Editorial
Sanitising plunder
Thursday 4th September, 2025
President Anura Kumara Dissanayake visited Kachchativu on Tuesday amidst a campaign by some Tamil Nadu politicians to pressure India into seeking control of it. Among them is Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam Leader and popular actor Joseph Vijay Chandrasekhar popularly known as Vijay. Tamil Nadu film stars, given to melodrama and known for their ludicrous celluloid stunts that not only insult human intelligence but also defy every known law of physics, bellow anti-Sri Lanka rhetoric to gain political mileage.
The Kachchativu issue was settled once and for all about five decades ago. On 30 Nov. 2011, the then Foreign Minister Prof. G. L. Peiris, answering a question in Parliament, stated that Kachchativu had not been ceded to Sri Lanka, and therefore the question of India officially giving up her claim on it did not arise. He pointed out that during negotiations between India and Sri Lanka on ‘the 1974 Maritime Boundary Agreement on the Historic Waters in the Palk Bay and Palk Straits’, Sri Lanka had established its claim to sovereignty over Kachchativu based on historical records since 1665 belonging to the Dutch East India Company and the British Colonial Government. Based on official correspondence, maps and specific legislation made by Ceylon in respect of the island, Sri Lanka had been able to establish through evidence the regular exercise of administrative control over the Island as well, Prof. Peiris said, noting that accordingly, the 1974 Agreement had formally confirmed Sri Lanka’s sovereignty over the island. The Indian position on the matter had been conveyed again on 26 August 2011 by the Minister of External Affairs of India in a statement in the Lok Sabha thus: ” … We will have to also bear in mind the fact that as per the Agreements we have concluded with Sri Lanka in 1974 and 1976, Kachchativu Island lies on the Sri Lankan side of the Maritime boundary. These Agreements were laid before the Parliament. Therefore, as far as the Government of India is concerned, the issue of Maritime boundary between India and Sri Lanka, and consequently, that of sovereignty over Kachchativu Island is a settled matter.”
In September 2008, in answer to a question raised by Anura Kumara Dissanayake, MP, in Parliament, Foreign Minister Rohitha Bogollagama pointed out that the maritime boundary between Sri Lanka and India stood settled; the 1974 and 1976 Agreements taken together with the Exchange of Letters, signed by Kewal Singh, the then Foreign Secretary to the Government of India, and W.T. Jayasinghe, the then Secretary to the Ministry of Defence and Foreign Affairs of Sri Lanka, had put the question of fishing rights beyond doubt. A Foreign Ministry media statement quoted Bogollagama as having said that Paragraph 1 of the Exchange of Letters very clearly ruled out any fishing rights for the fishermen of the two states in each other’s waters: “Fishing vessels and fishermen of India shall not engage in fishing in the historic waters, the territorial sea and the EEZ of Sri Lanka; nor shall the fishing vessels and fishermen of Sri Lanka engage in fishing in the historic waters, the territorial sea and the EEZ of India, without the express permission of Sri Lanka or India, as the case may be.”
Some Indian politicians are now trying to shift the goalposts. They keep raking up the Kachchativu issue and using it as a bargaining chip to exert diplomatic pressure on Sri Lanka in a bid to settle the illegal fishing problem on terms favourable to Indian fishers. Curiously, the incumbent Indian Minister of External Affairs S. Jaishankar reportedly said on 27 June 2025 that the effects of the Emergency (June 1975—March 1977) could still be felt in Tamil Nadu and in India-Sri Lanka relations as the Government of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi had not protected the interests of the Indian fishermen to fish in the Palk Strait while concluding a pact with Sri Lanka during that period. He reportedly said, “If the Emergency had not been there and if we had genuine Parliament at that time, I don’t think such an agreement would have been approved by the Parliament.” He has apparently sought to garner favour with the Tamil Nadu politicians and fishers and settle political scores with the Congress. Going by his logic, one can question the validity of the Indo-Lanka Accord signed by the J. R. Jayewardene government under Indian pressure.
The Indian politicians who are backing the unchecked plunder of Sri Lanka’s fishing resources have gone to the extent of challenging the agreements between Sri Lanka and India on Kachchativu. The Indian Supreme Court, which heard a preliminary submission by a petitioner that the agreements made in 1974 and 1976 were unconstitutional and void, scheduled the case for final hearing on 15 September, 2025.
There is much more to the issue of poaching than the plunder of Sri Lanka’s fishing resources. Tamil Nadu politicians are using it to undermine Sri Lanka’s sovereignty and perpetuate friction between New Delhi and Colombo. When Dr. Rajitha Senaratne was the Minister of Fisheries, he revealed that the Tamil Nadu politicians who owned trawlers rented them to fishermen on the strict condition that they be used for illegal fishing in Sri Lankan waters. So, India should look beyond the short-term political implications of the poaching issue and take cognisance of the strategic factors that drive it.
