accuracy.

Archimedes can be considered as the father of geometry. His contributions revolutionised geometry and his methods anticipated integral calculus. He invented the pulley and the hydraulic screw for drawing water from a well. He also discovered the law of hydrostatics. He formulated the law of levers which states that a smaller weight placed farther from a pivot can balance a much heavier weight closer to it. He famously said “Give me a lever long enough and a place to stand and I will move the earth”.

Mathematicians have found many expressions for π as a sum of infinite series that converge to its value. One such famous series is the Leibniz Series found in 1674 by the German mathematician Gottfried Leibniz, which is given below.

π = 4 ( 1 – 1/3 + 1/5 – 1/7 + 1/9 – ………….)

The Indian mathematical genius Ramanujan came up with a magnificent formula in 1910. The short form of the formula is as follows.

π = 9801/(1103 √8)

For practical applications an approximation is sufficient. Even NASA uses only the approximation 3.141592653589793 for its interplanetary navigation calculations.

It is not just an interesting and curious number. It is used for calculations in navigation, encryption, space exploration, video game development and even in medicine. As π is fundamental to spherical geometry, it is at the heart of positioning systems in GPS navigations. It also contributes significantly to cybersecurity. As it is an irrational number it is an excellent foundation for generating randomness required in encryption and securing communications. In the medical field, it helps to calculate blood flow rates and pressure differentials. In diagnostic tools such as CT scans and MRI, pi is an important component in mathematical algorithms and signal processing techniques.

This elegant, never-ending number demonstrates how mathematics transforms into practical applications that shape our world. The possibilities of what it can do are infinite as the number itself. It has become a symbol of beauty and complexity in mathematics. “It matters little who first arrives at an idea, rather what is significant is how far that idea can go.” said Sophie Germain.

Mathematics fans are intrigued by this irrational number and attempt to calculate it as far as they can. In March 2022, Emma Haruka Iwao of Japan calculated it to 100 trillion decimal places in Google Cloud. It had taken 157 days. The Guinness World Record for reciting the number from memory is held by Rajveer Meena of India for 70000 decimal places over 10 hours.

Happy Pi Day!

The author is a senior examiner of the International Baccalaureate in the UK and an educational consultant at the Overseas School of Colombo.

by R N A de Silva

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Sheer rise of Realpolitik making the world see the brink

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A combined US-Israel attack on Iran.(BBC)

The recent humanly costly torpedoing of an Iranian naval vessel in Sri Lanka’s Exclusive Economic Zone by a US submarine has raised a number of issues of great importance to international political discourse and law that call for elucidation. It is best that enlightened commentary is brought to bear in such discussions because at present misleading and uninformed speculation on questions arising from the incident are being aired by particularly jingoistic politicians of Sri Lanka’s South which could prove deleterious.

As matters stand, there seems to be no credible evidence that the Indian state was aware of the impending torpedoing of the Iranian vessel but these acerbic-tongued politicians of Sri Lanka’s South would have the local public believe that the tragedy was triggered with India’s connivance. Likewise, India is accused of ‘embroiling’ Sri Lanka in the incident on account of seemingly having prior knowledge of it and not warning Sri Lanka about the impending disaster.

It is plain that a process is once again afoot to raise anti-India hysteria in Sri Lanka. An obligation is cast on the Sri Lankan government to ensure that incendiary speculation of the above kind is defeated and India-Sri Lanka relations are prevented from being in any way harmed. Proactive measures are needed by the Sri Lankan government and well meaning quarters to ensure that public discourse in such matters have a factual and rational basis. ‘Knowledge gaps’ could prove hazardous.

Meanwhile, there could be no doubt that Sri Lanka’s sovereignty was violated by the US because the sinking of the Iranian vessel took place in Sri Lanka’s Exclusive Economic Zone. While there is no international decrying of the incident, and this is to be regretted, Sri Lanka’s helplessness and small player status would enable the US to ‘get away with it’.

Could anything be done by the international community to hold the US to account over the act of lawlessness in question? None is the answer at present. This is because in the current ‘Global Disorder’ major powers could commit the gravest international irregularities with impunity. As the threadbare cliché declares, ‘Might is Right’….. or so it seems.

Unfortunately, the UN could only merely verbally denounce any violations of International Law by the world’s foremost powers. It cannot use countervailing force against violators of the law, for example, on account of the divided nature of the UN Security Council, whose permanent members have shown incapability of seeing eye-to-eye on grave matters relating to International Law and order over the decades.

The foregoing considerations could force the conclusion on uncritical sections that Political Realism or Realpolitik has won out in the end. A basic premise of the school of thought known as Political Realism is that power or force wielded by states and international actors determine the shape, direction and substance of international relations. This school stands in marked contrast to political idealists who essentially proclaim that moral norms and values determine the nature of local and international politics.

While, British political scientist Thomas Hobbes, for instance, was a proponent of Political Realism, political idealism has its roots in the teachings of Socrates, Plato and latterly Friedrich Hegel of Germany, to name just few such notables.

On the face of it, therefore, there is no getting way from the conclusion that coercive force is the deciding factor in international politics. If this were not so, US President Donald Trump in collaboration with Israeli Rightist Premier Benjamin Natanyahu could not have wielded the ‘big stick’, so to speak, on Iran, killed its Supreme Head of State, terrorized the Iranian public and gone ‘scot-free’. That is, currently, the US’ impunity seems to be limitless.

Moreover, the evidence is that the Western bloc is reuniting in the face of Iran’s threats to stymie the flow of oil from West Asia to the rest of the world. The recent G7 summit witnessed a coming together of the foremost powers of the global North to ensure that the West does not suffer grave negative consequences from any future blocking of western oil supplies.

Meanwhile, Israel is having a ‘free run’ of the Middle East, so to speak, picking out perceived adversarial powers, such as Lebanon, and militarily neutralizing them; once again with impunity. On the other hand, Iran has been bringing under assault, with no questions asked, Gulf states that are seen as allying with the US and Israel. West Asia is facing a compounded crisis and International Law seems to be helplessly silent.

Wittingly or unwittingly, matters at the heart of International Law and peace are being obfuscated by some pro-Trump administration commentators meanwhile. For example, retired US Navy Captain Brent Sadler has cited Article 51 of the UN Charter, which provides for the right to self or collective self-defence of UN member states in the face of armed attacks, as justifying the US sinking of the Iranian vessel (See page 2 of The Island of March 10, 2026). But the Article makes it clear that such measures could be resorted to by UN members only ‘ if an armed attack occurs’ against them and under no other circumstances. But no such thing happened in the incident in question and the US acted under a sheer threat perception.

Clearly, the US has violated the Article through its action and has once again demonstrated its tendency to arbitrarily use military might. The general drift of Sadler’s thinking is that in the face of pressing national priorities, obligations of a state under International Law could be side-stepped. This is a sure recipe for international anarchy because in such a policy environment states could pursue their national interests, irrespective of their merits, disregarding in the process their obligations towards the international community.

Moreover, Article 51 repeatedly reiterates the authority of the UN Security Council and the obligation of those states that act in self-defence to report to the Council and be guided by it. Sadler, therefore, could be said to have cited the Article very selectively, whereas, right along member states’ commitments to the UNSC are stressed.

However, it is beyond doubt that international anarchy has strengthened its grip over the world. While the US set destabilizing precedents after the crumbling of the Cold War that paved the way for the current anarchic situation, Russia further aggravated these degenerative trends through its invasion of Ukraine. Stepping back from anarchy has thus emerged as the prime challenge for the world community.

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