It is unbecoming of democratic governments to defend lawbreakers engaged in organised illegal operations at sea or on land. Unfortunately, some key Indian politicians seem intent on legitimising a blatantly illegal practice through diplomatic and legal means.
Editorial
Selective transparency
Saturday 27th December, 2025
The NPP government has released a cordial diplomatic letter from Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi to President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, and gained a great deal of publicity for it as part of a propaganda campaign to boost Dissanayake’s image. Such moves are not uncommon in politics, especially in the developing world, where the heads of powerful states are deified and their visits, invitations and letters are flaunted as achievements of the leaders of smaller nations. However, the release of PM Modi’s letter to President Dissanayake is counterproductive, for it makes one wonder why the government has not made public the MoUs it has signed with India?
PM Modi’s Sri Lanka visit in April 2025 saw the signing of seven MoUs (or pacts as claimed in some quarters) between New Delhi and Colombo. Prominent among them are the MoUs/pacts on the implementation of HVDC (High-Voltage Direct Current) Interconnection for import/export of power, cooperation among the governments of India, Sri Lanka, and the United Arab Emirates on developing Trincomalee as an energy hub, and defence cooperation between India and Sri Lanka.
The NPP government has violated one of the fundamental tenets of good governance––transparency; there has been no transparency about the aforesaid MoUs or pacts, especially the one on defence cooperation. They cannot be disclosed without India’s consent, the government has said. This is a very lame excuse. The JVP/NPP seems to have a very low opinion of the intelligence of the public, who made its meteoric rise to power.
When the JVP/NPP was in opposition, it would flay the previous governments for signing vital MoUs and pacts without transparency. But it has kept even Parliament in the dark about the MoUs/pacts in question.
Ironically, the JVP, which resorted to mindless violence in a bid to scuttle the signing of the Indo-Lanka Accord in 1987, has sought to justify the inking of an MoU/pact on defence cooperation between Sri Lanka and India and keeping it under wraps, about three and a half decades later. The signing of that particular defence MoU/pact marked the JVP’s biggest-ever Machiavellian U-turn. How would the JVP have reacted if a previous government had entered into MoUs with India and kept them secret? It opposed the proposed Economic and Technology Cooperation Agreement (ETCA) between Sri Lanka and India tooth and nail, didn’t it?
Whenever one sees the aforesaid letter doing the rounds in the digital space, one remembers the MoUs/pacts shrouded in secrecy, which have exposed the pusillanimity of the NPP government, whose leaders cannot so much as disclose their contents without India’s consent.
Editorial
Desperate political sandbagging
Friday 26th December, 2025
There is nothing more predictable than surprise in politics. After securing a two-thirds majority in Parliament last year and emerging victorious in most local councils, this year, the JVP-led NPP may have thought that it was plain sailing. But the government now has many unforeseen, seemingly intractable issues to contend with almost on all fronts. The disaster-stricken economy is expected to slow down, with relief and rebuilding costs escalating, and the deadline for the resumption of debt repayment approaching. Vehicle imports are bound to decrease, causing a sharp drop in the government’s tax revenue. The rupee is depreciating fast. As if these were not enough, the government is experiencing serious problems on the political front.
The defeat of the NPP’s budget in the Colombo Municipal Council (CMC), which the JVP/NPP seized control of through extensive horse trading, could not have come at a worse time for the government. The same fate has befallen many other NPP-controlled local councils. Most of all, the NPP has suffered a string of defeats in the cooperative society elections countrywide during the last several months.
Desperate times are said to call for desperate measures. Cyclone Ditwah and the attendant extreme weather events that badly damaged roads, tank bunds and river banks prompted repair teams to resort to sandbag revetment. But there have been many instances where sandbag facings collapsed, unable to withstand the intensity of floods and slope failures. The government politicians who boasted of having carried out swift restoration work have been left red-faced; they have failed to assess the severity of the problems they are trying to solve.
The NPP government has resorted to a method similar to sandbag revetment in a desperate bid to consolidate its control over some local councils which cannot secure the passage of their budgets for want of majorities. Its members have gone to the extent of setting the clock forward in such institutions, meeting in advance of the regular start time and declaring their budgets passed before the arrival of the Opposition councillors. What the NPP did in the Horana Urban Council the other day is a case in point, the Opposition says.
The NPP is accused of having inflated the number of votes for its Galle MC budget amidst a howl of protests from the Opposition and declared victory. The Opposition councillors prevented the council secretary from leaving the auditorium, put the budget to a fresh vote and defeated it. The Opposition has threatened legal action against the Mayors/Chairpersons and the state officials for violating the law. The government is likely to employ a similar method to have the CMC budget passed when it is put to a vote again next week. The JVP has no sense of shame, just like all other political parties that have been in power.
All self-righteous politicians, given to moral grandstanding, lay bare their true faces when their interests are threatened, and they face the prospect of losing their hold on power. The JVP/NPP is now without any right to be critical of its rivals who did not scruple to undermine democratic principles and traditions to retain power.
Gaining control of hung local councils is one thing, but running them to the satisfaction of their members and the public is quite another. The non-majority councils that the Opposition parties have gained control of could face the same fate as the CMC. This situation has come about because the country is without patriotic leaders. Ideally, the political parties that obtained pluralities in the hung councils should have been allowed to control those institutions, and they should have adopted a conciliatory approach and sought their political rivals’ cooperation to serve the public.
The shameful manner in which the NPP acted during the Galle MC budget vote is not unprecedented. One may recall that in January 2024, the SLPP-UNP government did something similar to secure the passage of its despicable Online Safety Bill. The then Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena stooped so low as to make use of a brawl in the House and declare the Bill passed. Interestingly, the SLPP and the UNP are among those who are raking the NPP over the coals for undermining democratic principles and traditions. So much for the self-proclaimed messiahs and their critics.
Editorial
Christmas spirit, relief and pledges
Thursday 25th December, 2025
Christmas has dawned while Sri Lanka is reeling from the cumulative impact of multiple disasters which snuffed out hundreds of lives and destroyed many homes and livelihoods. It is a time of hope. Its ethos, which emphasises hope, compassion and giving, could not be more relevant in these difficult times when the task of looking after a large number of disaster victims and helping rebuild their shattered lives has become a top national priority.
Santa came here the other day, as it were. There was no magical flight of a sleigh pulled by reindeer across the night sky. Instead, a jet landed at the BIA, and out stepped Indian External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar. He unveiled a generous disaster relief and reconstruction package from India and flew back. This noble act of giving exemplifies the spirit of Christmas as much as good neighbourliness.
The best way the Sri Lankan rulers can show appreciation for generous assistance from India and other nations is to uphold accountability, rationalise disaster relief and ensure that it is distributed in a transparent manner. There are disturbing reports about political interference with the disbursement of funds among disaster victims. A high-level probe must be conducted into these allegations.
Christmas is also the season of giving and forgiving. The irony of Minister Jaishankar meeting President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, who is also the leader of the JVP, may not have been lost on keen political observers. If the JVP had acted wisely, heeding religious tenets, and pursued its political goals without resorting to violence, in the late 1980s, tens of thousands of precious lives and state assets worth billions of rupees could have been spared. India has forgiven the JVP, which it even helped gain international legitimacy and shore up its electoral chances in the run-up to last year’s presidential election. India has also helped Sri Lanka manage its worst-ever economic crisis and the impact of natural disasters. The people of Sri Lanka have also forgiven the JVP, despite its past violence, as evident from its impressive electoral victories last year. Sadly, the JVP is not willing to forgive its political enemies. Its General Secretary Tilvin Silva himself has said so. It ought to soften its stand.
All political leaders in this country usually issue well-written Christmas messages, extolling the core Christian virtues, such as giving, forgiving, compassion and peace-making. If only they lived up to the ideals they claim to cherish, at least while the country is struggling to recover from a series of natural disasters. Unfortunately, their post-disaster political battles are intensifying apace, and one wonders whether their focus is actually on helping disaster victims or furthering their political interests. They are not willing to sink their political differences for the sake of the disaster victims crying out for relief.
Meanwhile, the government leaders ought to go beyond issuing Christmas messages if they are to prove that they actually care about the believers in Jesus Christ. They ought to fulfil their pledge to serve justice for the victims of the Easter Sunday terror attacks (2019), which claimed more than 275 lives.
About seven years have elapsed since that tragedy which could have been prevented if the then government had heeded intelligence warnings, and the country has had four Presidents and three governments. But the promises made by the political leaders to bring the masterminds behind the Easter Sunday carnage to justice have gone unfulfilled. Those who are desperately seeking justice pinned their hopes on the current leaders who vowed to trace and prosecute the terror masterminds expeditiously.
The present-day leaders, too, have chosen to remain silent on their promise at issue; they are impervious to calls for justice, just like their predecessors. Let fulfilling their pledge to serve justice for the Easter Sunday terror victims be one of their Christmas resolutions.
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